[131] Crét. vol. i. p. 463.

[132] See the whole Bull in Crét. vol. ii. page 241.

[133] Crét. vol. ii. p. 269.

[134] Crét. vol. ii. p. 255.

[135] See Bartoli dell’ Ing. F. 101, 102, 104.

[136] Bartoli, ibid.

[137] Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. i. p. 512. (Eng. trans.)

[138] Camden, A.D. 1580.

[139] It was secretly printed in Lady Stour’s house, and widely circulated.—See Crét. vol. ii. p. 272.

[140] Crét. vol. ii. p. 266.

[141] “Robertus Parsonius et Edmundus Campionus facultatem impetrârunt, a Gregorio XIII. in hæc verba. Petatur a summo Domino nostro explicatio Bullæ Declaratoriæ per Pium V. contra Elizabetham et ei adhærentes, quem Catholicis cupiunt intelligi hoc modo, ut obliget semper illam et hæreticos, Catholicos vero nullo modo rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demum quando publica ejusdem Bullæ executio fieri poterit. Has prædictas gratias concessit summus Pontifex Padri Roberto Parsonio et Edmundo Campionio, in Anglicam profecturis die 13 Aprilis 1580, præsente Padre Oliverio Manarco assistente.”—Camden, p. 464.

[142] It is well known that this adventurer, whom the Pope had made his chamberlain, when off the coast of Portugal with the fleet which had been equipped for the invasion, was persuaded by king Sebastian to accompany him in his enterprise against Morocco, where he perished along with the imprudent monarch of Portugal.

[143] Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. i. p. 324. (Eng. trans.)

[144] Ann. Litt. 1583.

[145] Bart. dell. Ing. F. 117.

[146] Hume, chap. xl. (A.D. 1579).

[147] See De Thou, A.D. 1587.

[148] Hume, chap. xli. (A.D. 1580).

[149] Crét. vol. ii. p. 280.

[150] Camden in Hume, chap. xli. (A.D. 1584).

[151] State Trials, vol. i. pp. 103, 104.

[152] Camden and De Thou.

[153] “La misère et le désespoir lui inspirèrent la pensée d’exécuter en réalité le crime imaginaire qu’il prétendait avoir médité avec les Jésuites.”

[154] Crét. vol. ii. p. 302.

[155] 22 Eliz. c. ii.

[156] Hume’s Hist. of Eng. chap. xlii.

[157] Crét. vol. ii. p. 309.

[158] Pasquier, Catéchisme des Jésuites, lib. iii. ch. 16.

[159] See Crét. vol. ii. p. 79.

[160] Crét. vol. ii. p. 78.

[161] These are some of the numberless privileges that the Jesuits had obtained from different Popes even within the first twenty-five years of their establishment:—They had the privilege of having a private chapel in every house or college, and to celebrate mass even in time of interdict; of absolving from every censure even in cases reserved for the Pope alone; of dispensing from religious vows, or from impediments to marriage; of conferring academical degrees which entitled the graduate to the honours and privileges conferred by the royal universities. They were exempted from tithes and from all other ecclesiastical contributions; and, above all, they were independent of the jurisdiction of the bishops.

[162] See Crét. vol. i. pp. 406, 407.

[163] Ibid.

[164] It is well known that in France the Roman Catholic clergymen are divided into ultramontane and Gallican; that the latter, under Louis Philippe, maintained their independence, and a sort of superiority; but that, under the rule of the pantheist Louis Napoleon, the ultramontane party, under the direction and patronage of the Jesuits, has obtained the ascendancy, which they exercise with a domineering spirit, and which is increasing every day.

[165] Father Maldonat propounded a doctrine, that no one remained in purgatory longer than ten years; and this, in order to assure the princes that, if the properties of monasteries or other benefices were given to the Jesuits, there would be no fear of their ancestors, in general the pious founders, roasting in purgatory—who knows how long?—if the benefices were appropriated to other uses than those for which they were intended.

[166] Crét. vol. ii. p. 388.

[167] Ibid. p. 392.

[168] This insurrection was called “the days of the barricades.”

[169] Crét. vol. ii, p. 414.

[170] This Council was so called because it was composed of sixteen members, representing the sixteen quarters of Paris; and it possessed the supreme authority de facto. In this council the Jesuits had the greatest influence, and one of them was a member of it.

[171] Crét. vol. ii. p. 404.

[172] It is asserted in a memoir of the Seigneur de Schomberg, that after the assassination of Guise, Sixtus, through his legate, suggested to Henry III. to name one of the Pope’s nephews as his successor to the throne of France. But we have too good an opinion of Sixtus’ sagacity to believe him guilty of such an extravagant project.

[173] Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. ii. p. 25.

[174] How Elizabeth deplored this unprincipled act! “Ah, what grief,” she wrote to him after his apostasy, “and what regrets and what groans I have felt in my soul at the sound of such tidings as Morlaut has related! My God! is it possible that any human respect should efface the terror which Divine fear threateneth! Can we ever, by arguments of reason, expect a good consequence of actions so iniquitous? He who has supported and preserved you in mercy, can you imagine that He will permit you to advance unaided from on high to the greatest predicament? But it is dangerous to do evil in the hope that good will follow from it.—Your very faithful sister, Sire, after the old fashion—I have nothing to do with the new one—Elizabeth.”[175]

[175] Bibl. du Roi MSS. de Colbert, apud Capefique, N. 251.

[176] Mezarai, Abrégé Chronologique in the year 1576.

[177] Crétineau pretends that Gregory XIII., the father of all Christians, wishing rather to pacify than excite their passions, refused to comply with their request. But Ranke affirms that his approbation was given, and refers, as proof thereof, to a letter of Father Matthieu himself to the Duke of Nerves, reported in the fourth volume of Capefique Réformé.

[178] Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. i. p. 505.

[179] See, for the first part, Crét. vol. ii. p. 392. As he does not quote the latter part, see for it Pasquier, or Histoire Générale de la Naissance et du Progrès de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. i. p. 180.

[180] Crét. vol. ii. p. 391.

[181] Catéchisme des Jésuites, lib. iii. ch. 2.

[182] Crét. vol. ii. p. 396.

[183] Catéchisme des Jésuites, lib. iii. ch. 6.

[184] Mezarai, Abrégé Chronologique pour l’année 1594. Henry was naturally generous, as all gallant men are. The only revenge he took upon the corpulent Duke of Mayenne, the chief of the League, and his rival for the throne after the death of Cardinal de Bourbon, was to take him by the arm, and whilst engaged in friendly conversation, walking at a very smart pace two or three times round the garden. Henry smiled when he had walked Mayenne fairly out of breath, and all the Duke’s injuries were forgotten.

[185] See De Thou, L’Etoile, and all the historians of the time.

[186] Mezarai, Ab. Chr. at the end of 1594.

[187] See Acts of the Parliament, or D’Argentré Collect. Jud. tom. ii. p. 524.

[188] In one of these writings, speaking of Henry IV., the Jesuit says:—“Shall we call him a Nero, a Sardanapalus of France, a fox of Bearn?” and further on, he declares, that “the crown of France could and ought to be transferred to another family; that Henry, although converted to the Catholic faith, would be treated too leniently, if a monk’s crown (tonsure) were given him in some convent to do penance; that if he cannot be deposed without war, then (said he) let us make war, and if we cannot make war, let him be killed.”—Crét. vol. ii. p. 435.

[189] See the whole of the inscription in the authors of the epoch, in the Recueil des Pièces touchant l’Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésu. Liège, 1716. A very instructive work.

[190] Sigismond, on the death of his father John, having proceeded from Poland to Upsala for the ceremony of his coronation, the estates peremptorily refused to render him homage, till he had solemnly sworn that the Augsburg Confession should be inculcated everywhere, alone and purely, whether in churches or schools. In this strait, the prince applied to Malaspina, the Pope’s nuncio, to know whether in conscience he could give such promise. The nuncio denied that he could. The king thereupon addressed himself to the Jesuits in his train, and what the nuncio had not dared, they took upon themselves to do. They declared that, in consideration of the necessity, and of the manifest danger in which the sovereign found himself, he might grant the heretics their demands without offence to God.—Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, vol. ii. pp. 147, 8.

[191] See Ranke’s History of the Popes, vol. i. p. 411.

[192] Ranke’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. i. pp. 415-417.

[193] Ranke’s History of the Popes, vol. i. p. 411.

[194] Ibid. p. 426.

[195] Ranke, vol. i. p. 422.

[196] Ranke, vol. i. p. 487.

[197] Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, vol. ii. p. 141.

[198] John, before his ascension to the throne, had been confined in strict captivity by his brother Eric. His wife, a Polish princess, the last descendant of the Jagellonica family, and an adherent of the Church of Rome, shared his imprisonment; the sad and gloomy hours of which were rendered less painful by the frequent visits of a Roman Catholic priest, who shewed them the greatest sympathy. It seems that this made some impression upon John, and rendered him favourable towards the Papists.

[199] Crét. vol. ii. p. 195.

[200] Ranke informs us that John, troubled by remorse for his brother’s assassination, was very anxious to receive absolution;—as if the word of a man could quiet the gnawings of conscience, that unsparing avenger of crime!

[201] Crét. vol. i. p. 449.

[202] Ibid.

[203] This fact is reported by all the Jesuit historians. We, however, have too good an opinion of the Waldenses not to suspect that the Jesuits, in order to deceive and impose upon the populace, had mixed among some few apostates a number of Roman Catholics who were willing to appear converted heretics.

[204] See also Crét. vol. iv. pp. 200, 201.

[205] Crét. vol iv. pp. 221, 222.

[206] Const. pars iv. chap. vi. § iii.

[207] To ascertain whether every one goes to the confessional every other Saturday, each boarder receives a card with his own name written on it, which he must deliver to his confessor, who gives it back to the rector. I may here mention that this method is also practised at Easter in the whole of the States of the Church, with all the inhabitants. If your card is not among those collected from the different confessors, it is evident that you have not fulfilled the precept, and if you do not give a satisfactory reason for it before the 26th of August, your name is fixed on the door of the parish church as that of a sacrilegious and infamous person. In the college of Senegallia, where I was educated, we were about two hundred boarders. Eight confessors were appointed to shrive. At sunset we descended to the chapel, whence we went in turn into the different schoolrooms to confess. The rooms were darkened, and the fathers were seated each in an arm chair, before a sort of confessional, through a grating of which our sins had to find their way to their pious ears. To such confessors as had been more severe on former occasions we usually played some tricks, such as putting a piece of raw garlic into our mouths, and pretending to be seized with a fit of coughing or sneezing, so that the poor confessor, who, in order to hear our confession well, was obliged to have his face close to the grating, had his olfactory nerves assailed by a puff of breath which was anything but agreeable. The penance, you may be sure, was double, but it never deterred us from playing similar pranks again, though we religiously fulfilled it. Sometimes we contrived to evade confession altogether in the following manner:—One who was going in to the confessional took with him the card of another along with his own. In kissing the hand of the confessor, after having confessed, he put into it one card, and slipped the other upon the table on which the father laid those he was receiving. After all was over, the servant brought in a light, and the confessor collected all the tickets he found on the table, and took them with him. Meanwhile, the person whose card had thus passed through the confessional without its owner was skulking in a closet or some other hiding-place, till, after the lapse of a sufficient length of time, he returned, as if he had religiously fulfilled the duty required. If you ask whether we believed in the efficacy of confession, I answer that we all firmly believed in it, and that in any illness or danger we would have earnestly asked for a confessor; only we did not like to go to it so often.

[208] Crét. vol. iv. p. 226.

[209] Gioberti is a Roman Catholic priest, ex-Premier of the King of Sardinia, and one of our greatest living philosophers. Though strictly orthodox, and even partial to the Papal authority, he has contributed more than any other man to give the last fatal blow to the Jesuits in Italy. His Gesuita Moderno (Modern Jesuit), in which he lays bare all the iniquities of the fathers, has ruined their order for ever, in the estimation of the Italians, and effectually prevented them from again setting foot in Piedmont. I do not share his political or religious creed, but Italy must preserve the memory of the benefit he has conferred upon her on this point, and I, in particular, have to confess myself grateful to him for the advice and encouragement he has kindly given me in the compilation of this work.

[210] Gesuita Moderno, vol. iii. p. 226. Ed. di Losanna.

[211] Ranke, vol. ii. p. 92, in a note.

[212] Mémoires de Sully, tom. ii. ch. 3.

[213] See Ranke, vol. ii. p. 132.

[214] See Bellarmine in Ranke, vol. ii. pp. 116, 117.

[215] See l’Abbé Racine, Abrégé de l’Histoire Ecclésiastique, tom. x. p. 40. See also Fra Paolo Sarpi, who has immortalised his name as theologian of the Venetian Government, and historian of the contest.

[216] Crét. vol. iii. p. 180.

[217] Mariana was one of the most learned Spanish Jesuits, the personal enemy and the most fiery opponent of Acquaviva. He opposed to his utmost Molina’s doctrine on grace and free will, and propounded, as we have in part seen, the principle of the sovereignty of the people. He was held in great veneration among the Spaniards.

[218] See Ratio Studiorum. See also Ranke, vol. ii. p. 88.

[219] Serry, in Ranke, vol. ii. p. 88.

[220] Arbitrii cum gratiæ donis concordia.

[221] See it exposed more at length in Ranke, vol. ii. p. 90.

[222] Serry.

[223] Ranke, vol. ii. p. 131.

[224] Crét. vol. ii. p. 176.

[225] Escobar compiled his work of Moral Theology from twenty-four Jesuit authors, and in his preface he finds an analogy betwixt his book and “that in the Apocalypse which was sealed with seven seals,” and states that “Jesus presented it thus sealed to the four living creatures,” Suarez, Vasquez, Molina, and Valencia (four celebrated casuists), in presence of the four-and-twenty Jesuits, who represent the four-and-twenty elders.

[226] Crét. vol. iv. p. 58.

[227] Le monde s’était plaint depuis l’origine du Christianisme de l’austérité de certains precepts; les Jésuites venaient au secour de ces doléances, &c.—Crét. vol. iv. p. 50.

[228] Busembaum, apud Ranke, vol. ii. p. 394.

[229] Antony Escobar. L. Theol. moralis vigenti-quatuor Societatis Jesu Doctoribus reseratus. Ex. de pænitentiâ, ch. vii. N. 155. (Lugduni, 1656. Ed. Mus. Brit.)

[230] Thomas Tambourin. Methodus Expeditæ Confessionis, L. ii. ch. iii. § 3, N. 23. (Lugduni, 1659. Antverpiæ, 1656. Ed. Coll. Sion.)

[231] George de Rhodes. Disput. Theologiæ Scholasticæ, tom. i. Dis. xi. quæs. xi. sec. 1 and 2, and Dis. i. q. iii. sec. 2, § 3. (Lugduni, 1671.)

[232] In quoting Pascal, we make use of the translation of Dr M’Crie, to render the author’s meaning better than we could do. P. 107.

[233] John of Salas. Disputationum R. P. Joannis de Salas, e Soc. Jesu, in primam secundæ D. Thomæ, tom. i. tr. 8, sec. 7, 9, N. 74, 83. (Barcinone, 1607. Ed. Bibl. Arch. Cant. Lamb.)

[234] Gregory of Valentia. Commentariorum Theologicorum, tom. iii. dis. v. quæs. 7, punct. iv. (Lutetiæ Parisiorum, 1609. Ed. Coll. Sion).

[235] Thomas Sanchez. Opus Morale in præcepta Decalogi. L. ii. c. i. N. 6. (Venetiis, 1614. Antverpiæ, 1624. Ed. Coll. Sion.)

[236] Antony Escobar. Universæ Theologiæ Moralis Receptiores absque lite Sententiæ, necnon Problematicæ Disquisitiones, tom. i. L. ii. sect. i. de consc. c. 2. N. 18. (Lugduni, 1652. Ed. Bibl. Acad. Cant.)

[237] Simon de Lessau. Propositions dictées dans le Collége des Jésuites d’Amiens. De præcept. Decal. c. i. art. 4.

[238] Thomas Tamburin. Explicatio Decalogi. L. i. c. iii. § 4. N. 15. (Lugduni, 1659. Lugduni, 1665. Ed. Coll. Sion.)

[239] Op. Mor. p. 2.

[240] Ibid.

[241] Tr. 1. et. 2. n. 21.

[242] Pintereau in Pascal, pp. 205, 206.

[243] “These are the devotions presented at pp. 33, 59, 145, 156, 172, 258, 420 of the first edition.”

[244] Pascal, pp. 176-178.

[245] Gregory XV. and his nephew Cardinal Ludivisi, have two magnificent monuments in the Church of St Ignatius of the Collegio Romano, which church they had built and richly embellished for the Jesuits, and where they are buried.

[246] This man is famous for working miracles. He is said to have restored to life his dear companion, a pig, which had been stolen from him, after it had been killed and eaten, and its bones thrown into a furnace; just as Thor, the great Scandinavian god, restored to life his ram. Another great miracle is recorded of him by his panegyrist. Having been forbidden by his superior (St Antony was a monk) to work too many miracles, he one day found himself in a great perplexity. As he was passing through a street, he heard a poor mason, in the act of falling from a lofty building, call upon him by name for a miracle. The poor saint, not knowing what to do, had recourse to an expedient. “Stop a moment,” said he, to the falling man, “till I go for the permission of the Father Superior;” and the man waited suspended in the air till he returned with permission to work the miracle!

[247] This was the case with many, and, to mention one, with Father Zaccheria, the founder of the Barnabites, who had been a beatifice for eighty-four years, had mass and prayers offered to him, but is at present merely Father Zaccheria.

[248] This congregation, as well as all the others, such as those of indulgences, of inquisition, &c., is composed of cardinals, bishops, prelates, and some few advocates. They form a sort of committee. There is a prefect and secretary; the others are called consultori, counsellors—the Pope is de jure prefect of them all. Those of the Congregation of Rites are very glad when there is a canonisation. They are entitled, besides, to a portrait of the saint, which, if the saint take, they sell very dear, and to I know not how many pounds of chocolate.

[249] For Loyola’s sake we should have liked that one of the three first-class miracles, recorded in the bull of canonisation, should have been a little more supernatural, and a little more decent, perhaps. It is said in the bull, that a woman of Gandia, being dropsical, applied to the part affected the image of the saint, and was cured, imagine dicti beati ventri admota, &c.

[250] The saying of one of the descendants of Charles Borromeo has remained famous in Italy. After having paid all the expenses of the canonisation, he turned to his family and said, “Be always good Christians, my dear children, but never saints; one other saint, and we are ruined for ever.”

[251] Vol. iii. p. 471.

[252] S. i. c. iii. p. 64.

[253] S. iii. p. 401.

[254] Ibid. 402.

[255] Roman Catholics consider it their duty to send children to the confessional at the early age of seven years; and nine out of ten hear for the first time, from the confessor, words which awaken in their young and innocent minds lascivious and till then unknown desires.

[256] Crét. vol. iv. p. 366.

[257] This is the bull by which the Pope declared that the five propositions were to be found in Jansenius; and this gave rise to the celebrated distinction of fact and right.