[Dr. Covel here gives a long and technical account of all he saw at Ephesus—of little value now, since the light of recent excavations.]

Capt. 10.—Our Departure from Smyrna.

At last, Dec. 22, Thursday, about eleven in the morning, we weigh’d Anchor with a fair gale at S.E.

Saturday, Dec. 24. In the morning I had a little Aguish distemper: I fancy’d that I had gotten cold with overheating myself in wading and labouring upon the sand-bank the last day we were there a shooting. The wind blew very hard most part of the day at N.N.E., and we had a very boysterous Sea. We split our Fore sail, and it almost blew away: we had stood in close under Lesbos all night, and that day, about four o’clock in the afternoon, we came to Anchor before Tenedos, in ten fathome water. Soon after, we sent our purser a shoar to wait on the Aga, who, by him, invited us to come and take what Provisions we wanted. He sent us some fish; amongst the rest Sea Breme (as our Capt. call’d them), with a large, very sharp prickly fin all along the back, and some fish which feel’d rough, like perches, with two prickly fins on their back, and on either side they had just eleven streaks or laces fore and aft (to use the seaman’s phrase), parallel to one another from the back downwards, of a bright gold colour.

The Agá beg’d some glasse bottles of our Capt., which were sent to him next day by our Purser, who went a shore and bought all the provisions which we wanted, and with them good store of white Muscadine, a rich, sweet, heavy wine. I was so ill as I durst not venture out, but shall hereafter give you an account of what I observed when I came there a second time.

Dec. 27, Tuesday. About five in the morning we weighed Anchor, and by eleven o’clock following we were at the mouth of the Hellespont.

A little beyond the innermost castles of old Sistos and Abydos, on the Southern Shore, lyes a little sand bank, which reaches on round about a sharp point of land directly opposite to Magla (antiently Madgla). Our second Mate, being on the watch, kept the south side of the Stream (which continually set out here to the West), for the advantage of the Eddy and the easier passage on that west side of the point; but, bearing in too near the South Shore, about two o’clock, ran our ship on ground. We had but one easy gale, just enough to stem the current, and the sand and mud at the bottome were soft, so we were in no great danger, and, carrying out an Anchor a sterne (as is usuall in such cases) with the Winlace, we soon wrought the ship of again, and so plying our voyage, by five o’clock we safely doubled the point, and got sea room enough.

Dec. 28, Wednesday. About ten in the morning we came to an Anchor before Galliopoli (the Greeks still call it by the old name Callipolis) in 20 fathom water. We stay’d not above two houres, and then weigh’d again for Constantinople, where, on Saturday, Dec. 31, at thre in the afternoon, we came to Anchor at the custome house on Galata side, having saluted the Seraglio as we past by with 11 guns.

I went immediately up to my Ld. Ambassador, Sr. Dan. Harvey, and deliver’d those letters of consequence which I thought not fit to venture with others by the common messo from Smyrna; and, the next day being New Yeares Day, I entred upon my employment.

When I went to get my books and other things on shore, the Customes ript open my Trunkes and boxes, and searched and rifled every thing. However, at last I mist nothing but Niceron’s Thaumaturgus opticus, which I shrewdly suspect was filch’t from me by one who was indeed call’d a Christian, but had not, it seems, the honesty of a common Turk.

[In Dr. Covel’s MS. there here follows a long and detailed account of Constantinople, which differs little from those given by other travellers of the period, and has therefore been omitted.]

Extracts from the General Diary extending over the whole of Dr. Covel’s Residence in Turkey.

Aug. 15th, 1671. ’Tis observ’d by the Greeks as the feast of Assumpt. B.V.M. with great solemnity. They all repair to Church, Men and Women apart. Masse is mumbled over. The priest does not consecrate a wafer or a whole loaf, but cuts a long square cut about ¾ of an inch broad; with his nail he makes a crosse on it. After the prayer of consecration he elevates it, and they adore; then there is the discourse from the Patriarch. After masse the Priest comes out with holy Water in a pot, a crosse, and an aspergillum of hyssop, or lime, or rosemary, or what he can get green (that at the holy fountain was Basil), and Holy bread on a dish. By use in the Greek Church none are to eat or drink till they cut it. Everyone comes up towards that place in order: first the Men, then Women. He gives them a piece of bread, ζυμὸς, leaven’d (it is as that for the Eucharist), and he holds the Cross for the kisses; he washes them on the face; they lay down their aspers,[233] and depart. Those that have paines in their head or are ill come to the Priest, and lean down their head (Men and Women), on which he layes his book, and reads some piece of the Gospell; they present aspers for that. All being done, there is brought to the Church doore a charger of boyld wheat, cover’d over with crosses made of blancht almonds and raisins; everyone that will takes one of it, but is obliged to say a Pater Noster and Ave for the souls of the dead there buried. Masse is said in the same manner.

Nov. 8th, 1674. I was at the consecration of the new patriarch Dionysius, Archbishop of Larissa (or Metropolite).[234] Parthenius had brought out Methodius, and disoblig’d the greatest part of the Greek Metropolitans; they joyned against him, bring him out, and get him banish’t and sent to the Pasha of Cyprus. Mathias, with all the Metropolites and thre ex-patriarchs, were in the sacristia; it being ended, out comes the ex-patriarchs with their pastoral staffs in their hands. They are prettily coloured, like your gaudy tobacco-pipes with globular joynts, the crosse or handle at top, two serpents’ heads, yellow like gold. First was Παίσιος, second Διονύσιος, third our Μεθόδιος; and took their seats on the left of the quire (as you enter) just over against the Patriarch’s seat, which is like a chair with 4 steps up to it, a tilt like a flat pulpit over it, supported with a back behind, and two little posts before. They sat in their order, Παίσιος uppermost, next the Sacristia, and then followed all the Metropolites, and took their places on the patriarchs’ side from his seat towards the door in order. Then in a Pulpit high on the wall of the ex-patriarch’s side an officer of the Church (I suppose their λογοθέτης)[235] read a long declaration against Parthenius to justify their proceedings, wherein he made him the veryest Rogue in the world, calling him διάβολος κακοῦργος, τῶν δαιμόνων δούλος, etc., and at the end he pronounced him ἀφωριομἐνος, ἀνάθεμα τρισκαταραμὲνος, at which the ex-patriarchs and all the Metropolites, wagging their heads, cryed out aloud ἀνὰθεμὰ τον, many of the latter thrice repeating of it with vehemency. The French Embassador, and we Franks and many Greeks could not but smile. My Dragoman (a Greek) told me that if this one be turned out, and Parthenius restored, the other faction will anathematise him as much, and they served Methodius just soe. Then Παίσιος read a formall instrument, wherein he personally agreed to the censure; the like did the other two ex parte, and all the Metropolites, all ending with ἀνὰθεμὰ τον. Then they proceeded to another part of their service, in which the new patriarch (another Διονύσιος) had a short part, which he said in sight of all at the door within the sacristia, where he was all the time. After it (half way in the choir, just against the Patriarch’s seat) another officer of the Church (which is the μεγάλη ἐκκλησία, a grand chiesa), I suppose him the μέγας ῥήτωρ, mounted on a scabellum,[236] 1½ foot high, made a very handsome speech in his commendation, pronounct it very plain and gracefully. He insisted upon a parallel between their hopes now and their former calamyties, though touch’t but lightly upon Parthenius, I suppose for fear of his returne. He complimented the Metropolites and expatr. (ex-patriarchs) with the presage of future happiness, and their good choyce he commended, etc. The new Patriarch all the while lookt humbly down to the ground. After it, he returned a short and modest answer. Next came up toward the Sacristia (above the Orator a great deal) the Bishop of Heraclea, with a pastorall staff, and, holding it in his hand, made another pretty compliment, partly to the New Patriarch, partly (turning about) to the company, and then, going up to him, presented it to him, and kist his hand. Then he on his left hand, and another on his right, lead him along to his seat. In the midway, the ex-Patriarchs, rising from their seats, met him and kist him (alla graeca, del un ed altro omero[237]), then return’d to their seats; he goes on to his. Then come all the Metropolites, pass in order, and kiss his hand; returning to their seats immediately, they passe on towards high masse. The Gospels are bound very rich in Embroidery gold and silver, and have the crosse on the side, which, as it was brought back from the pulpit (in which it was read), the patr., ex-patr., and the French Embassad. kist. The host, before it is consecrated, is brought through the body of the Church, at which all the Patr., expat., Papa., etc., uncover their heads (and come downe), which at other times is cover’d with a black knit kind of Monmouth with eares, and a kind of course listany hood over it, which they put of and on upon many occasions. Before consecration and elevation, all adore to the ground, the patriarch, expat., etc. Masse being fully ended, a Metropolite went up and preach’t 1st a very short prayer, then name his text Mat. 5-8, καθάρτατος, then saluted the Patr., expat., Metropolit., and the whole auditory, return’d to his text again, where the greatest part was reckoning up various opinions. He quoted Ignatius, etc., etc., and coming to speak of Parthenius, calling him bad enough, [amo]ngst the rest comparing him to Lucifer and the bad angels; he mistook, and said Παίσιος (who was there present, and hang’d down his head). Then we many cry’d out, Parthenius, Parthenius, at which he making a stand, said Παρθένιος λὲγω, and with much adoe went on. He ended his sermon with a short prayer. The greater part of his sermon was much about Parthenius’s abusing the Church. At the door of the Church lay many thousands of candles, which were given by Greekes and others. First, before the New Patr. came from the Sacristia to his seat, every one lighted his candle, which made a brave sight from end to end of the church. Just as the New Patriarch took his seat, all cryed out (again and again repeating) ἄξιος, ἄξιος, ἄξιος.

After the Sermon was done, the Patriarch took down a small crosse (guilt with gold) that hang’d behind, and, holding it, he blest people (as he did once or twice in the office before with his hand, they all bowing at the same time). Then came out the pane Benedetto, and was carried to him. All the people came (thronging), kist his hand, and took some bread. The Aqua benedetta was not brought forth, as I saw. The French Ambassador invited me to dinner with him, as likewise to the Patriarch’s House, but I excused myself, etc.

Nov. 21. we went (my Ld., etc.) to the Islands. We did not touch at any till we came to Principe.

Dec. 23, I was much indisposed; the 26th I fell ill of a continued feaver, which held me 17 dayes. I lost above 30 oz. of blood, reduc’t me so low that (it being a very cold season) after my feaver left me I had much adoe to retain heat in my limbs; my right thigh was perfectly numb from my knee to my hip, but friction, and bathing, and flannel on my own head set me right. Dr. Alexander Maurocordato came (by D.’s kindness); he advised me, 1st, to eat flesh and goe colder in my very feaver. I a little inclined to his advice, but one poringer of strong broth increast it strangely, and I got a cold that I could not quit in 4 days. 2dly, he advis’d bleeding in the salvatella[238] (I starv’d my feaver out, eating nothing for 5 or 6 dayes, but dinner and supper, one little porringer of Eng. Gruell). 3dly, when I was out of my feaver, which he cal’d a miracle, he advis’d me to beer, forbad me all wine upon pain of relaps. I drank beer at dinner, found my stomach windy; at 6 o’clock I drank again with a tost, but it gave me a most intolerable fit of griping in my stomach, which, with vomiting, I got away in 3 houres. I recovered so well as to go to Chappell.

Feb. 7th, 1667, came a young priest—he wrote down his name himself, D. Hilarione Bubuli—to me from padre Jeremiah, to know if any letters were for Venice from my Ld., me, etc.; amongst other discourse he made a great discovery to me. He was a Basilian (a Greek), but in orders (by Rome) a Venetian, born and bred under the Greek Arch Bp. there. He was not inform’d well by Padre Jeremiah (who is a Greek of another stamp), and, taking me for a Romanist, told me there were many Metropolites now Romans in their hearts, and that some money would do anything amongst them; they question’d not but shortly to make Metropolites enough of their own way. He said this Patriarch was a lay man, cropt hair bare, but by money and friends he was made a deacon one day, a priest the next; a Bp. and metropolite of Larissa the third. The design was this: they underhand by mediation of the K. of France and his Embass. here, the Emperour and his resident at Adrianople, the Bailo of Venice, first calumniate the Present Patriarch, and are now plotting his removal. Next day they have here (now obscurely) the Metropolite of Paros and Naxia, who they designe shortly for Metropolite of Ephesus, a true man in his heart to them; next to make him Patriarch. The businesse is committed to the Italian Archbp. now at the new church (St. Francesco): he told me the Jesuits and the Capuchins know of it, and he knew I would be secret, too; he said Padre Jeremiah was ignorant of it wholly, though he knew him wel affected. I mentioned Panagiotes at Court; he said he was not acquainted with it, nor must be, but he had a very great kindnesse for this Metropolite, and he himself has copied out all their letters of late correspondency, and he will be ready to make him Patriarch they question not; his name was D. Hilarione Bubuli, as you may see his own hand on the first whole leaf of this book. He said the Greek and Latin Church differ in 5 things; 1st, the Holy Ghost; 2nd, The leaven’d bread in the Sacrament; 3d, Purgatory; 4, The Pope’s supremacy; 5, The forme of Baptisme. He said they had all their services in Greek, but Romanized.

[Dr. Covel’s Diary is here very obscure, and evidently intended for notes, which he himself only could understand.]

July 30th. Γεράσιμος μητροπολίτης Τουρνόβου for 20 purses of money bought the patriarch’s place. Dionysius, Drista, etc., fled to the French Embassadores.

The Turkes at Biram, and at all victoryes and births of the princes, make great mirth. It happen’d the Sultana was deliver’d of a second son this last Ramas, Decemb. 1673. The mirth was put of till the Biram, and then it was doubled; all were mad for 3 nights and three dayes, every shop open and drest up with laurell flowers, etc., many candle machines with pretty figures, puppet playes, dancing, etc.; the Janisary’s chambers was the finest sight. Almost in every shop was 1, 2, or more of these old mysticall figures of health. Whether it is of any meaning among them, or only taken up by chance, I could not be informed. In many of them was a sphere of 2 or three circles; if it signify anything of antient superstition, it must be endlesse or everlasting health.

1674.

Jan. 6th. Usually about 12 tide, beastly boisterous weather; few vessels at sea. 20th, we were kindly entertained at the Dervises; they play’d to us; the old supravisor beat the Tambur (the antient Tympanum); their tones were very passionate; the rest devoutly attentive. Many of them have a great 6 or 8 square Agat (with a hole in the middle) at their girdle. He (whome I ask’t about it) told me that stone foretold the sicknesse of their friends by growing pale on the edges, and their death by growing pale towards the hole in the middle; he said it sweats against poison, etc. I remember two Kalenderis aboard the Viner had each such a one; they had the caps of a wandring Dervise, but in all things else like the habit of the Kalenderi, in Mr. Ricaut, he makes them Santons, but in good earnest they are meer Tomes of Bedlam. One had a horne tyed about his shoulders (like a wild goates, but longer); he blew it like our sow gelders, high to low. He had a great hand jar, a terrible crab-tree truncheon, a leather kind of petticoat about his middle, naked above and beneath. It was then in May or June. He had a course Arnout Jamurluck.[239] He drank wine (like a fish water) which we gave him to blow his horne.

Mart. 26, ’74. Our King’s letter for the G. S. directed to the most High and Mighty Emperour Sultan Mahomet Ilam, chief Lord and Commander of the Mussulman Kingdome, sole and supreme monarch of the Eastern Empire.

To the Vizier, thus directed to the high and excellent Lord the Vizier Arem.

Voyage to Smyrna with Sir Daniel Harvey’s Body, who died Aug. 28th, 1673.

Apr. 10, 1674. At 8 at night we weigh’d (being upon the Dogger), and next day 3½ in afternoon we came to Anchor at the Asia side over against the little conduit within shot of that most innermost castle. We went on shoar and dispatcht our business with the Aga there. My Ld. had sent each of them a vest of cloth; we had our audience without the castle, in a house on purpose, by the draw bridge. Our Jew Druggerman, 10 or 12 dayes before, had shew’d some strangers up and down without the Castle, and at last, venturing to peep in, was catch’t and soundly drubb’d. Notwithstanding this, I went round about the outside and past it.

Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot, very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but ¼ mile over; it is near a mile at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle than Abidos above said.

12. By reason of our present, with leave, we weigh’d at 10 o’clock, and within lesse then an houre we passt the other outward castles, but at too great a distance to say any more then that they are fairer and greater, and built according to modern formes. At night we reacht the N. end of Mitilene about 8 o’clock.

14. At 4½ in the morning within sight of the Centurion and Smyrna Castle. At 10 we anchor’d, and went on board. Capt. Wild thence to the Advice frigot (then there in port), thence to Smyrna.

26th. Put my dear Lord Harvey’s body on board the Centurion.[240] The great Cabin was hang’d and the floor cover’d with mourning; round about were fasten’d scutchions; the Steerage was hang’d likewise. My Lord’s body was taken of the Dogger into the Centurion’s long boat, there cover’d with a rich velvet Pal, bordered with white Sarsenet and satin. At the Head of the Corps was fixt a Hatchment, my Lord’s armes, in a square frame standing on one of the corners. At the head of the boat was his six trumpeters and his drummer. The Advise’s long boat tow’d it forward, and in it was his 6 Trumpeters likewise, and his drum, all sounding a dead march, went slowly forward in a round; the Consul’s (Mr. Ricaut’s) boat followed; after that many of the festoons in other boates. At its reception into the Centurion there was 3 voleyes of small shot and 30 Guns fired. The Advice fired 28; all the General ships and others in port fired, some 12, some 14, some 16 guns. Worthy Capt. Hill, who brought him out, fired every minute all the while we were going on the Dogger. The Body was put down into the hold, and a Cenotaph stood in the great cabbin, cover’d with the pall. The great Scutcheon displayed at the head six great tapers burning by in six great silver candlesticks. I gave away about 40 dwt. weights among the officers of the Centur., and sent a cask of 19 Meters of wine among the Seamen. We din’d aboard, treated civilly. The Consul brought flasques of Smyrna wine; Mr. Temple brought 20 flasques, and several fresh provisions. At 6 at night we all returned to Smyrna.

22. Parted from Mr. Temple’s seate at 21st, midnight, or towards one o’clock this morn. Got on board the Mary and Martha by 6. Out of the sandhead, lay becalmed all that day and night over against the w. end of long Island.

29th, Wednesday. Ashoar at Tenedos; gave the Aga of the Castle 1 oak case.

All the Greeks live the N.E. end of the Town. They goe in the streets cover’d with a petticoat over their head, gather’d in to a button above; their gown without a wast, hang’d on with two latchets on either side, girdle above their brests. A bullock there for 4½, kil’d, drest, cut out in the street in ½ an hour. Holy fountain at the N.E. end. No church, but several Papasses say masse in a little hole in a stinking house, which the padres make a Tavern about 8 yards square; the V.M. in a little hole, etc.

2, Saturday, came to the custome house by 12 o’clock. Saluted the Seraglio with 7 guns. Deo laus et gloria ex grato corde.

Apr. 1st was Maunday Thursday, to the Greek it is μεγάλη πέφτη.[241] At daybreak the Patriarch washt the disciples’ feet. A great waxe candle was brought before him (instead of a mace). He came to his throne in the ordinary habit. Every Greek (that makes it right) makes his crosse leisurely, ἐν τῷ ὀνὸμάτα τοῦ πάτρος[242] ✠ (the top of the brest), καὶ τοῦ ὓιου ✠ (the middle), καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνέυ (✠ on the right above the pap), ματος (on the left above the pap). All the Metropolites do it very gravely. There were, 1st (next to the preacher’s throne), Heraclea; 2d, Cyzikos; 3d, Νικομέδια; 4th, Chalcedon; 5th, Philippopoli, etc., etc. The patriarch came to his seat (whilst the choir sang the Gospel out of St. John 13). Then there were the 12 priests (all maryed), which came two and two, and bow’d to the ground, and kis’t the patriarch’s hand, retired back, ador’d again, and retired into the Sacristia. Then all array’d in priests’ cloathing proper, only upon everyone’s neck was the apostle wrought in gold, whom they represented. First came a miserable poor wretch (without a cape, etc.) to represent Judas; then a good stretch after followed all the rest, and seated themselves before the Patriarch, who was at the other end. Then the Patriarch vested himself in his robes, στοιχάριον,[243] with a hole on top like a surplice with sleeves, body to the ankles; sallow green (or yellow green) tuffetay, Ωράριον,[244] a broidered tippet, ἐπιμανίκιον,[245] embroyder’d sleeves (he crosses and kisses every vestment, and he was putting on this and forgot, then pul’d it of), ἐπιτρακχὴλιον,[246] embroyder’d kerchief put about his neck, Ζώνη his girdle (alla turkesa), ὑπογονάτιον,[247] a square embroyder’d handkerchief (foot and half square), with 4 tassels; it hang’d by his right side. Then his 2 deacons help him down (4 staires); he begin with Judas, and the Third deacon in the pulpit (reading the same Gospel) repeat to every washing, “He began to wash their feet,” etc.; he kneels down, and washes the right foot (which only is bare), his 2 deacons helping him with bason, Ewers, etc. Whilst the 3d Deacon is in the pulpit reading, he strips himself of all his robes (the στοιχάριον, ἐπιμανίκιον, ὡράριον, ὑπογονάτιον), but the ἐπιτραχὴλιον, and another lose vest, half slew’d[248] to draw the sleeves (with laces), set with 3 bells on each side, and two to each corner (likewise when he vested himself he put of his monkes hood), τὸ ἀπάνω καμηλαῦχον,[249] and divel’s cap (as the G. S. cal’d it) τὸ ἔσω καμηλαῦχον, and put on an embroyder’d crown set with diamonds and pretious stones, and quarter’d (with 4 glass diamonds and perls); upon the top a crosse emerald and sapphire. He puts on a blewish pestemal[250] before him, and a large Towel over his shoulder, with which, when he has wash’t the foot, he wipes, then kisses, and the person at same time kisses his crown. He proceeds (beginning at Judas) till he come to St. Peter 12; there begins a Dialogue; the Deacon go on to (Joh. 13); he asks: Lord, will you wash my feet, etc., the deacon only repeating the passing words; at last he wash him, too. Imediately all the rabble strive for the water to dip handkerchiefs in it, and a Greek answer’d me (as I ask’t) that it must be very pretious after so many good prayers. This done, the Patriarch returns to his seat, the deacon leisurely reading the same Gospel again. He re-vests himself, the 12 rise, and, reverencing 2 by 2, return to the Sacristia; after them the Patriarch, then there changing his clothes for his ordinary habit, he returns to his seat, and then the masse begins. When he went out of the church his 2 deacons bore up his traine, the candle going before him. He treated me at his lodge with coffee; invited me to dinner, but Draco and I would not stay. Many gatherings for Judas[251]; amongst the rest there were there the 4 treasurers of the Church, ὁὶ ἐπίτροποι τοῦ παγκυρὶου. There is a great chest, fair and rich, on the right hand coming in, called the παγκύριον. Draco’s brother-in-Law, who was at first a furrier, is the chief, worth, by common report, 600 purses of money (300,000 doll. = 75,000 lb.). The Prince of Moldavia owes him 80,000 doll.; Wallachia as much; the church as much; and every Metropolite something. He gave a silver broach for candles, worth at least 500 doll., to μεγάλη ἐκκλησία. He hath taken the debt of the Church upon himself, covenanting to be continued 4 or 5 year. Over against the Patriarch’s seat are two other of states just together: the first Moldavia, 2d Walachias; but they two never meet together, but dispute their superiority, and therefore alwayes one or both are absent. The Patriarch, when he blesses the people, or his own vests., etc., lays the thumb of his right hand crosse the ring finger, the fore finger streight, the middle finger bending; the mystery in it is I.C. X.C.[252] The people bow to the ground, then kiss the Patriarch’s hand, then retire backward, reverance a 2d time, then go away as they goe back; some tumble over the head of the others bowing behind them. Before the Patriarch came the priests were anointing poor slaves, which priests must alwayes be 7 in number, and pray’d over them. In the masse the bread and wine are caryed in procession alwayes before they be consecrated; the Patriarch comes down, and every Metropolite and all adore low to it as it passe by. When all is done the bread left upon the prothesis[253] (after the piece for the Sacrament is taken out as is comonly distributed) was given by the Patriarch himself, some in their mouths, some in their hands.

Mart. 23rd, 1676. Holy week. I was at the Sermon at St. Francesco’s; saw Demetrius Simon wash 12 of the fraternityes feet. The priest reads or sings the Gospell out of St. John 13, and he rose from his seat at the upper end of the stalls, and put of his vest, put on sackcloth, and gird himself with a pestemal put before him, and a towel on his shoulder, came down to the 12, who were sat on two formes in the chappell just before him, at these words, “He put water into a basin” (for the priest stayes till he may be ready), he puts water into a great basin. At those words, “Lord, not only my feet”, he comes to the first, and pourring a little water upon his right foot, washes it, wipes it with his towell on his left shoulder, then signing it with the crosse, kisses it, and they kisse his hands; this he doth to everyone, then returne to his stall, and puts off his sackcloth, and resumes his other clothes. Then they go to their prayers; a layman sayes and sings most of them; the Prior or sub-prior gives the benediction.

July 17th. There was an old Lady (daughter to a Sultana of some of the former emperours), commonly now called Sultana Sporca,[254] from her ill manner of life, for she kept about 30 women slaves of youth and greatest beauty she could provide, and these were all taught to tumble, dance, and sing, and act many tricks; and so, often going abroad to great Bassa’s houses to shew them sport, brought their old baw’d in a great revenue, every one presenting them liberally, and what they got she received. Amongst the rest she was possest of one of the greatest beauty that then was found (as was said), not onely in the Court, but the whole Empire, if not the world. When we were at Adrianople the Grand Signor sent to demand her for his own use; the Sultana denyed her, saying she had made her free, and that she could not now be used by them legally, but as his wife; thus she avoyded the G. Srs. importunety. Here about 10 dayes since she (continuing on the dancing trade) with her companions were at a great Bassa’s house to tumble and play tricks, and the Capitaine of the guards to the G. V.[255] (who had been with him, and fought valiantly in all his warres at Candia, etc., and was become his favourite) chanct to be there; and when the girl had done, he (which is unusuall for strangers) presented her 200 zechines, being smitten most desperately with her, and two dayes after sent to the Sultana, begging that she might come to his house, and he promised 2,000 zechines reward; they came, and after some houres sport he sent home all the slaves, but kept her all night, and next day conveighed her to a friend’s house in Stambal; she was thre dayes by Mr. Hyet’s house. The Sultana next morn made Answer to the G. S., telling him that the girl was really her slave, submitting herself to his mercy for having cheated him before, saying it was only because she was then too young for him, but now the captain had violently ravisht her. The G. S. was as much inflamed on the other side, partly with remembrance of former love, partly with madnesse that he lost one so sweet. He went immediately to the Viz., commanding him to look into the businesse as his; he cals the Captain, demands why he had done so, and where she was, etc. He denys all; says he abused her not, nor knew where she was. He sent to the Kaimachan of Stambol, and charged him privately to watch the Captain, etc. In the third night the Kaimachan took them both about 12 at clock in bed, or on a sofa together, brought them before the Grand Vizier. The Sultana (infinitely troubled) sent the Grand Signor word. The Captain told him she had been at 40 other houses as well as his, etc.; he was not afraid of death nor the sword (as he very well knew), and therefore valued not one straw what became of him; but all that he desired was that his Mistress should be spared, in whome he should live even when he was dead. G. S. sent word immediately to strike of his head, which was done (he was strangled: Soliman Basha saw him), and the body lay’d publickly open at the Tents, with the head under his arme all day (July 18), being pay day, for all the Janissaryes to behold it. He had been infinitely beloved by them and all the court, and 2,000 purses of money had been offer’d to save him, but all impossible; the girl was immediately taken into the Seraglio. I fancy this was at bottome onely a deep policy of the Grand Signior’s Vizier, “it is necessary that one die for the people.” People began to be mutinous and rebellious, and by the process of the story (for certainly the Vizier might have hinted something to the Captain when he set the Kaimachan to catch him, and have advised him to let the girl be forth coming under hand, making peace with the Sultana, etc.), some great example was to be made, which was on the Vizier’s own favourite, etc.; else I must count it a severe piece of justice upon the Captain, who dare do that against Law which the G. S. refrained from. The G. S. kept the law which the Captain dare break, yet he knew her to be a slave, which the G. S. knew not, and that might alleviate. The Sultana was punisht as well in losing her slave and future gain. Or, lastly, we may roll the exorbitancy of Princes last, who desire to engrosse all pleasure to themselves. This great Capt.’s death breads ill blood in many hearts: his good services in the Field of Mars might have interceded for one spasso (recreation) in the court of Venus.

July 19th. From St. Swithin’s day, 15th, the ayre was cloudy, and upon this day at even began a mist which daily increast to that thicknesse as no man could se 300 yards at sea, nor at land (unlesse on the hills) as far again. It was not a moist mist; it continued vehement till 28th, then dayly abated. The sun continually rose and set like blood; most part of this time the wind blew strong, which is more wonderfull; at other times it carying all mists away. It lay continually betwixt N.E. and N.W., yet more to the E., then the W.; all which make one conclude that this mist was brought and continued from the Palus Mœotis and Black Sea it self, and gave us a perfect taste of the Cimmeriæ tenebræ. The 29th and 30th days of June almost cleare.

Aug. 24th, ’76. The G. S.’s Tents. I have seen them and the rest at Adrianople and at Maidan[256] here several times. He hath but onely the three; the rest are little tents for his servants’ kitching. I saw the G. Srs. tent at the shew at Adrianople, which was much the same in make and dimentions, but this at Maidan being most perfectly set out with all its appertenances, take its description. First, then, there was a small stand about 8 foot square within, with a paire of small staires to mount it, was cover’d with reddish or inclining to purple cloth, with 4 golden balls at the corners and one at the top; the corners were to be lifted up, or, if he desired more fresco, the whole side, as all the rest could be quite taken away, the cloth being fasten’d above with loopes and buttons of wood. This Kiosk, or stand, they remove upon many occasions; he had a farre greater at Demirdesh[257] to see the horse races. This stood next the outward door of the tents, looking towards the place of execution, as likewise to the plain where the Janissaryes are pay’d, etc., and he is there present himself. At the sights at Adrianople there was another for the young prince.

The first tent is square, supported with 7 wood posts one way and 4 the other way; it was 15 strides long and 12 broad; the roof flat, kept streight with ropes; a large round flower in the middle. They have sides for this in cold weather, which they can open and shut at pleasure; on the outside upon every post stands a golden ball or flower-pot. The second tent is round, supported by one standing post in the middle, with golden ball or pot at the top, by which there is drawn upon a cord a curtain at pleasure crosse the tent, on the outside of which he gives audience to his own ministers of state, or makes his great divan, and sits in justice; on the in or back side he gives audience to Embassadores, or the like. The diameter of this tent (that is, from edge to edge of the fringe that hangs above as the eaves of an house) was 17 paces; that in Adrianople was 15, so that it is plain they are made of severall bignesses. The under sides of this likewise were to let down or up, take on or off, at pleasure, by such kind of loopes above and on the sides, the button being a piece of wood; the interstices between, if they were above, were cover’d with a fring, one within the other; without, if it was on the side to clasp the curtains together, one was made to lap over the other, so that they can shut a tent up most exceedingly close and warme. The third tent is his long tent, supported with three posts, and golden balls or pots; it was long (from the eves at one end to the other) 35 paces; at Adrianople, 37; by putting of it and extending it they may easily gain or loose a pace or two. At the middle post, to the outward side, was set a bed or broad couch, bolstered up at both ends, of twilt or ticking sattin; the coverings, silk, embroyder’d. At Adrianople it was ten times richer, with gold and pearls, for without doubt they have alwayes ready several coverings. The floor on this and the round tent is covered next the ground with a thick sort of course Yorkshire or Kidderminster woollen cloth, over which at severall times they spread carpets, or foot cloths of severall richnesse and value. At Adrianople I saw it once with Persian carpets; another time with sattin, embroyder’d with massy gold, as the floor likewise was where my Lord had his audience; the bolsters and cushions were suitable. Behind this was a partition wall made of canvas, the ground and the flowers of bits of cloth; the covering of all these tents was on the outside a pale green canvas; on the inside the ground satten flower’d with bits of divers colours, some satten, some fine cloth, and all the edges and seems were wrought with gold and silver twist. All the flowers and Kiosks, etc., wrought are fancyes not at all according to nature, and though all together showes very glorious and stately, yet in the particulars it is very bungling and blockish. They often bring in round bits of satten or cloath patch’t one upon the other in their fruits and flowers, and being of divers colours, represent so many Crescents. They make likewise the figures of some antick birds, few beasts, but no men. The panes of the inside are all arch’t as the wall tents belowe; at bottom a fring as on the side. The vallance was of the same make, and were of various sorts and fancyes in several tents of party colours. Passing through the Partition wall we came to the Gr. Sr. sleeping tent, or bedchamber, which they call oda[258]; it is square, with a ridge above like a house, which is supported with two long posts, four shorter being at the corners under the eves, which hang over like a pent-house, as the wals which were made lattice fashion, and richly gilded and painted, with doors to open on thre sides; it was about 12 or 13 foot square, for we were not suffer’d to enter neither here nor at Adrianople. When it is very hot these lattices alone are used; if it be cold it is wal’d round with red cloth lined with flower’d damask. We looked in; it is floored in like manner with the rest, sometimes richer, sometimes not; there is a bed stand crosse the door at upper end, bolster’d at each end; the bed stood plain, but they can set it out with severall adornments. Upon a settle or little stand by lay the Al Koran and a whimsicall coat of a great Santon[259] dervish, which was all cover’d with green silk; this was not there at Adrianople. The santones coat I saw taken out about ten dayes after; it was like a Taberd.[260] There are therefore three courts, as it were, all invironed with a wall tent, embattled like the walls of a City, which none else can have but himself; the flowers and corners are red canvas, the lists of white girt web, the ground green canvas; all in this fashion, but 4 have some severall fantasyes in some suits, which are not in other suits; yet the severall suits are uniforme to themselves. In the first court, therefore, stood the Kiosk, the square tent, round tent, and the Capagasi,[261] etc., and Long tent; in the 2d Court the odà, and many tents at distance two oghlans, or pages; and others in the third court were all other offices, Kitching, sherbets, etc. One side of this outward wall in the Maidan reached 400 paces; but that may alter, according to the ground on which they pitch it, which may be lesse, or far more, and the figure may alter; the foreside was about 100 paces. They have many bales of wall tents to adde upon occasion. We went in at a side door, having obtein’d first leave of the Capagasi; before the great or common door stood six Javelings, which, with horse-tayles about their upper end, and a golding globe at top, about 4 yards high, and just before them was pitch’t a round ordinary tent, where the hangman set, and all publick justice is done in the sight of the G. Sr., who stands in his little Kiosk.

Upon the right hand, going up from thence, stood the Mosäifs[262] tent with 3 horse tayles before it, as every vizier of the bench hathe; but they have but two great tents in their first court, to wit, the square and long one. Next to his was the Muftis,[263] then the two Cadeleskiers’,[264] all with but two tayles before them; then several bashes tents, then the vizier’s tents, in all things equall to the G. Sr.’s in pomp and fashion, onely his walls are plain (as the rest of the great men), without battlements, and the balls of gold are lesse. The bignesse likwise of his tents did not agree, though that may depend upon the pitching, for the square tent or portico was 12 paces long and 8 broad. These tents were canvas without and within the ground, but the flowers were bits of cloth, satten, painted and gilded leather, very little silver and gold about them. In the place of audience was a stool cover’d with purple velvet for Embassadores audience; befor his 3 tayles was also a round tent for Justice; there sit also his under officers, to write Ashrs.[265] One side of his tent reach’t down about 330 paces, the bredth at head was 80. Next, at a good distance, was the Vizier’s tent; a long one stood without, where he or his Hasnadar[266] gave audience to all that came. He has two courts within; one long tent for himself, with artificial gardens about it, and all his slaves and waiting servants in 7 or 8 more round about him; these in the first court. In the second his agà,[267] and other tents for other servants. I have been treated there several times by his sherbetjé basha,[268] who was my friend; his tent is full of fingians,[269] snowpit fountain water, etc., all ready coffee, etc. Never tasted such sherbert in my life. All these tents front to one center; in a circle in the midst are tents belonging to the Dafterdar,[270] where stood openly many, many sopets with money and treasure. Behind Kaseamstapha basha the G. Sr.’s son-in-law, Kaimachan of Adrianople. When we were there I was informed that they alwayes pitch’t in this form. Behind the vizier were all the other bashas, and many other officers and servants. When they are at war the Janissaryes are placed round on the outside.

Now, on the land by Chalcedon is built a lighthouse or Pharos, which they call (as likewise a little village by it) Pheneir, and Phenerè,[271] as at Pompey’s pillar, which I question not was erected for the same purpose. Coming from thence, on the shoar towardes the factory seraglio is a fair large fountain; just by it a garden new empaled, and enlarged much bigger then it was. A great kiosk in it, then ready furnish’t for the G. Sr.; under it, about 15 or 20 steps, is a fountain of delicate water, which the G. Sr. uses now daily. At Scutary there are very fine walks, all shaded with Cipresse (most), pine, firre, some oak, ash, Lotus, horse chesnut, cherry, beach, and other trees; there are new taken in two or three vinyards. There are several Arbors cover’d with vines of delicate grapes. The Bustange[272] invited us in, and treated us very civilly.