In London, Leonard Coxe, alluding to the grammar published shortly after by his compatriot Palsgrave, exclaims: 'Learned Geofroy, he has fulfilled the wish so often expressed in thy "Champ fleury," for here we have the French language taught thoroughly, by virtue of rules duly authorized.'[132]

Tory probably received the title of king's printer in 1530, but I do not find that he assumed it earlier than 1531, and, failing documentary evidence, I cannot accredit him with it at an earlier date. It was, I fancy, his appointment which led the authors of the 'Art de vérifier les dates' to say that 'François I established the Imprimerie Royale in Paris' on his return from the Abbaye de Veyen, where he had espoused, on July 4, 1530, Eleonora, sister of the Emperor Charles V.[133] It is the fact that at that time Tory was entrusted with several 'royal printings' concerning this marriage of the king. Thus he published, March 16, 1530 (1531, new style), a little work of Guillaume Bochetel, entitled: 'Le Sacre et coronnement de la Royne, imprimé par le commandement du Roy nostre sire.' It is a thin quarto of 12 leaves, printed with a certain sumptuousness, and the license, signed 'de la Barre,'[134] is thus conceived:—

'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, "marchant libraire, imprimeur," license to print the "Coronnement de la Royne," and all other printers are forbidden to print it for one year,[135] upon pain of a discretionary fine and of the confiscation of said book, etc. Done at Paris the tenth day of March.' The consecration of the queen had taken place at Saint-Denis five days earlier, March 5, 1530 (1531, new style).

A few days later Tory published another little book by the same author: 'Lentree de la Royne en sa ville et cite de Paris, imprimee par commandement du Roy nostre sire.' Quarto, 24 leaves; same arrangement as in 'le Sacre,' etc.[136] The license, dated at Anet, April 26, 1531 (Easter fell that year on April 9), gives Tory no other title than 'libraire,' but the omission is evidently accidental.[137] The volume contains three pieces in Latin verse by Geofroy Tory, two addressed to the queen ('ad reginam Leonorem'), the other to the French people ('ad gentem gallicam'). On the verso of the last leaf are these words: 'The printing of this book was finished Tuesday the ninth day of May M. D. XXXI.' This book exhibits specimens of three different types used by Geofroy Tory: a 'saint-augustin,' in which the text is printed, a 'philosophie,'[138] and a brevier. In all these publications we find Tory's borders and his broken jar, and these words at the foot of the title: On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Jacques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

It will be noticed that Tory had left his second domicile, on the Petit-Pont, which was too small, doubtless, for his printing establishment, and had settled in the heart of the Cité, almost opposite the church of La Madeleine, which then stood very near the corner of rue de la Juiverie and rue de Marmouzets. His new abode was on the site of the old and famous Halle aux Blés de Beauce, in a house to which he transported his sign of the Pot Cassé (which it retained for several years), and which corresponds to the present number 16 rue de la Cité, according to the evidence courteously furnished me by M. Adolphe Berty, whose knowledge of old Paris is so thorough.[139] However that may be, the first work in which to my knowledge Geofroy Tory assumes the title of king's printer is a thin volume of two and a half quarto sheets, of the same typographical arrangement as those last described, but printed in different type, which seems to me to have been cut by Tory. It was published on the occasion of the death of Louise of Savoy, mother of François I, which occurred September 22, 1531. The contents consist of Latin and French epitaphs composed in honour of the deceased, and it bears on its first page the following title, bisected:—

'In Lodoicæ regis matris mortem epitaphia latina et gallica.—Epitaphes a la louenge de ma dame mere du Roy faictz par plusieurs recommendables autheurs.' Below this are these words: 'On les vend a Paris, devant Leglise de la Magdaleine, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

The license, dated at Paris, October 15, 1531, and signed de la Barre, accords unequivocally to Tory the title of king's printer: 'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, merchant, bookseller and imprimeur du roy, leave,' etc. On the last page, which, like the first, is enclosed in a border, are the words: 'Printed at Paris at the sign of the Pot Cassé, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, Marchant, Libraire et Imprimeur du Roy. The XVII day of October M. D. XXXI.'[140]

What salary did Tory receive as king's printer? It is impossible for me to say positively; however, if we may judge from what happened in 1538, in the case of Conrad Néobar,[141] he probably received 100 'écus au soleil'[142] per year, which, at the current valuation of 45 sous each, would make 225 'livres tournois.' Indeed, that sum was paid in 1671, more than a century later, to Pierre Le Petit, king's printer.[143]

If François I manifested his good will to Geofroy Tory in appointing him king's printer, he manifested it even more signally by causing him to be admitted to the brotherhood of 'libraires jurés' of the University, with all the privileges appurtenant to that office.[144] For, in the first instance, he simply made use of his prerogative; in the second he imposed his will on the University: the number of 'libraires jurés,' which was fixed at twenty-four, being full, François I created a twenty-fifth membership in Tory's favour, and the University ratified that creation at its sitting of February 22, 1532 (1533, new style), minuting, however, that it was a gift of the King,[145] as if to imply that it was not to be taken as a precedent. In fact, they returned to the number twenty-four on the death of Tory, which unfortunately was not long delayed.

Farther on will be found a list of the works published by Tory as king's printer, both for the king and for private individuals.[146] I will mention here a single one, which is of some interest in connection with the biography of our artist: the 'Adolescence Clementine' (of Clement Marot), fourth edition, published by Tory June 7, 1533. On the title-page is a note in these words: 'With certain accents noted, namely, on É masculine different from the feminine, between words joined by synalephe, and under Ç when it is pronounced like S, the which heretofore, for lack of suggestion, has not been done in the French language, although it was and is most essential.' This was the first work in which Tory applied the orthographic system he had suggested in 'Champ fleury.'[147] The fact is evident from the inexperience of the compositors, who made several blunders in this very note.

This book, one of the rare copies of which is in the Bibliothèque Nationale, presents still another interesting peculiarity. The title-page is arranged in a different way from that in vogue at the time. In the first three editions the first two words form four lines of capitals of the same size and length, by virtue of the spacing: LADOLE—SCENCE—CLEMEN—TINE. In the fourth edition they fill two lines only (LADOLESCENCE—CLEMENTINE), but still in type of the same size, contrary to the practice of other printers, who would have diminished by at least one degree the size and length of the lines, without regard to logic. They would probably have printed the title thus:

L A D O L E S
CENCE CLEMEN
tine

Tory's method of execution, which he borrowed from the arrangement of ancient inscriptions, was less agreeable to the eye perhaps, but it was more logical. It was a step toward the practice of the present day, in which the size of the letters on a title-page is varied, but is made consistent with the importance of the respective words. As will be seen, Tory was, in everything, an initiator.

This book was the last one printed by Tory, to my knowledge. He probably died shortly after, for we find that his wife was a widow on October 14 [1533], when she executed a lease for nine years of that part of the Halle de Beauce occupied by her husband's establishment. This lease, covering the whole house, was made in consideration of 122 livres 10 sous tournois. The lessors were agents of the Chapitre Notre-Dame, and the lessees, 'Martin Féret, baker, and Perrette Le Hullin, widow of Geofroy Tory, in his lifetime bookseller and king's printer, living on rue de la Juifverie in one of the wings [corps d'hostel] of the building hereinafter mentioned' (the Halle de Beauce).[148]

Perrette Le Hullin continued for some time to carry on her husband's various enterprises. Thus, she published in 1535 a remarkable work, doubtless begun by him, by command of François I, to whom it is dedicated. It certainly should be placed to the credit of Tory, although it does not bear his name, but simply a mention of his sign: 'Au Pot Casse.' It is a translation of Diodorus Siculus, of which I shall speak later.[149]

But the burden of so considerable an undertaking—printing-office, bookshop, bindery,[150] engraving, etc.—soon compelled Perrette Le Hullin to abandon a part of it. At the end of the year 1535 she transferred the printing-office, the bookshop, and the bindery to Olivier Mallard, who established himself on the same premises occupied by Tory, and under the same sign of the Pot Cassé, as we see by a thin volume published by him on January 19, 1535 (1536, new style), entitled: 'Copie d'une lettre de Constantinople, de la victoire du grand Sophy contre le grand Turc.—Paris, Olivier Mallard, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé, rue de la Juifverie.' Quarto, of 4 leaves; gothic type.[151]

Towards the end of 1536, Mallard published the 'Copie de l'arrest du grand conseil donné à l'encontre du miserable empoisonneur de monseigneur le dauphin,' etc. An octavo sheet printed in two signatures. On the verso of the title begins the text of the decree, promulgated at Lyon Saturday, October 7, 1536; then come several pieces by Jean Henon and 'a "dizain" by the printer hereof in sorrow for the death of the Dauphin': ten wretched lines, ending, by way of signature, with the words 'tout par moien,' of which I have been unable to discover the anagrammatic significance. On the verso of the last leaf we read: 'All booksellers and printers in the city and provostry of Paris are forbidden to print or put on sale this present "copie" within three months, on pain of confiscation thereof, and of a fine, save only M. O. Mallard. Given at Paris this XVIII October, 1536.—I. MORIN.'

Thus we see that, even if Mallard was not as yet king's printer, he was at least the official printer. I cannot give the exact date of his appointment as king's printer; but he certainly held that office in 1537, since in that year he published a little octavo volume in which he assumed the title.[152] The book is entitled: 'De judiciis urinarum tractatus exprobatis collectus authoribus, etc.—Excudebat O. Mallardus, bibliopola ac impressor regius.—Anno Domini 1537, 8 id. Martii' (March 8).[153] He also published in that year, in the same capacity, two works of Jean Gillot:[154] 'De juridictione et imperio libri duo,' and 'Isagoge in juris civilis sanctionem' (quarto), on the title-page of which, below the Pot Cassé, are the words: 'Vænit O. Mallardo, regio typographo ac librario, sub signo Vasis fracti.'[155]

It is probable that François I made no difficulty about accepting Tory's successor as his printer; but he availed himself of Tory's death to remodel the institution of king's printers. He restricted Mallard's functions to the printing of French, and in the year 1538 appointed two other king's printers, one, Conrad Néobar, for Greek, the other, Robert Estienne, for Latin and Hebrew, as an essential complement to the 'Collége des trois langues,' now the Collége de France, which he had recently founded. We have not the document which conferred upon Robert Estienne the title of king's printer; but we have proof that he held that title in 1539. Maittaire declares, upon what evidence I know not, that Robert was appointed on June 24 of that year. I am of the opinion that his appointment was of earlier date, that is to say, that it goes back, like Néobar's, to 1538, or, to speak more accurately, to the beginning of 1539. In fact, we find him assuming the title of king's printer ('typographus regius') in several works printed by him during that year. Furthermore, I may mention the fact that, in a most interesting edict concerning the printers of France, dated August 31, 1539, the king already refers to the fact that he has 'of late created and ordained—in order to have a copious supply of useful and essential books—royal printers in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues.'[156]

We have not the letters patent of Robert Estienne, but we are more fortunate in respect to Néobar, for we have the document by which he was created king's printer for Greek.[157] This curious document, which does so much honour to François I, well deserves to win oblivion for his unlucky edict of proscription against printing, rendered January 13, 1535 (new style), which has been invoked against his memory several times in recent years, although it was never put in execution. On Néobar's death in 1540, Robert Estienne succeeded him as king's printer for Greek, retaining the title for Latin and Hebrew.

The king's fondness for the classics did not lead him to neglect the French language: in 1539 he promulgated a celebrated ordinance, to the effect that 'henceforth all decrees, etc., shall be pronounced, recorded, and delivered to the parties concerned, in the mother tongue.'

In 1541, Olivier Mallard, who had acquired all of Tory's typographic paraphernalia, published a book of Hours of the Virgin, in Latin, octavo, with the borders 'à la moderne' to which I referred on page 25. It is copied doubtless from the edition put forth by Tory about 1530, which I have never been fortunate enough to see. Of the edition of 1541, I have seen one copy on vellum, and another on paper. It consists of 23 octavo sheets (signatures A to Y), and has on the title-page: 'Horæ in laudem beatissim. Virginis Mariæ ad usum Romanum.' (Pot Cassé) 'Parisiis, apud Oliverium Mallardum, sub signo Vasis effracti.—1541.'

In the following year Mallard published another edition of the Hours of the Virgin, in quarto, like the one issued by Tory in 1531. I shall speak of it in detail in its place.[158] Here I will simply say that the book was finished in the month of August, 1542.

On the twenty-second of the same month, Mallard renewed the lease of his quarters in the Halle aux Blés de Beauce, which lease had been given nine years earlier to Tory's widow and Martin Féret, at a rental of 122 livres 10 sous, tournois. The rental was increased for Mallard, who had to pay 130 livres, plus 4 écus d'or au soleil 'for the time of the said leasing.'[159] Olivier Mallard did not long enjoy his lease, for he died that same year. His last printing, according to La Caille, who writes the name Maillard,[160] was a translation of the Dialogues of Plato, by Simon de Valembert, published in 1542. I have been unable to find this book in Paris, but I have seen another, probably of later date, at the bookshop of M. Techener; it is entitled: 'Le livre de Ange Bologninus, de la curation des ulceres exterieurs, traduit de latin en francoys.—Paris, au Pot Cassé, en limprimerie de Olivier Mallard, libraire et imprimeur du roy. 1542.' It is an octavo of four signatures. As the license is dated December 1, this little book is probably the last one printed by Mallard, as he was succeeded in the following year, as king's printer for French works, by Denis Janot (one of the most skilful printers in Paris), as is set forth in the letters patent, which will be found in Appendix VII. Appendix VIII contains a complete list of the king's printers who lived in Paris.

Mallard's typographical apparatus seems to have been acquired by Jean Kerver, son of the first Thielman Kerver, living on rue Saint-Jacques,[161] at the sign of the Gril ('sub signo Cratis'), who printed several editions of the Hours in octavo, with the borders 'à la moderne' used by Mallard in 1541. The sign of the Pot Cassé, which Kerver did not need, was adopted by a bookseller of Chartres, named Richard Cotereau, who seems also to have bought some of Tory's woodcuts representing that mark. In fact I have seen one, which I have never seen on any of Tory's books, in a book printed in Paris for Cotereau by Nicolas Chrestien; it is: 'Le Coustumier de la baronnye, chastellenie, terre et seigneurie de Chasteauneuf en Tymerays'; octavo, 1557. The title-page is an engraving of the Pot Cassé, with the design reversed,[162] like that of the title of 'Champ fleury,' but signed with the double cross; and beneath are the words: 'Pour Richard Cotereau, libraire, demeurant à Chartres, en la grande rue, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé.'

Philippe Cottereau, evidently the son of Richard, and king's printer at Blois, used the same mark. I have seen it on a small book printed by him in 1603: 'Reglement pour l'instruction des proces qui se conduiront au bailliage et siege presidial de Bloys.' Two octavo sheets.

It would seem, however, that the sign of the Pot Cassé, which remained for some time longer on the Halle de Beauce, also remained on the house originally occupied by Tory, on rue Saint-Jacques, for we find a printer named Michel de la Guierche living at that sign. See, among other works, 'M. T. Ciceronis ad M. Brutum Orat.—Paris, apud Mich. de la Guierche, sub signo Vasis effracti, in vico Jacobeo.' Quarto, without date, but with documents of 1542 and 1543.[163] But the Pot Cassé itself does not figure in his books.

Tory's widow seems to have retained his engraving establishment for a considerable further time. Although engrossed by her numerous undertakings, she found time nevertheless to have some of her husband's books reprinted, and among others the 'Sommaire de Chroniques d'Egnasius,' in 1541, 1543, 1544, for the bookseller Charles L'Angelier, and 'Champ fleury,' in 1549, for the bookseller Gualtherot. I say that she had these books reprinted, but I ought rather to say, perhaps, that she allowed them to be reprinted, for there is nothing to suggest her coöperation in the work. Literary property did not then exist.

In the new edition of 'Champ fleury,' which by the way no longer bears that graceful title, the Pot Cassé does not even appear, although the explanation of the mark is allowed to remain. It was doubtless a bookseller's speculation.[164] However that may be, this reprint forms an octavo volume of 160 leaves (the folio has 80), in addition to the preliminary matter, of which there are 16 leaves (8 in the folio); it is entitled: 'L'Art et Science de la vraye proportion des Lettres Attiques, ou Antiques, autrement dictes Romaines, selon le corps et visaige humain, avec l'instruction et maniere de faire chiffres et lettres pour bagues d'or, pour tapisserie, vitres et painctures. Item de treize diverses sortes et façons de lettres; d'avantage la maniere d'ordonner la langue françoise par certaine regle de parler elegamment en bon et plus sain langage françois que par cy-devant, avec figures à ce convenantes, et autres choses dignes de memoire, comme on pourra veoir par la table, le tout inventé par maistre Geoffroy Tory de Bourges.'

I have copied this long title at full length only to give myself an opportunity to call attention to the progress that had been made by French typography since the day when Geofroy Tory published his first edition, and, indeed, as a result of that same publication. We find here the accents, the apostrophe and the cedilla, upon the absence of which the author had commented in 1529. So that we may say that the whole grammatical portion of his book had become useless as a direct result of the first edition of that book. This is a fact to which the editors of the second edition paid no heed, as they allowed Tory's observations to stand as they were written, while introducing into their text the novel signs I have just mentioned. For instance, they repeat that c has two sounds, one hard, as in 'coquin,' etc., the other soft, as in 'françois,' etc. But by adding the cedilla in the last word they destroy the sense of the criticism made by Tory in 1529.[165]

It does not appear by whom the book was printed; we learn only on the last leaf that it was finished August 26, 1549, 'pour Vivant Gualtherot, libraire juré en l'Université de Paris, en la rue Saint-Jacques, à l'enseigne de Saint Martin.'

In order to adjust Tory's woodcuts to the smaller format, they were somewhat mutilated; indeed some of them were omitted altogether, among the number those representing the Pot Cassé, which probably remained in the possession of Olivier Mallard or his successors, and which it was not deemed essential to have engraved anew for this reprint, for it was executed as cheaply as possible, and as if for the purpose of utilizing such woodcuts as remained at the disposal of Tory's widow.[166] The work was subjected to some further modifications in this edition. For instance, all dates were suppressed in the preliminary matter, which also was arranged in a different order. Even the license granted by François I was omitted as having become useless; but no change was made in the actual arrangement of the work, nor was there a single addition or emendation.

Thus Tory, at his death, was able to flatter himself that he had contributed materially to the improvement of his mother tongue, which he loved so well. He died, as I have said, in 1533, and not in 1550, as is erroneously stated in a poetical epitaph composed nearly a century after our printer's death, by his compatriot, Nicolas Catherinot, at the request and from the notes of Jean Toubeau, himself a printer of Bourges, and a descendant of Tory, through his mother.

Here is the epitaph, as given by La Caille:[167]—

The only relic that we have of Tory to-day, outside of his books and works of art, is a volume from his library, as his signature in the genitive case indicates. It is a manuscript on vellum, containing the orations of Cicero against Verres, in Latin. This volume was acquired, presumably after Tory's death, by his patron Jean Grolier, who wrote his motto at the end of the text: 'Joannis Grolierii Lugdunensis et amicorum.' From the library of this illustrious bibliophile, the manuscript passed to Colbert's library, then to the king's. It is preserved to-day [1857] in the Bibliothèque Nationale. We give below a facsimile of Tory's signature, which appears on the first flyleaf:—

Tory made use of ten marks, besides the Pot Cassé that appears on his bindings. We reproduce them all, although only two (nos. 5 and 10) are signed.[170] Some of them were used by other booksellers after him, as we have already seen.

No. 1

This mark is to be found in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of 1527. (See page 37, supra.)

No. 2

This form of the Pot Cassé appears in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of 1524-1525, alike in the copies which bear the imprint of Tory and in those printed by Simon de Colines. (See page 37, supra; also Part 2, § 2, no. 1, infra.)

No. 3

This variation will be found on the first page of those copies of the Hours (quarto) of 1524-1525 which bear the imprint of Tory. (See Part 2, § 2, no. 1 (2d and 3d), infra.)

No. 4

This appears on the title-page of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, 'Marques Typographiques,' no. 931.)

No. 5

This appears on folio 43 verso, of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, no. 803.)

No. 6

This mark, which differs from no. 5 only in the absence of the cross of Lorraine, appears on the last page of 'Champ fleury.' I am unable to suggest any reason for the removal of the cross. (Silvestre, no. 171.)

No. 7

This mark is found only at the end of the little poem written by Tory on the death of his daughter, which was published February 15, 1524, new style. We have already referred to this poem on page 15; but it is reproduced at length in Part 2, § I, no. 9.

No. 8

This mark, which differs from the preceding only in the omission of the little figure in the clouds, appears on the last page of the Hours of 1524-1525 (those copies with Tory's imprint) in Latin. (Silvestre, no. 356.)[171]

No. 9

This mark appears on the title-page of the Hours (quarto) of 1527. It was used by Jean Mallard, bookseller at Rouen, 1542.[172] (Silvestre, no. 604.)

No. 10

I have never as yet seen this mark in any book of Tory's; but I have found it in books published by Richard Cotereau, bookseller at Chartres, in 1557, and by Philippe Cotereau, bookseller at Blois, in 1603. (See p. 41, supra.) The presence of the Lorraine cross is, it seems to me, a sufficient proof that it should be attributed to Tory. (Silvestre, no. 929.)

We have already observed that Tory was not only a bookseller and printer, but a binder as well. To complete the list of our artist's professional acquirements an example of the toolings that he used to decorate the covers of some of the volumes bound by him, is reproduced [on the cover of the present volume.[173] The reproduction is from the cover of a copy of the works of Petrarch, printed at Venice in 1525, and now preserved in the Library of the British Museum.] The Pot Cassé, in its simplest form, appears among the arabesques of this binding. Tory had also had engraved a larger plate of the same, for use on the binding of quartos, or, rather, of folios. The design is almost identical. Sometimes the Pot Cassé is accompanied by the drill. This design appears on a copy of Macault's translation of Diodorus Siculus, printed as late as 1536, 'au Pot Cassé.' This beautiful volume, in M. Didot's magnificent library, is sufficient proof that Tory's widow continued his various industries for a considerable time.

It is hardly necessary to say that the same tools could, with some slight additions, be used in binding volumes of all sizes, from the octavo up.

PART II.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.

SECTION I.
WORKS WRITTEN OR ANNOTATED BY TORY.

POMPONIUS MELA, DE TOTIUS ORBIS DESCRIPTIONE. AUTHOR LUCULENTISSIMUS, NUNQUAM ANTEA CITRA MONTES IMPRESSUS.[174] (Mark of Jehan Petit.)[175]

QUARTO, of 45 numbered leaves, plus 11 leaves of index; in all, 56 leaves, or 14 sheets, arranged in 9 signatures of two sheets and one, alternately. Signatures a, c, e, g, and i have two sheets [16 pages] each; signatures b, d, f, h, one sheet [8 pages] each.

The whole book is printed in roman type, except the first line of the title-page, which is gothic, and a few Greek words here and there.

As we have seen, this book was for sale by Jean Petit, but it was printed by Gilles de Gourmont, solely because of the Greek words just mentioned. So Tory himself tells us in a note at the end of the text, folio 45: 'Curavi siquidem accuratissimo impressori dare, qui etiam primus apud Parisios græcis caracteribus lotissimas addidit manus.'[176]

On the verso of the first leaf is a letter of the publisher, Geofroy Tory, to his friend Babou, thus conceived:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou, citizen of Bourges, very deserving treasurer and valet-de-chambre of the most serene king of the French, humblest greeting.

On looking recently into Pomponius Mela, most illustrious Philibert, Mela who is the most trustworthy of the writers on geography, I found him so corrupt and so badly mutilated that

Lo, I say,

In such words as these did he seem to complain: Am I, then, who described so elegantly all those many lands, those many peoples, those islands, rivers, straits, seas, and whirlpools, I who ventured so confidently upon the description of the whole world, am I to remain thus maimed, thus mutilated, thus disfigured?

Unless some helping hand be stretched forth, I shall soon surely die.

But verily I believe that

I naturally said to myself on the spot: If I were Machaon, or Chyron, or Æsculapius, I should be glad to remedy this matter. But what if I were to make such slight effort as I can? Might I not be able to be of service? Perhaps; at least, I should have tried, and I should have had this object in view: to make him somewhat more free from faults.

I have accordingly added a very few annotations; provided with which, under the protection of your name (for you are a devoted admirer of letters and lettered men), under, as the saying is, favourable auspices, let Pomponius Mela now go forth in greater security than before. Farewell.

Paris, vj no. Decemb. MCCCCCVII.[179]

At the end of the text, on folio xlv, we find the following:[180]—

Here, then, you have, most illustrious Philibert, Pomponius Mela, purged of the many errors in which he abounded. I took the trouble to put him in the hands of a very careful printer, one who was, besides, the first Parisian to give to the Greek characters a form of superior elegance. I have been pleased to revise the text with special care and to add a very few annotations, so that, when it should come into your hands, and later on into the hands of the public, it might come in a more polished and finished form. You, now, with Mela in hand, may, like Phiclus, who, as the story goes, ran over the tops of the grain-fields without breaking the ears, traverse and re-traverse, not only in security, but confidently and resolutely, the whole world. If you wish to lay hold of tigers, swiftest of animals, and to see from a safe vantage the catoblepas, if you wish to meet dragons and wild beasts, Satyrs, Pans, and Silvani, if you wish to see the Indians, 'the Britons, separated by a world between,' the Sauromatae, the Africans, and all the peoples that lie between these, and learn of their wonderful habits, then take but this world, I mean Pomponius, many times in hand, and without doubt you will there be able to see and to know them all as in no other way. Farewell and forget not yours ever faithfully.

Paris, 24 December.

CIVIS.

To Pomponius Mela.

Mela, the many errors in which you abounded have been cast forth; few are the faults that remain with you. Better far and more perfect in form do you stand forth now than formerly you did. This is the accomplishment of my small hand.

To Philibert Babou.

That my life for many years has been due to you, these two short verses, Philibert, now testify. Whatever 'alpha' belonged to me in my tender years, that your happy 'omega' wished to bear.

Ω

CIVIS.

At the end of the index, on the verso of the penultimate sheet, is a list of errata beginning thus:—

[181]'Since nothing is more difficult than to be wholly free from error, it seems quite proper that I should, with the kind consent of the reader, consider a very few of the very few mistakes of this book: thus, for example, where "potuit" is found in the epistle, "possit" should be written.'

This list also is signed 'civis.' Beneath it is a short poem entitled: 'Carolus Rousseus ad lectorem tetrastichon.' And on the recto of the last leaf: 'In the year of the incarnation and of our salvation, 1507, the tenth day of January,[182] this work was printed by Gilles de Gourmont, and was very carefully revised by Tory of Bourges, at Paris.' (Mark of Gilles de Gourmont.)

2

COSMOGRAPHIA PII PAPÆ IN ASIÆ ET EUROPÆ ELEGANTI DESCRIPTIONE, etc. Paris, Henri Estienne [1509].

Quarto, of 152 leaves of text, preceded by 12 unnumbered leaves and a folio cut representing the ancient world. On the second preliminary leaf is Tory's dedicatory epistle to Germain de Gannay, thus conceived:

To the reverend Father and Lord in Christ, Germain de Gannay, bishop-elect of Cahors, Geofroy Tory of Bourges proffers most humble greeting.[183]

I here present, most excellent prelate, in more accurate and emended form than that in which he has hitherto been read, Pope Pius, an author who, in his Description of Asia and Europe, is much to be admired both for the dignity and for the singular worth of his work. In looking for some one to whom he, in behalf of his book, freshly issuing from the printing-office, might straightway most devotedly offer his respects, some one select, devoted to letters, and possessed of the highest virtue, I could think of no one more to be desired, more worthy than you. That the Supreme Pontiff himself should go to visit you, a most venerable bishop, seemed to me a thing not without humour. That he, I say, who was a meritorious writer of geography, and, as you will be able to see, of history well deserving to be read, should come and embrace you, lover and cultivator of every form of polite literature, I thought a thing very appropriate. It was like setting the gem to the gold, or the 'encaustum,' that is picture drawn with fire, to the silver, it was like conferring the palm upon the victor; and that most certainly is nothing other than to join the good to the good, the glorious to the glorious, the deserving to the deserving. But along with these reasons there is still another reason why to you of all persons this most illustrious work should very properly be dedicated: it was at your instance and suggestion that I divided the work into chapters and gave to its parts a more convenient arrangement. That you first, and then that all other students and readers, may, as was your wish, find and remember the parts of the earth, which are many in number, and the things in them that are interesting to know about, more easily and conveniently, I have divided the book thus: the names of rivers, towns, places, rulers, and other important matters I have put in separate chapters and marked with marginal captions; these names are also all to be found, provided with numbers, in the index. This little work of mine, therefore, I dedicate to you, my lord, in deepest reverence and with sincere feeling. It is certainly far from being what I should offer to so reverend a father, but you, whose goodness and integrity, which are perfectly evident to me, all praise in the highest terms, will, if it so please you, take the book into your most pure hands and bestow upon it the favour which you are accustomed to bestow upon works of this kind. Farewell.

Paris, at the College of Plessis, 2 Oct., A.D. 1509.

Next comes a 'table,' which fills eleven leaves, on the verso of the last of which we find the following note to the reader:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the Reader.[184]

You will find the words 'eruȩre, contendȩre, misȩre,' and many others of the same sort, written with an ȩ in the penult: this was done in order that the perfect indicative, which regularly has a long penult, might show its quantity (which you are to utter in reading), as distinguished from that of the present and past imperfect infinitive, which in the third conjugation always shortens its penult. It is with pleasure that I have imitated and adopted the very elegant and finished form of writing which is used in the 'Psalterium Quincuplex,'[185] recently published. You will also, though rarely, find this ȩ used, after the fashion of certain authors, for æ in some words, and similarly at times in the genitive and dative singular, and in the nominative and vocative plural, of the first declension. I have furthermore written designedly 'mistum' with an s instead of an x,—for 'misceo' makes its perfect 'miscui,' whence by analogy 'mistum,'—'intellego,' 'toties,' 'quoties,' 'litus,' 'opidum,' 'litera,' 'tralatum,' 'aliquando,' and other similar forms, which are to be written according to ὀρθογραϕία, that is to say, correct spelling. The word 'Turca' also, which many make in the second declension, I have written in the first. I follow herein with approval Michael Tarchaniota Marulus of Constantinople in his lines addressed to Charles, King of France. These are his words: 'Invincible king, scion of the race of Charles the Great, whom the holy prophecies of so many men, of so many gods, demand as the vindicator of fallen justice and loyalty; whom here the sad Ausonian land, there Greece with streaming locks, calls, and whate'er of Asia and wealthy Syria the cruel Turk profanes,' etc.

In writing the accusatives 'plureis,' 'parteis,' 'omneis,' 'monteis,' in 'eis,' I have believed that I was writing good grammar and good Latin, following therein Priscian, book 7, the chapter on the accusative plural of the third declension. This form is valuable for distinguishing the accusative from the nominative, and has been used by a thousand authors, of which great number it is sufficient at present to cite as witnesses Sallust, Virgil, and Plautus. Sallust, who used the first word also, says in the Catilinarian War: 'Omneis homines qui sese,' etc. Virgil in the first Æneid: 'Hic fessas non vincula naveis Ulla tenent....' Plautus in the Aulularia: 'Quid est? quid ridetis novi omneis, scio fures hic esse complureis.' I have been pleased to make this explanation, good reader, so that you not only might know what pure speech is, but also, both in reading and in speaking, might have pleasantly at hand, like finger-posts, and might use, pure words. Farewell.

CIVIS.

On folio 152, after the errata, we read: 'Impressa est hæc Asiæ et Europæ quam elegantissima historia per Henricum Stephanum, impressorem diligentissimum, Parrhisiis, e regione scholæ decretorum, sumptibus eiusdem Henrici et Ioannis Hongonti,[186] VI idus Octobris anno Domini M. D. IX.[187]

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DE PASSIONE DOMINICA CARMEN ELEGIACUM GUILIELMI DIVITIS, CIVIS GANDAVENSIS, ARTIFICIOSÆ PIETATIS PLENISSIMUM.—Item. NENIA LACTANTII FIRMIANI VERBIS SALVATORIS NOSTRI E CRUCE.—Mark of Josse Bade ('Prelum ascensianum').[188]

One octavo sheet, printed by Josse Bade, dated the 5th of the Ides of March, 1509; that is to say, March 11, 1510, new style.[189]

On the verso of the title-page is this letter from Herverus de Berna (of Saint-Amand-Montrond) to the young people of Bourges:—

Herverus de Berna of Amand to the youth of Bourges, greeting.[190]

You are acquainted with Dives, our teacher, famed for his wisdom, a foster-child of the Muses, who well deserves your gratitude. He it is who introduced you to the Muses, Helicon, Phœbus' grove, and Mercury, and from his school, as from the Trojan horse, have issued men of education without number. His heart is in the Muses' glorious service, and his memory, it seems to me, should be forever honoured and kept green. He is reported, as the saying is, to have toiled not only by the lamp of Aristophanes, but by that of Cleanthes as well.[191] You do not doubt that he is deserving of praise for the elegance of his song; whence it happens that there is a religious poem of his written on the Passion of Our Lord,—a poem of such brilliancy, such sweetness, such ornateness, that one could believe it to be the work of the divine, rather than of a human, mind. I do not doubt that, as a result of this fact, the same thing will fall to his lot that usually falls to the lot of literary men: as Claudian says, 'His presence will diminish his fame.'[192] Not, however, without Theseus,[193] that is Tory of Bourges, my fellow-student, a man of the old, and, as Plautus says, of the Massilian, school,[194] one who combines sound learning with virtue, have I wished Dives to issue forth into the world; again, I hope, with favourable auspices, as the saying is. Farewell, with best wishes.

From my house at Amand, 1 March.

Then follows the elegy by Wilhelm de Ricke, which has 140 verses and occupies 4 leaves; on the verso of the last of the four is this dialogue in verse by Tory:—

Dialogue by Geofroy Tory of Bourges in praise of his teacher, Wilhelm de Ricke of Ghent.[195]

Speakers: MONITOR and LIBER.

M. Sacred book, who in song mourn Christ's Passion, now speak: whose holy work can you be?

L. Whose work? Behold! Rich's work am I.

M. Well done! That Rich who to the people of Bourges has given so many rich examples?

L. You judge rightly.

M. Rich truly has a wise heart.

L. No fitter name than this can be given him.

M. He it is who taught the people of Bourges to speak with flowery tongue and to make facile verses with the mouth.

L. He not only taught them to speak and to weave song, but he also gave them the power to see Christ's wounded body.

M. If one wished to see the arms of God fixed to the cross, could even Rich grant him that to the life?

L. Should you desire to carry the cross of God, his cruel wounds, the crown, hold me in hand, you will carry all.

M. May Rich's every prayer be ever happily granted, such good he grants to pious hearts.

L. May he live and continue on earth through Nestorian years, and after death gain the rich kingdom of Heaven.

CIVIS.

The little book comes to an end with the poem by Lactantius mentioned on the title-page. It fills the third and second last leaves, and the recto of the last, at the foot of which we read: 'Finis. Ex ædibus Ascensianis ad v idus martias MDIX.' This date corresponds with March 11, 1510, new style.

M. Jules de Saint-Genois, librarian of the University of Ghent, writes me as follows concerning his fellow-townsman, the author of the verses on the Passion:—

'The name of the person in whom you are interested was not le Riche, but de Rycke, in Flemish, which in the Latin rendering becomes Dives. This is what Sanderus says of him in "Flandria Illustrata," 1, 386 (edition Hagæ-Comitis, 1735): "Gulielmus Dives, vulgo de Rycke, Gandavensis poeta: ejus exstat 'Carmen elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis plenissimum, quod inter illustrium poetarum opera impressit Judocus Badius Ascensius Parisiis."

'Valère André, too, devotes a few lines to him in his "Bibliotheca Belgica" (Lovanii, 1623, p. 344): "Elegiam de Passione Dominica edidit Antverpiæ cum Dominici Mancini, Phil. Beroaldi et aliorum similis argumenti libellis, 1527, Mich. Hellenii typis."

'P. Hofmann Peerlkamp says in his "Liber de vita, doctrina et facultate Nederlandorum qui carmina latina composuerunt" (2d edition, Harlem, 1838, p. 29): "Gulielmus Dives Gandensis floruit 1520. Scripsit 'Carmen elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis plenissimum.... Hæc sæpius prodiit, addita etiam uatuor virtutibus Dominici Mancini, Antverpiæ, a. 1562. Si vocabulum his illic excipias minus latinum, Carmen est melioris notæ quam multa ejusdem temporis de hoc argumento."

'As for the edition which you mention, said to have been printed "in ædibus Ascensianis," in 1509, the library does not own it; but Gulielmus Dives' little poem is printed in "Dominici Mancini Poemata," Antverpiæ, 1559, 12mo.'

This is all that I have been able to learn concerning Guillaume le Riche or de Rycke; we do not know how this burgess of Ghent became a professor at Bourges. And yet the fact itself is not extraordinary, for, not long after, about 1530, another Belgian, named Hanneton, gave instruction in feudal law there.

Tory published also at the end of his edition of Valerius Probus [see number 5, infra], the following Latin distich,—an enigma,—written by his master:—