TOMBS. The erection of tombs and monuments over the graves of Muslims is forbidden by the strict laws of Islām. For the teaching of the Traditions on the subject is unmistakable, as will be seen by the following Aḥādīs̤ (Mishkāt, book v. ch. vi. pt. 1):—

Jābir says: “The Prophet prohibited building with mortar on graves.”

Abū ʾl-Haiyāj al-Asadī relates that the K͟halīfah ʿAlī said to him: “Shall I not give you the orders which the Prophet gave me, namely, to destroy all pictures and images, and not to leave a single lofty tomb without lowering it within a span from the ground.”

Saʿd ibn Abī Waqqāṣ said, when he was ill: “Make me a grave towards Makkah, and put unburnt bricks upon it, as was done upon the Prophet’s.”

The Wahhābīs consequently forbid the erection of monuments, and when they took possession of al-Madīnah, they intended to destroy the handsome building which covers the grave of the Prophet, but were prevented by accident. (See Burton’s Pilgrimage, vol. i. p. 354.) [WAHHABI.]

But notwithstanding the general consensus of orthodox opinion, that the erection of such buildings is unlawful, domed tombs of substantial structure, similar to the illustration given on this page, are common to all Muḥammadan countries, and masonry tombs are always erected over the graves of persons of respectability.

Some have a head-stone, in which there are recesses for small oil lamps, which are lighted every Thursday evening. Persons of distinction are generally honoured with tombs constructed with domes. The specimens given in the illustrations are common to all parts of the Muslim world.

Muḥammadan tomb.

The most common form of structure is not dissimilar to that which is erected in Christian cemeteries, but it is usual to put a head-stone to the grave of a male on which is a figure representing the turban as a sign of authority. Sometimes there is a cavity in the top of the grave-stone filled with mould, in which flowers are planted.

Muḥammadan tomb.

Writing of the grave-yards of Damascus, Mr. Wellsted says: “I know of nothing which displays the Moslem character to more advantage than the care they bestow on their burial-grounds. On Friday, the Moslem Sunday, those of Damascus afford at once a touching and animated scene. The site selected for the remains of those most cherished in life is generally picturesquely situated, in some lower spot, beneath the lofty cypress or quivering poplar. Here a head-stone of marble, covered with inscriptions, and of a male, surmounted with a turban, mingles with costlier buildings, of an oblong form, very tastefully and elaborately inscribed with sentences from the Koran. The greatest care is observed in preserving these sepulchral monuments. A small aperture is left in some portions, which is filled with earth, and in them the females plant myrtle and other flowers, and not infrequently water them with their tears. On the day I have named, they may be perceived in groups, hastening to perform the sad but pleasing office of mourning for the departed. (Travels to the City of the Caliphs, vol. i. p. 348.)

Muḥammadan grave monument.

Mr. Lane (Arabian Nights, vol. i. p. 433) says the tomb “is a hollow, oblong vault, one side of which faces Mekkeh, generally large enough to contain four or more bodies, and having an oblong monument of stone or brick constructed over it with a stela at the head and foot. Upon the former of these two stelæ (which is often inscribed with a text from the Ḳur-án, and the name of the deceased, with the date of his death), a turban, or other head-dress, is sometimes carved, shewing the rank or class of the person or persons buried beneath; and in many cases, a cupola, supported by four walls, or by columns, &c., is constructed over the smaller monument. The body is laid on its right side, or inclined by means of a few crude bricks, so that the face is turned towards Mekkeh; and a person is generally employed to dictate to the deceased the answers which he should give when he is examined by the two angels Munkir and Nekeer.” [TALQIN.]

Muḥammadan grave monument.

The tombs of the imperial family of Turkey are amongst the most interesting sights of the city of Constantinople. They are principally erected in the outer courts of mosques and behind the miḥrāb. One of the finest of these mausoleums is that of Sultān Sulaimān I., who died A.D. 1566. It is an octagonal building of divers coloured marbles, with cupola and fluted roof; four pillars support the dome, which is elaborately painted in red and delicate arabesque. It contains the remains of three Sultāns, Sulaimān I., Sulaimān II., and Aḥmad II., besides some female members of the family. The biers are decorated with rich embroideries and costly shawls, and with turbans and aigrettes; and that of Sulaimān I. is surrounded by a railing inlaid with mother-of-pearl.

The mausoleum of the Emperor Jahāngīr at Shahdarrah, near Lahore, is one of the finest Muḥammadan tombs in the world. It is situated in a garden 1,600 feet square. There is, first, a fine corridor 233 feet long, from which to the central dome is 108 feet. The passage to the tomb is pared with beautifully streaked marble from Jaipūr and other places. The sarcophagus stands on a white marble platform, 13 feet 5 inches long, from north to south, and 8 feet 9 inches broad. The sarcophagus itself is of white marble, and is 7 feet long. On the east and west sides of it are the ninety-nine names of God, [GOD, NAMES OF] most beautifully carved, and on the south side is inscribed: “The glorious tomb of His High Majesty, the Asylum of Protectors, Nūru ʾd-dīn Muḥammad, the Emperor Jihāngīr, A.H. 1037 (A.D. 1627). On the north end of the tomb is in Arabic, “Allāh the Living God. There is no deity but God over the invisible world and all things. He is the Merciful and the Compassionate.” On the top is a short passage from the Qurʾān, written in beautiful T̤ug͟hra. The central dome of the building is 27 feet square, and on the four sides there are fine screens of trellis work. Just inside the entrance, and to the right of it, is a staircase with twenty-five steps, which leads up to a magnificent tesselated pavement, at each corner of which is a minaret 95 feet high from the platform. This platform is 211 feet 5 inches square, and is truly beautiful. A marble wall ran round the pavement, but it was taken away by the Sikhs, and it has been replaced by a poor substitute of masonry. The minarets are four storeys high, and are built of magnificent blocks of stone 8 feet by 61 feet, and in them are steps leading to the top of the building, from which there is a fine view of Lahore.

The tomb of Aḥmad Shāh Abdalī at Kandahar, is an octagonal structure, overlaid with coloured porcelain bricks, and is surmounted with a gilded dome, surrounded by small minarets. The pavement inside is covered with a carpet, and the sarcophagus of the Afghan king is covered with a shawl. The tomb itself is made of Kandahar stone, inlaid with wreaths of flowers in coloured marble. The interior walls are prettily painted and the windows are of fine trellis work in stone.

The sepulchre of the Taimur, who died A.D. 1405, is at Samarkand in Bukhārah, and is described by M. Vambéry as a neat little chapel crowned with a splendid dome, and encircled by a wall in which there is an arched gate. On both sides are two small domes, miniature representations of the large one in the centre. The court-yard between the wall and the chapel is filled with trees; the garden being much neglected. Upon entering the dome, there is a vestibule which leads to the chapel itself. This is octagonal, and about ten short paces in diameter. In the middle, under the dome, that is to say, in the place of honour, there are two tombs, placed lengthways, with the head in the direction of Makkah. One of these tombs is covered with a very fine stone of a dark green colour, two and a half spans broad and ten long, and about the thickness of six fingers. It is laid flat in two pieces over the grave of Taimur. The other grave is covered with a black stone. It is the tomb of Mīr Syud Bakar, the teacher and spiritual guide of Taimur, and beside whose grave the great Ameer gratefully desired to be buried. Round about lie other tombstones great and small. The inscriptions are simple, and are in Arabic and Persian.

It has often been the case that Muḥammadan kings have erected their mausoleums during their lifetime, although such acts are strictly contrary to the teachings of their Prophet. A remarkable instance of this is to be seen at Bijapur in India, where the unfinished tomb of ʿAlī ʿAdl Shah (A.D. 1557) is still to be seen, having never been completed after his burial. His successor, Ibrāhīm (A.D. 1579), warned by the fate of his predecessor’s tomb, commenced his own on so small a plan—116 feet square—that, as he was blessed with a long and prosperous reign, it was only by ornament that he could render the place worthy of himself. This he accomplished by covering every part with the most exquisite and elaborate carvings. The ornamental carvings on this tomb are so numerous, that it is said the whole Qurʾān is engraven on its walls. The principal apartment in the tomb is a square of forty feet, covered by a stone roof perfectly flat in the centre, and supported by a cove projecting ten feet from the wall on every side. Mr. Fergusson says: “How the roof is supported is a mystery, which can only be understood by those who are familiar with the use the Indians make of masses of concrete, which, with good mortar, seems capable of infinite applications unknown in Europe.” (Architecture, vol. iii. p. 562.) The tomb of Maḥmūd, Ibrāhīm’s successor (A.D. 1626), was also built in his lifetime, and is remarkable for its simple grandeur and constructive boldness. It is internally 135 feet each way, and its area is consequently 18,225 square feet, while the Pantheon at Rome has only an area of 15,833 feet.

The tomb of Imām ash-Shāfiʿī, the founder of one of the four orthodox sects of the Sunnīs, and who died A.H. 204, is still to be seen near the city of Cairo. It is surmounted by a large dome, with a weathercock in the form of a boat. It is said to have been erected by Yūsuf Ṣalāḥu ʾd-Dīn (Saladin). The interior is cased to a height of eight feet with marble, above which the whole building is coloured in recent and unartistic style. The windows contain coloured glass. There are three niches, with a fourth in the form of a miḥrāb, marking the direction of Makkah. The covering of the tomb of the celebrated Muslim doctor is of simple brocade, embroidered with gold. It is enclosed with a wooden railing, inlaid with mother-of-pearl, the corners being clasped with silver fittings. At the head of the tomb is a large turban, partly covered with a Cashmere shawl. Near the head of the tomb is a marble pillar, with sculptured inscriptions, coloured red and gold. From the roof are suspended a few porcelain lamps; and lamps of glass, as well as ostrich eggs, hang in profusion from the canopy of the tomb and from light wooden beams. The walls and tomb-enclosure are adorned with scrolls. Close to the building are four other tombs of the Imām’s family.

The tomb of Zubaidah, the beloved wife of the celebrated K͟halīfah Hārūnu ʾr-Rashīd, the hero of the tales of The Thousand and One Nights, is a simple edifice standing on a sloping eminence, within an extensive cemetery outside the city of Bag͟hdad. It is a building of an octagonal shape, thirty feet in diameter, and surmounted by a spire. In the upper part of the building are two ranges of windows, the upper of which presents the flattened and the lower the pointed arch. The spire is a mere sharpened cone, ornamented without with convex divisions corresponding to concave arches within. The interior is occupied by three oblong buildings of masonry, coated with lime. A modern Pacha and his wife have now the honour of reposing beside the remains of the fair Persian, and an inscription over the porch testifies that their remains were deposited nine centuries after the favourite wife of the renowned K͟halīfah.

THE TAJ AT AGRA. (A. F. Hole.)

THE TAJ AT AGRA. (A. F. Hole.)

A very interesting specimen of tomb architecture is found at Sultaniah in Persia. It is the sepulchre of one Muḥammad K͟hudabandia. Texier ascribes the building to K͟hudabandia, of the Ṣūfī dynasty, A.D. 1577–85; but Fergusson says its style shows that the monument must be two or three hundred years older than that king. Ker Porter says it is the work of the Tartar Muḥammad K͟hudabandia, who was the successor of G͟hazan K͟hān, the builder of the celebrated mosque at Tabrīz, who, being seized with as much zeal for his Shīʿite faith as his predecessor had been for the Sunnite, his intention was to lodge in this mausoleum the remains of ʿAlī and his son al-Ḥusain. This intention, however, was not carried into effect, and consequently the bones of the founder repose alone in this splendid shrine, and not under the central dome, but in a side chamber. The general plan of this building is an octagon, with a small chapel opposite the entrance, in which the body lies. Internally, the dome is 81 feet in diameter by 150 feet in height, the octagon being worked (Mr. Fergusson says) into a circle by as elegant a series of brackets as, perhaps, ever were employed for this purpose. The form of the dome is singularly graceful and elegant, and superior to anything of the kind in Persia. The whole is covered with glazed tiles, rivalling in richness those of the celebrated mosque at Tabrīz; and with its general beauty of outline, it affords one of the finest specimens of this style of architecture found in any country.

The grave of the Persian poet Ḥāfiz̤, at Shiraz in Persia, is a single block of beautiful marble from Yezd, of which about eighteen inches appear above the ground. It is a fine slab, is perfectly flat, and is nine feet long by two feet nine inches in width. Raised in low relief, in the centre of the top of the slab, is one of the poet’s odes in the beautiful letters of the Persian alphabet, and round the edges, in a band about five inches deep, is another ode. The tomb, which is probably about two hundred years old, is situated in a square enclosure or garden, and the ground around is thickly beset with tombs, mostly flat like that of the poet.

The finest specimen of monumental architecture is the celebrated Tāj at Agra, erected over the grave of Urjummad Banu Begum, called Mumtāz-i-Maḥall, or the “Exalted One of the Palace,” the favourite wife of the Emperor Shāh Jahān, who died about A.D. 1629. The designs and estimates for the building are said to have been prepared by a Venetian named Geronimo Verroneo; but the architect died at Lahore before its completion, and the work is supposed to have been handed over to a Byzantine Turk. Mr. Keene says that it is certain Austin, the French artist, was consulted. Mr. Fergusson gives the following particulars of this remarkable building:—

“The enclosure, including garden and outer court, is a parallelogram of 1,860 feet by more than 1,000 feet. The outer court, surrounded by arcades and adorned by four gateways, is an oblong, occupying in length the whole breadth of the enclosure, and is about 450 feet deep. The principal gateway leads from this court to the garden, where the tomb is seen framed in an avenue of dark cypress trees. The plinth of white marble is 18 feet high, and is an exact square of 313 feet each way. At the four corners stand four columns or towers, each 137 feet high, and crowned with a little pavilion. The mausoleum itself occupies a space of 186 feet square, in the centre of this larger square, and each of the four corners is cut off opposite each of the towers. The central dome is 50 feet in diameter by 80 feet in height. On the platform in front of the juwab, or false mosque, is a tracing of the topmost spine, a gilded spike crowning the central dome to the height of 30 feet. The interior is lighted from marble-trellised-screen lights above and below.”—Fergusson’s History of Architecture, vol. ii. p. 693. [ZIYARAH.]

TRADITION. It is the belief of all Muḥammadans, whether Sunnī, Shīʿah, or Wahhābī, that in addition to the revelation contained in the Qurʾān, the Prophet received the Waḥy g͟hair Matlū (lit. “an unread revelation”), whereby he was enabled to give authoritative declarations on religious questions, either moral, ceremonial, or doctrinal. Muḥammad traditions are therefore supposed to be the uninspired record of inspired sayings, and consequently occupy a totally different position to what we understand by traditions in the Christian Church. The Arabic words used for these traditions are Ḥadīs̤ (حديث‎), pl. Aḥādīs̤, “a saying”; and Sunnah (سنة‎), pl. Sunan, “a custom.” The word Ḥadīs̤, in its singular form, is now generally used by both Muḥammadan and Christian writers for the collections of traditions. They are records of what Muḥammad did (Sunnatu ʾl-fiʿl), what Muḥammad enjoined (Sunnatu ʾl-qaul), and that which was done in the presence of Muḥammad and which he did not forbid (Sunnatu ʾt-taqrīr). They also include the authoritative sayings and doings of the Companions of the Prophet.

The following quotations from the Traditions as to the sayings of Muḥammad on the subject of this oral law, will explain the position which he intended to assign to it.

“That which the Prophet of God hath made unlawful is like that which God himself hath made so.”

“I am no more than a man, but when I enjoin anything respecting religion receive it, and when I order anything about the affairs of the world, then I am nothing more than man.”

“Verily the best word is the word of God, and the best rule of life is that delivered by Muḥammad.”

“I have left you two things, and you will not stray as long as you hold them fast. The one is the book of God, and the other the law (sunnah) of His Prophet.”

“My sayings do not abrogate the word of God, but the word of God can abrogate my sayings.”

“Some of my injunctions abrogate others.” (Mishkāt, book i. ch. vi.)

Muḥammad gave very special injunctions respecting the faithful transmission of his sayings, for, according to at-Tirmiẕī, Ibn ʿAbbās relates that Muḥammad said: “Convey to other persons none of my words, except those ye know of a surety. Verily he who represents my words wrongly shall find a place for himself in the fire.”

But notwithstanding the severe warning given by their Prophet, it is admitted by all Muslim scholars that very many spurious traditions have been handed down. Abū Dāʿūd received only four thousand eight hundred traditions out of five hundred thousand, and even in this careful selection, he states, that he has given “those which seem to be authentic and those which are nearly so.” (Vide Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. i. p. 590.)

Out of forty thousand persons who have been instrumental in handing down traditions, al Buk͟hārī only acknowledges two thousand as reliable authorities.

In consequence of the unreliable character of the Traditions, the following canons have been framed for the reception or rejection (vide Nuk͟hbatu ʾl-Faqr, by Shaik͟h Shihābu ʾd-Dīn Aḥmad, ed. by Captain N. Lees):—

I. With reference to the character of those who have handed down the tradition:—

(1) Ḥadīs̤u ʾṣ-Ṣaḥīḥ, a genuine tradition, is one which has been handed down by truly pious persons who have been distinguished for their integrity.

(2) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Ḥasan, a mediocre tradition, is one the narrators of which do not approach in moral excellence to those of the Ṣaḥīḥ class.

(3) Ḥadīs̤u ʾẓ-Ẓaʿīf, a weak tradition, is one whose narrators are of questionable authority.

The disputed claims of narrators to these three classes have proved a fruitful source of learned discussion, and very numerous are the works written upon the subject.

II. With reference to the original relators of the Ḥadīs̤:—

(1) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Marfūʿ, an exalted tradition is a saying, or an act, related or performed by the Prophet himself and handed down in a tradition.

(2) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Mauqūf, a restricted tradition, is a saying or an act related or performed by one of the aṣḥāb, or Companions of the Prophet.

(3) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Maqt̤ūʿ, an intersected tradition, is a saying or an act related or performed by one of the Tābiʿūn, or those who conversed with the Companions of the Prophet.

III. With reference to the links in the chain of the narrators of the tradition, a Ḥadīs̤ is either Muttaṣil, connected, or Munqat̤iʿ, disconnected. If the chain of narrators is complete from the time of the first utterance of the saying or performance of the act recorded to the time that it was written down by the collector of traditions, it is Muttaṣil; but if the chain of narrators is incomplete, it is Munqat̤iʿ.

IV. With reference to the manner in which the tradition has been narrated, and transmitted down from the first:—

(1) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Mutawātir, an undoubted tradition, is one which is handed down by very many distinct chains of narrators, and which has been always accepted as authentic and genuine, no doubt ever having been raised against it. The learned doctors say there are only five such traditions; but the exact number is disputed.

(2) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Mashhūr, a well-known tradition, is one which has been handed down by at least three distinct lines of narrators. It is called also Mustafīẓ, diffused. It is also used for a tradition which was at first recorded by one person, or a few individuals, and afterwards became a popular tradition.

(3) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-ʿAzīz, a rare tradition, is one related by only two lines of narrators.

(4) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-G͟harīb, a poor tradition, is one related by only one line of narrators.

(5) K͟habaru ʾl-Wāḥid, a single saying, is a term also used for a tradition related by one person and handed down by one line of narrators. It is a disputed point whether a K͟habar Wāḥid can form the basis of Muslim doctrine.

(6) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Mursal (lit. “a tradition let loose”), is a tradition which any collector of traditions, such as al-Buk͟hārī and others, records with the assertion, “the Apostle of God said.”

(7) Riwāyah, is a Ḥadīs̤ which commences with the words “it is related,” without the authority being given.

(8) Ḥadīs̤u ʾl-Mauẓūʿ, an invented tradition, is one the untruth of which is beyond dispute.

The following is a specimen of a ḥadīs̤, as given in the collection of at-Tirmiẕī, which will exemplify the way in which a tradition is recorded:—

“Abū Kuraib said to us (ḥaddas̤a-nā) that Ibrāhīm ibn Yūsuf ibn Abī Isḥāq said to us (ḥaddas̤a-nā), from (ʿan) his father, from (ʿan) Abū Isḥāq, from (ʿan) Tulātā ibn Musārif, that he said, I have heard (samiʿtu), from ʿAbdu ʾr-Raḥmān ibn Ausajah, that he said (yaqūlu), I have heard (samiʿtu) from Barā ibn ʿĀzib that he said (yaqūlu) I have heard (samiʿtu) that the Prophet said, Whoever shall give in charity a milch cow, or silver, or a leathern bottle of water, it shall be equal to the freeing of a slave.”

The Honourable Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, C.S.I., an educated Muḥammadan gentleman, in an Essay on Mohammedan Traditions, gives the following information:—

The Style of Composition employed in the imparting of a Tradition.

For the purpose of expressing how a tradition had been communicated from one person to another, certain introductory verbal forms were selected by duly qualified persons, and it was incumbent upon every one about to narrate a tradition, to commence by that particular form appropriated to the said tradition, and this was done with the view of securing for each tradition the quantum of credit to which it might be justly entitled.

These introductory verbal forms are as follow: (1) حدثنا‎ “He said to me”; (2) سمعته يقول‎ “I heard him saying”; (3) قال لنا‎ “He told me”; (4) ذكر لنا‎ “He related to me”; (5) اخبرنا‎ “He informed me”; (6) انبانا‎ “He informed me”; (7) عن‎ “From.”

The first four introductory forms were to be used only in the case of an original narrator communicating the very words of the tradition to the next one below him. The fifth and sixth introductory verbal forms were used when a narrator inquired of the narrator immediately above him whether such or such a fact, or circumstance, was or was not correct. The last form is not sufficiently explicit, and the consequence is that it cannot be decided to which of the two persons the tradition related belongs, so that unless other facts be brought to bear upon it, it cannot be satisfactorily proved whether there be any other persons, one, or more than one, intermediary between the two narrators. As to any external facts that might prove what was required to be known, the learned are divided in their opinions.

First: If it be known of a certainty that the narrator is not notorious for fraudulently omitting the names of other parties forming links in the chain of narration, and who also lived at such a time and in such a locality that it was possible, although not proved, that they visited each other, then it might be taken for granted that there were no other narrators intermediary between these two.

Secondly: Other learned authorities add that it must be proved that they visited each other, at least once in their life-time.

Thirdly: Others assert that it must be proved that they remained together for such a time as would be sufficient to enable them to learn the tradition, one from the other.

Fourthly: Some hold that it must be proved that one of them really learned the tradition from the other.

Degree of Authenticity of the Narrators as judged by their Acquirements.

The associates of the Prophet, and those persons who lived immediately after them, used to relate, with the exception of the Qurʾān, the sense of the Prophet’s words in their own language, unless they had to use some phrases containing prayers, or when they had to point out to others the very words of the Prophet. It is natural to suppose that deeply-learned persons would themselves understand and deliver, to others, the sense of the sayings better than persons of inferior parts, and therefore narrators have been divided into seven grades.

First: Persons highly conspicuous for their learning and legal acquirements, as well as for their retentive memory. Such persons are distinguished by the title of ايمة الحديث‎ Aʾimmatu ʾl-Ḥadīs̤, that is “Leaders in Ḥadīs̤.”

Second: Persons who, as to their knowledge, take rank after the first, and who but very rarely committed any mistake.

Third: Persons who have made alterations in the pure religion of the Prophet, without carrying them to extremes by prejudice, but respecting whose integrity and honesty there is no doubt.

Fourth: Persons respecting whom nothing is known.

Fifth: Persons who have made alterations in the pure religion of the Prophet, and, actuated by prejudice, have carried them to extremes.

Sixth: Persons who are pertinaciously sceptical, and have not a retentive memory.

Seventh: Persons who are notorious for inventing spurious traditions. Learned divines are of opinion that the traditions related by persons of the first three classes should be accepted as true, according to their respective merits, and also that traditions related by persons coming under the three last classes should be, at once, entirely rejected; and that the traditions related by persons of the fourth class, should be passed over unnoticed so long as the narrator remained unknown.

Causes of Difference among Traditions.

We should not be justified in concluding that, whenever a difference is met with in traditions, these latter are nothing more than so many mere inventions and fabrications of the narrators, since, besides the fabrication of ḥadīs̤, there are also other natural causes which might occasion such differences; and we shall now consider those natural causes which produce such variety among ḥadīs̤.

(1) A misunderstanding of the real sense of the saying of the Prophet.

(2) Difference of the opinions of two narrators in understanding the true sense of the Prophet’s saying.

(3) Inability to enunciate clearly the sense of the Prophet’s saying.

(4) Failure of memory on the part of the narrator—in consequence of which he either left out some portion or portions of the Prophet’s saying, or mixed up together the meanings of two different ḥadīs̤.

(5) Explanation of any portion of the ḥadīs̤ given by the narrator, with the intention of its being easily understood by the party hearing it, but unfortunately mistaken by the latter for an actual portion of the ḥadīs̤ itself.

(6) Quotations of certain of the Prophet’s words by the narrator, for the purpose of supporting his own narration, while the hearers of the narration erroneously took the whole of it as being the Prophet’s own words.

(7) Traditions borrowed from the Jews erroneously taken to be the words of the Prophet, and the difference existing between such Jewish traditions was thus transferred to those of the Muḥammadans. The stories of ancient persons and early prophets, with which our histories and commentaries are filled, are all derived from these sources.

(8) The difference which is naturally caused in the continual transmission of a tradition by oral communication, as it has been in the case of traditions having miracles for their subject-matter.

(9) The various states and circumstances in which the different narrators saw the Prophet.

Apocryphal Ḥadīs̤.

There exists no doubt respecting the circumstance of certain persons having fabricated some ḥadīs̤ in the Prophet’s name. Those who perpetrated so impudent a forgery were men of the following descriptions:—

(1) Persons desirous of introducing some praiseworthy custom among the public, forged ḥadīs̤ in order to secure success. Such fabrication is restricted exclusively to those ḥadīs̤ which treat of the advantages and benefits which reading the Qurʾān and praying procure to any one, both in this world and the next; which show how reciting passages from the Qurʾān cures every disease, etc.: the real object of such frauds being to lead the public into the habit of reading the Qurʾān and of praying. According to our religion, the perpetrators of such frauds, or of any others, stand in the list of sinners.

(2) Preachers, with a view of collecting large congregations around them, and of amusing their hearers, invented many traditions, such traditions being only those which describe the state and condition of paradise and of hell, as well as the state and condition of the soul after death, etc., in order to awaken the fear of God’s wrath and the hope of salvation.

(3) Those persons who made alterations in the religion of the Prophet, and who, urged by their prejudices, carried the same to extremes, and who, for the purpose of successfully confronting their controversial antagonists, forged such traditions in order to favour their own interested views.

(4) Unbelievers who maliciously coined and circulated spurious ḥadīs̤. Learned men, however, have greatly exerted themselves in order to discover such fabricated traditions, and have written many works upon the subject, laying down rules for ascertaining false traditions and for distinguishing them from genuine ones.

The modes of procedure were as follows: Such persons examined the very words employed in such traditions, as well as their style of composition; they compared the contents of each ḥadīs̤ with the commands and injunctions contained in the Qurʾān, with those religious doctrines and dogmas that have been deduced from the Qurʾān, and with those ḥadīs̤ which have been proved to be genuine; they investigated the nature of the import of such traditions, as to whether it was unreasonable, improbable, or impossible.

It will, therefore, be evident that the ḥadīs̤ considered as genuine by Muḥammadans, must indispensably possess the following characters: The narrator must have plainly and distinctly mentioned that such and such a thing was either said or done by the Prophet; the chain of narrators from the last link up to the Prophet, must be unbroken; the subject related must have come under the actual ken of its first narrators; every one of the narrators, from the last up to the Prophet, must have been persons conspicuous for their piety, virtue, and honesty; every narrator must have received more than one ḥadīs̤ from the narrator immediately preceding him; every one of the narrators must be conspicuous for his learning, so that he might be safely presumed to be competent both to understand correctly, and faithfully deliver to others, the sense of the tradition; the import of the tradition must not be contrary to the injunctions contained in the Qurʾān, or to the religious doctrines deduced from that Book, or to the traditions proved to be correct; and the nature of the import of the tradition must not be such as persons might hesitate in accepting.

Any tradition thus proved genuine can be made the basis of any religious doctrine; but notwithstanding this, another objection may be raised against it, which is, that this tradition is the statement of one person only, and therefore, cannot, properly, be believed in implicitly. For obviating this, three grades have been again formed of the ḥadīs̤ proved as genuine. These three grades are the following: متواتر‎ Mutawātir, مشهور‎ Mashhūr, and خبر احد‎ K͟habar-i-Aḥad.

Mutawātir is an appellation given to those ḥadīs̤ only that have always been, from the time of the Prophet, ever afterwards recognised and accepted by every associate of the Prophet, and every learned individual, as authentic and genuine, and to which no one has raised any objection. All learned Muḥammadan divines of every period have declared that the Qurʾān only is the Ḥadīs̤ Mutawātir; but some doctors have declared certain other ḥadīs̤ also to be Mutawātir, the number, however, of such ḥadīs̤ not exceeding five. Such are the traditions that are implicitly believed and ought to be religiously observed.

Mashhūr is a title given to those traditions that, in every age, have been believed to be genuine, by some learned persons. These are the traditions which are found recorded in the best works that treat of them, and, having been generally accepted as genuine, form the nucleus of some of the Muslim doctrines.

K͟habar-i-Aḥad (or ḥadīs̤ related by one person), is an appellation given to traditions that do not possess any of the qualities belonging to the traditions of the first two grades. Opinions of the learned are divided whether or not they can form the basis of any religious doctrine.

Persons who undertook the task of collecting traditions had neither time nor opportunity for examining and investigating all the above particulars, and some of them collected together whatsoever came under their notice, while others collected only those whose narrators were acknowledged to be trustworthy and honest persons, leaving entirely upon their readers the task of investigating and examining all the above-mentioned particulars, as well as of deciding their comparative merits, their genuineness, and the quantum of credit due to them.

There is some difference of opinion as to who first attempted to collect the traditions, and to compile them in a book. Some say ʿAbdu ʾl-Malik ibn Juraij of Makkah, who died A.H. 150, whilst others assert that the collection, which is still extant, by the Imām Mālik, who died A.H. 179, was the first collection. The work by Imām Mālik is still held in very great esteem, and although not generally included among the standard six, it is believed by many to be the source from whence a great portion of their materials are derived.

The following are the Ṣiḥāḥu ʾs-Sittah, or “six correct” books, received by Sunnī Muslims:—

(1) Muḥammad Ismāʿīl al-Buk͟hārī, A.H. 256.

(2) Muslim ibnu ʾl-Ḥajjāj, A.H. 261.

(3) Abū ʿĪsā Muḥammad, at-Tirmiẕī, A.H. 279.

(4) Abū Daʾūd as-Sajistānī, A.H. 275.

(5) Abū ʿAbdi ʾr-Raḥmān an-Nasāʾī, A.H. 303.

(6) Abū ʿAbdi ʾllāh Muḥammad Ibn Mājah, A.H. 273.

According to the Itḥāfu ʾn-Nubalāʾ, there are as many as 1,465 collections of traditions in existence, although the six already recorded are the more generally used amongst the Sunnīs.

It is often stated by European writers that the Shīʿahs reject the Traditions. This is not correct. The Sunnīs arrogate to themselves the title of Traditionists; but the Shīʿahs, although they do not accept the collections of traditions as made by the Sunnīs, receive five collections of Aḥādīs̤, upon which their system of law, both civil and religious, is founded.

(1) The Kāfī, by Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqūb, A.H. 329.

(2) The Man-lā-yastaḥẓirahu ʾl-Faqīh, by Shaik͟h ʿAlī, A.H. 381.

(3) The Tahẕīb, by Shaik͟h Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḥusain, A.H. 466.

(4) The Istibṣār, by the same author.

(5) The Nahju ʾl-Balāg͟hah, by Saiyid ar-Raẓī, A.H. 406.

There are many stories which illustrate the importance the Companions of the Prophet attached to Sunnah. The K͟halīfah ʿUmar looked towards the black stone at Makkah, and said, “By God, I know that thou art only a stone, and canst grant no benefit, canst do no harm. If I had not known that the Prophet kissed thee, I would not have done so, but on account of that I do it.” ʿAbdu ʾllāh ibn ʿUmar was seen riding his camel round and round a certain place. In answer to an inquiry as to his reason for so doing, he said: “I know not, only I have seen the Prophet do so here.” Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal is said to have been appointed on account of the care with which he observed the Sunnah. One day when sitting in an assembly, he alone of all present observed some formal custom authorised by the practice of the Prophet. Gabriel at once appeared and informed him that now, and on account of his act, he was appointed an Imām. And on another occasion it is said this great traditionist would not even eat water-melons, because, although he knew the Prophet ate them, he could not learn whether he ate them with or without the rind, or whether he broke, bit or cut them: and he forbade a woman, who questioned him as to the propriety of the act, to spin by the light of torches passing in the streets by night, because the Prophet had not mentioned that it was lawful to do so.

The modern Wahhābīs being, for the most part, followers of Ibn Ḥanbal, attach great importance to the teaching of the Traditions, and have therefore caused a revival of this branch of Muslim literature. [WAHHABI.]

We are indebted to Sir William Muir’s Introduction to the Life of Mahomet, for the following:—

“Mahometan tradition consists of the sayings of the friends and followers of the Prophet, handed down by a real or supposed chain of narrators to the period when they were collected, recorded, and classified. The process of transmission was for the most part oral. It may be sketched as follows.

“After the death of Mahomet, the main employment of his followers was arms. The pursuit of pleasure, and the formal round of religious observances, filled up the interstices of active life, but afforded scanty exercise for the higher faculties of the mind. The tedium of long and irksome marches, and the lazy intervals from one campaign to another, fell listlessly upon a simple and semi-barbarous race. These intervals were occupied, and that tedium beguiled, chiefly by calling up the past in familiar conversation or more formal discourse. On what topic, then, would the early Moslems more enthusiastically descant than on the acts and sayings of that wonderful man who had called them into existence as a conquering nation, and had placed in their hands ‘the keys both of this world and of Paradise’?

“Thus the converse of Mahomet’s followers would be much about him. The majesty of his character gained greatness by contemplation; and, as time removed him farther and farther from them, the lineaments of the mysterious mortal who was wont to hold familiar intercourse with the messengers of heaven, rose in dimmer, but in more gigantic proportions. The mind was unconsciously led on to think of him as endowed with supernatural power, and ever surrounded by supernatural agency. Here was the material out of which Tradition grew luxuriantly. Whenever there was at hand no standard of fact whereby these recitals may be tested, the memory was aided by the unchecked efforts of the imagination; and as days rolled on, the latter element gained complete ascendancy.

“Such is the result which the lapse of time would naturally have upon the minds and the narratives of the As-háb or ‘Companions’ of Mahomet, more especially of those who were young when he died. And then another race sprang up who had never seen the Prophet, who looked up to his contemporaries with a superstitious reverence, and who listened to their stories of him as to the tidings of a messenger from the other world. ‘Is it possible, father of Abdallah! that thou hast been with Mahomet?’ was the question addressed by a pious Moslem to Hodzeifa, in the mosque of Kufâ; ‘didst thou really see the Prophet, and wert thou on familiar terms with him?’—‘Son of my uncle! it is indeed as thou sayest.’—‘And how wert thou wont to behave towards the Prophet?’—‘Verily, we used to labour hard to please him.’—‘Well, by the Lord!’ exclaimed the ardent listener, ‘had I been but alive in his time, I would not have allowed him to put his blessed foot upon the earth, but would have borne him on my shoulders wherever he listed.’ (Hishâmi, p. 295.) Upon another occasion, the youthful Obeida listened to a Companion who was reciting before an assembly how the Prophet’s head was shaved at the Pilgrimage, and the hair distributed amongst his followers; the eyes of the young man glistened as the speaker proceeded, and he interrupted him with the impatient exclamation,—‘Would that I had even a single one of those blessed hairs! I would cherish it for ever, and prize it beyond all the gold and silver in the world.’ (Kâtib al Wâckidi, p. 279.) Such were the natural feelings of fond devotion with which the Prophet came to be regarded by the followers of the ‘Companions.’

“As the tale of the Companions was thus taken up by their followers, distance began to invest it with an increasing charm, while the products of living faith and warm imagination were being fast debased by superstitious credulity. This second generation are termed in the language of the patriotic lore of Arabia, Tâbiûn, or ‘Successors.’ Here and there a Companion survived till near the end of the first century; but, for all practical purposes, they had passed off the stage before the commencement of its last quarter. Their first Successors, who were in some measure also their contemporaries, flourished in the latter half of the same century, though some of the oldest may have survived for a time in the second.

“Meanwhile a new cause was at work, which gave to the tales of Mahomet’s companions a fresh and an adventitious importance.

“The Arabs, a simple and unsophisticated race, found in the Coran ample provisions for the regulation of all their affairs, religious, social, and political. But the aspect of Islam soon underwent a mighty change. Scarcely was the Prophet dead when his followers issued forth from their barren peninsula, armed with the warrant of the Coran to impose the faith of Mahomet upon all the nations of the earth. Within a century they had, as a first step to this universal subjugation, conquered every land that intervened between the banks of the Oxus and the farthest shores of Northern Africa and of Spain; and had enrolled the great majority of their peoples under the standard of the Coran. This vast empire differed widely indeed from the Arabia of Mahomet’s time; and that which well sufficed for the patriarchal simplicity and limited social system of the early Arabs, became utterly inadequate for the hourly multiplying wants of their descendants. Crowded cities, like Fostât, Kufâ, and Damascus, required an elaborate compilation of laws for the guidance of their courts of justice: new political relations demanded a system of international equity: the speculations of a people before whom literature was preparing to throw open her arena, and the controversies of eager factions upon nice points of Mahometan faith, were impatient of the narrow limits which confined them:—all called loudly for the enlargement of the scanty and naked dogmas of the Coran, and for the development of its defective code of ethics.

“And yet it was the cardinal principle of early Islam, that the standard of Law, of Theology, and of Politics, was the Coran and the Coran alone. By it Mahomet himself ruled; to it in his teaching he always referred; from it he professed to derive his opinions, and upon it to ground his decisions. If he, the Messenger of the Lord, and the Founder of the faith, was thus bound by the Coran, much more were the Caliphs, his uninspired substitutes. New and unforeseen circumstances were continually arising, for which the Coran contained no provision. It no longer sufficed for its original object. How then were its deficiencies to be supplied?

“The difficulty was resolved by adopting the Custom or ‘Sunnat’ of Mahomet, that is, his sayings and his practice, as a supplement to the Coran. The recitals regarding the life of the Prophet now acquired an unlooked-for value. He had never held himself to be infallible, except when directly inspired of God; but this new doctrine assumed that a heavenly and unerring guidance pervaded every word and action of his prophetic life. Tradition was thus invested with the force of law, and with some of the authority of inspiration. It was in great measure owing to the rise of this theory, that, during the first century of Islam, the cumbrous recitals of tradition so far outstripped the dimensions of reality. The prerogative now claimed for Tradition stimulated the growth of fabricated evidence, and led to the preservation of every kind of story, spurious or real, touching the Prophet. Before the close of the century it had imparted an almost incredible impulse to the search for traditions, and had in fact given birth to the new profession of Collectors. Men devoted their lives to the business. They travelled from city to city, and from tribe to tribe, over the whole Mahometan world; sought out by personal inquiry every vestige of Mahomet’s biography yet lingering among the Companions, the Successors, and their descendants; and committed to writing the tales and reminiscences with which they used to edify their wondering and admiring auditors.

“The work, however, too closely affected the public interests, and the political aspect of the empire, to be left entirely to private and individual zeal. About a hundred years after Mahomet, the Caliph Omar II. issued circular orders for the formal collection of all extant traditions. [He committed to Abu Bacr ibn Muhammad the task of compiling all the traditions he could meet with. This traditionist died A.H. 120, aged 84. Sprenger’s Mohammed, p. 67.] The task thus begun continued to be vigorously prosecuted, but we possess no authentic remains of any compilation of an earlier date than the middle or end of the second century. Then, indeed, ample materials had been amassed, and they have been handed down to us both in the shape of Biographies and of general Collections, which bear upon every imaginable point of Mahomet’s character, and detail the minutest incidents of his life.

“It thus appears that the traditions we now possess remained generally in an unrecorded form for at least the greater part of a century. It is not indeed denied that some of Mahomet’s sayings may possibly have been noted down in writing during his life-time, and from that source copied and propagated afterwards. We say possibly, for the evidence in favour of any such record is meagre, suspicious, and contradictory. The few and uncertain statements of this nature may have owed their origin to the authority which a habit of the kind would impart to the name of a Companion, supposed to have practised it.… It is hardly possible that, if the custom had prevailed of writing down Mahomet’s sayings during his life, we should not have had frequent intimation of the fact, with notices of the writers, and special references to the nature, contents, and peculiar authority of their records. But no such references or quotations are anywhere to be found. It cannot be objected that the Arabs trusted so implicitly to their memory that they regarded oral to be as authoritative as recorded narratives, and therefore would take no note of the latter; for we see that Omar was afraid lest even the Coran, believed by him to be divine and itself the subject of heavenly care, should become defective if left to the memory of man. Just as little weight, on the other hand, should be allowed to the tradition that Mahomet prohibited his followers from noting down his words; though it is not easy to see how that tradition could have gained currency at all, had it been the regular and constant practice of any persons to record his sayings. The truth appears to be that there was in reality no such practice; and that the story of the prohibition, though spurious, embodies the after-thought of serious Mahometans as to what Mahomet would have said, had he foreseen the loose and fabricated stories that sprang up, and the real danger his people would fall into of allowing Tradition to supersede the Coran. The evils of Tradition were, in truth, as little thought of as its value was perceived, till many years after Mahomet’s death.

“But even were we to admit all that has been advanced, it would prove no more than that some of the Companions used to keep memoranda of the Prophet’s sayings. Now, unless it be possible to connect such memoranda with extant Tradition, the concession would be useless. But it is not, as far as I know, demonstrable of any single tradition or class of traditions now in existence, that they were copied from such memoranda, or have been derived in any way from them. To prove, therefore, that some traditions were at first recorded, will not help us to a knowledge of whether any of these still exist, or to a discrimination of them from others resting on a purely oral basis. The very most that could be urged from the premises is, that our present collections may contain some traditions founded upon a recorded original, and handed down in writing; but we are unable to single out any individual tradition and make such affirmation regarding it. The entire mass of extant tradition rests in this respect on the same uncertain ground, and the uncertainty of any one portion (apart from internal evidence of probability) attaches equally to the whole. We cannot with confidence, or even with the least show of likelihood, affirm of any tradition that it was recorded till nearly the end of the first century of the Hegira.

“We see, then, how entirely tradition, as now possessed by us, rests its authority on the memory of those who handed it down; and how dependent therefore it must have been upon their convictions and their prejudices. For, in addition to the common frailty of human recollection which renders traditional evidence notoriously infirm, and to the errors or exaggerations which always distort a narrative transmitted orally through many witnesses, there exist throughout Mahometan Tradition abundant indications of actual fabrication; and there may everywhere be traced the indirect but not less powerful and dangerous influence of a silently working bias, which insensibly gave its colour and its shape to all the stories of their Prophet treasured up in the memories of the believers.

*   *   *

“That the Collectors of Tradition rendered an important service to Islam, and even to history, cannot be doubted. The vast flood of tradition, poured forth from every quarter of the Moslem empire, and daily gathering volume from innumerable tributaries, was composed of the most heterogeneous elements; without the labours of the traditionists it must soon have formed a chaotic sea, in which truth and error, fact and fable, would have mingled together in undistinguishable confusion. It is a legitimate inference from the foregoing sketch, that Tradition, in the second century, embraced a large element of truth. That even respectably derived traditions often contained much that was exaggerated and fabulous, is an equally fair conclusion. It is proved by the testimony of the Collectors themselves, that thousands and tens of thousands were current in their times, which possessed not even a shadow of authority. The mass may be likened to the image in Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, formed by the unnatural union of gold, of silver, of the baser metals, and of clay; and here the more valuable parts were fast commingling hopelessly with the bad.” (Muir’s Life of Mahomet, vol. i., Intro. p. xxviii.)