599 See B. ix. c. 86.
600 See B. ix. c. 69.
601 See B. ix. c. 20.
602 A sort of tunny, probably.
603 See Chapter 6 of this Book. Probably the same as the “gladius” of this Chapter, and of B. ix. cc. 1, 21.
604 Considered by Littré to be the Shad.
605 See B. ix. c. 67.
607 See B. ix. c. 18.
608 See B. ix. c. 18.
613 At the town of Tomi, whither he was banished by Augustus Cæsar.
614 See B. ix. c. 24.
617 The “golden brow.” The same as the “Aurata” or “dorade” of B. ix. c. 25, and Chapters 16 and 53 of this Book.
618 An unknown fish; the reading is doubtful.
619 The “goat-fish.” It does not appear to have been identified.
621 According to Rondelet, a fish resembling the Coracinus.
622 See B. ix. c. 23.
623 See B. ix. c. 25.
624 See B. ix. c. 47.
625 See B. ix. c. 42.
626 See B. ix. c. 27. Ajasson is of opinion that the “helops” is the Russian sturgeon, the “acipenser,” the common sturgeon.
627 Resembling a “stake” in appearance. It bee been suggested that this is the Esox sphyræna.
628 “Perna.” Hardouin says that from the diminutive of this, “pernula,” the modern word “pearl” is derived.
629 A sort of “tursio,” Dalechamps says. See B. ix. c. 11.
630 See B. iii. c. 12.
631 See end of B. xix.
632 See end of B. viii.
633 See end of B. xii.
634 See end of B. xviii.
635 See end of B. xii.
636 See end of B. ix.
637 According to Suetonius, Fescennius Iacchus was a grammarian who taught in Cisalpine Gaul. See also B. xxxvii. c. 54.
638 See end of B. xxxi.
639 See end of B. v.
640 See end of B. xx.
641 See end of B. xxviii.
642 See end of B. xxx.
643 See end of B. xxxi.
644 See end of B. xxviii.
645 See end of B. ii.
646 See end of B. viii.
647 We now enter upon the Sixth division of Pliny’s work, containing an account of mineral substances of all descriptions.—Dr. Bostock.
648 “Ipsæ opes.” The metals were looked upon by the ancients as the only true riches. It is in this sense that Ovid says, Metam. B. i.: “Effodiuntur opes, irritamenta malorum.” Pliny applies the term “pretia rerum” to metals, as forming the unit of value.
649 Electrum is described in c. 23, as gold mixed with a certain quantity of silver. The word “electrum” is also used to signify amber, as in B. iii. c. 30.—B.
650 “Æs;” by “æs” is here probably meant copper, as the author is speaking of what is dug out of the earth; it is more fully described in the first two Chapters of the next Book. According to the analysis of Klaproth, the æs of the ancients, when employed in works of art, cutting instruments, statues, vases, &c., was the “bronze” of the moderns, a mixture of copper and tin, in which the proportion of tin varied, from a little more than 2 to 1.14 per cent, according as the object was to procure a flexible or a hard substance. Agricola speaks of “æs” as synonymous with “cuprum,” and Pliny will be found several times in the present Book, speaking of “æs Cyprium,” meaning probably the finest kind of copper, and that without alloy.—B.
651 Pliny has already referred to this topic in B. ii. c. 63.—B.
652 Or shades below.
653 “Illa quæ non nascuntur repente.”
655 Meaning “gold glue,” or “gold solder.”
656 There is considerable variation in the text of this passage, as found in the different editions. In that of Dalechamps, the Variorum, and those of De Laet and Sillig, the sentence concludes with the words “nomen ex auro custodiens;” while in those of Valpy, Lemaire, Poinsinet, Ajasson, and others, we find substituted for them the words. “Non natura,” “Nomen natura,” “Nomine natura,” or “Nomen naturam.”—B. The first reading is warranted by the Bamberg MS.
659 “Pretia rerum.” The value of the raw material.
660 Pliny here refers both to the art of producing figures in relief on drinking vessels made of the precious metals, and also of giving them particular forms. A well-known line of Juvenal, Sat. ii. l. 96, affords a striking illustration of the depraved taste which existed in his time.—B. Lampridius also speaks of vessels of silver “defiled with representations of a most libidinous character;” and Capitolinus speaks of “phallovitroboli,” glass drinking vessels shaped like a phallus.
661 “Murrhina” or “myrrhina.” are described in B. xxxvii. c. 8; they were, perhaps, onyxes or opals, though possibly the term was not strictly confined to these substances, but signified any transparent minerals, that exhibited a variety of colours. Salmasius, however, ridicules the idea of their being onyxes, and is of opinion that these vessels were made of porcelain; Exer. Plin. p. 144.—B.
663 He alludes to the cups known as “chrysendeta,” adorned with circlets of gold, exquisite chasings, and groups of precious stones. See Juvenal, Sat. v. l. 42.
664 The “Smaragdus” is described in B. xxxvii. c. 13.
665 “Et aurum jam accessio est.”
666 “Sacrum famæ.” This is the reading given by the Bamberg MS. in substitution for “aurum, sacra fames” and other readings of a similar nature, in which Pliny was thought by the commentators to allude to the famous lines of Virgil—
Had he alluded to the passage of Virgil, it is not probable that he would have used the expression in the plural, “celeberrimi auctores.”
667 Il. B. vii. ll. 472-5.—B.
668 Il. B. vi. l. 236.
669 We may infer that this was the reason why the figure of an ox or other animal was impressed on the earliest Roman coins.—B.
670 As Hardouin remarks, “This story is told by others, of Gyges, and not of Midas.” He refers to Cicero, De Off. B. iii. c. 9, in confirmation of his assertion.—B. Both Gyges and Midas were noted for their wealth.
671 “Sinistræ.” The play here upon the word “sinister” cannot be so well transferred into the English language; but it bears reference to the double meaning of the word, “on the left hand,” and “unlucky,” “ill-omened,” or, as we say “sinister.” We may remark, that rings were very generally employed by the Romans, not merely as ornaments, but as indications of office and rank.—B.
672 From Corinth, it was said: Damaratus of Corinth being the father of the first Tarquin. See B. xxxv. c. 5.
673 On the subject of “Bullæ,” golden balls, worn by the children of the nobles, see Dr. Smith’s Dict. Antiq. p. 168.—B.
674 As to the “Toga prætexta,” see B. viii. c. 74.
675 “Lorum.” This word literally signifies a leather strap or thong, and Pliny is supposed by Hardouin to mean simply, that, in this latter case the strap was worn without the bulla, which was in other cases attached to it. Juvenal, Sat. v. l. 164, speaks of the “lorum” of the children of the poor.—B.
676 Δακτύλιον, from δάκτυλος, a “finger.”
677 Festus says that this was the Oscan name for a ring. It would appear to be allied to the word “unguis,” which means a nail of the finger or toe, and would perhaps signify a “nail ornament.”
678 As meaning a seal or signet, for which purpose, as we shall find explained in the sequel, the ring was used.
679 This seems to be the meaning of “Vulgoque sic triumphabant.”
680 As to these crowns, see B. xxi. c. 4.
681 As to some other particulars connected with this usage, see the end of B. xxviii. c. 7.
682 And yet, as Hardouin remarks, before his time, when Scipio was besieging Carthage, the bodies of the Roman tribunes, when selected for burial by Hasdrubal, were distinguished by their rings of gold. The object of Marius, no doubt, was to ingratiate himself with the upper classes.
683 A.U.C. 651.
684 Known as the “anulus pronubus,” or “engaged ring,” according to Dalechamps.
685 “Codicillos.” Il. B. vi. l. 168.
686 See B. xiii. c. 21.
687 Od. B. viii. ll. 424, 443, 447.
688 See the Iliad, B. iii. and B. vii. l. 175, et seq.
689 His meaning is, that although κληρὸι were used, lots or balls made of earth, we do not read that the impressions on them were made by the aid of signet-rings.
690 “Fabricæ deûm.” He alludes to the forge of Vulcan, described in the Eighteenth Book of the Iliad, l. 400, et seq.
691 This seems to be the meaning of “In primordio factitâsse.”
692 The “fibulæ” were the brooches of the ancients, consisting of a pin, and of a curved portion furnished with a hook. See Dr. Smith’s Dict. Antiq. p. 417.
693 As the meaning of this passage has been the subject of much discussion with commentators, we give it in full, as found in the Edition of Sillig. “Et quisquis primus instituit, cunctanter id fecit, lævis manibus latentibusque induit, cum, si honos securus fuisset, dextrâ fuerit ostentandus. Quodsi impedimentum potuit in eo aliquod intelligi, etiam serior is usus argumentum est, et majus in lævâ fuisset, quâ scutum capitur.” Sillig is of opinion that Pliny is here alluding to the reason given by Ateius Capito (quoted in Macrobius, Saturn. B. vii. c. 13), for wearing the ring on the left hand. It was so worn, he says, from an apprehension that the precious stone with which it was set, might receive injury from the continual use made of the right hand.
694 Under the folds of the toga.
695 Il. B. xvii. l. 52.
696 The reading in most MSS. is the “fourth consulship.” This, however, is an error which has been rectified by the Bamberg and some other MSS. Pompey was but thrice consul. M. Crassus was the person generally accused of the act of robbery here alluded to.
697 Who took the golden torc (torques) from the Gaul whom he slew; whence his name.
698 “Cum auro pugnare solitos.”
699 “Quod equidem in augurio intellectum est, cum Capitolinus duplum reddidisset.” The meaning of this passage is obscure, and cannot with certainty be ascertained. Holland renders it, “To the light and knowledge whereof we come by means of revelation from Augurie, which gave us to understand, that Jupiter Capitolinus had rendered again the foresaid summe in duple proportion.” Littré gives a similar translation. Ajasson translates it, “This, at least, is what we may presume, from the fact of there being discovered double the amount expected;” following the explanation given by Hardouin.
701 Beneath which there was poison concealed, Hardouin says. Hannibal killed himself in a similar manner; also Demosthenes, as mentioned in the next Chapter.
702 The adopted son of the great Marius. This event happened in his consulship, B.C. 82. After his defeat by Sylla at Sacriportus, he retired into the fortified town of Præneste, where he had deposited the treasures of the Capitoline temple. The temple, after this conflagration, was rebuilt by order of Sylla.
703 Called the “Fasti;” probably because this was the first word of the title.
704 “Dies fasti.” These were the days on which the courts sat, and the Prætor, who was the chief judge, gave his decisions. The word “fasti” is derived from the ancient Latin “for,” or from the old Greek word φάω, both signifying “to speak:” consequently the “dies fasti” were “the speaking days,” and the “dies nefasti” the “non-speaking days,” in allusion to the restrictions put upon the judgments of the Prætor.
705 This complex state of the Roman Calendar long remained one of the sources from which the priesthood and the patrician order derived their power and influence over the plebeians. Having no other method of ascertaining what days were “fasti,” and what were “nefasti,” the lower classes were obliged either to apply to the priests and nobles for information, or to await the proclamation by the priests of the various festivals about to take place.
706 Appius Claudius Cæcus, the Censor and jurisconsult, who constructed the Appian Way.
707 A.U.C. 440, or B.C. 314.
708 In the war, probably, with the twelve nations of Etruria, who were conquered by the Consul Fabius A.U.C. 444. See Livy, B. ix.
709 The father of the former C. Pœtilius Libo, was Consul A.U.C. 428: the father of the latter, Cneius Domitius Calvinus, was Consul A.U.C. 432.
710 “Anulos abjectos.”
711 The “phaleræ” were bosses of metal, often gold, attached to the harness of the horse. See B. vii. c. 29.
712 He would probably imply hereby that, as he states subsequently, at this period gold rings were not as yet worn by all the members of the senate.
713 A.U.C. 449.
714 “Ædiculam æream”—of brass or bronze.
715 For the explanation of this term, see B. vii. c. 60.
716 See B. x. c. 2. Livy tells us that this shrine or temple was built in the area or place of Vulcan.
717 Livy, B. xxiii. speaks of one modius as being the real quantity. Florus, B. ii. c. 16, says two modii: but Saint Augustin, De Civit. Dei. B. iii. c. 19, and most other writers, mention three modii.
718 Q. Servilius Cæpio. He and M. Livins Drusus had been most intimate friends, and each had married the other’s sister. The assassination of Drusus was supposed by some to have been committed at the instigation of Cæpio. The latter lost his life in an ambush, B.C. 90.
719 See B. xxviii. c. 41.
720 See B. ii. c. 85.
721 M. Calpurnius Flamma. See B. xxii. c. 6.
722 A patrician family; branches of which were the Cincinnati, the Capitolini, the Crispini, and the Flaminini.
723 This is an erroneous assertion, both as to the East, and as to Egypt. See instances to the contrary in Genesis, c. xli. v. 42; and in Esther, c. iii. verses 10, 12, and c. viii. verses 2, 8, 10.
724 “Literis contenta solis.”
725 The Thirty-seventh Book. See also his remarks in B. ii. c. 63: “We tear out earth’s entrails in order to extract the gems with which we may load our fingers. How many hands are worn down that one little joint may be ornamented!” Martial, Epigr. B. v. Ep. 11, speaks of his friend Stella as wearing on the joint of one finger sardonyxes, emeralds, and jaspers.
727 A fashion much followed at the present day.
728 This also is a not uncommon fashion at the present day.
729 From the “Trinummus” of Plautus, A. iv. s. 4, we learn that the ring worn by slaves was called “condalium.” From the “Truculentus” of Plautus we learn also that these rings were sometimes made of bronze. The “jus anuli,” or right of wearing a gold ring, was never conceded to slaves.
730 See B. iv. c. 23. In the Origines of Isidorus Hispalensis, B. xix. c. 32, we find mention made of “A Samothracian gold ring, with an iron bezil, so called from the place of its invention.” Pliny has already made allusion to the luxurious habits of the slaves, in B. xiii. c. 4; and B. xviii. c. 2; a subject upon which Juvenal enlarges in his Third Satire.