Mr. Watts-Dunton’s account of the meeting is lit by a mischievously flashing humour. It may be aptly compared with Boswell’s description of his introduction to Johnson in the back parlour of Davies’s shop, but it is far fuller of humorous intent. He knew something of Borrow’s idiosyncrasies—his impatience of any learning that was not in his own “line,” his touchiness about his own books, his objection to inquiries into his relations with the gypsies. A way of approach was gradually discovered in the pamphlet literature of the eighteenth century, in which both were highly cultured. Bampfylde Moore Carew did not yield much, for Borrow “evidently considered that every properly educated man ought to be familiar with the story of Bampfylde Moore Carew in its every detail.” Beer, bruising, gentility, languages were no more successful. “I tried other subjects in the same direction, but with small success, till in a lucky moment I bethought myself of Ambrose Gwinett. There is a very scarce eighteenth-century pamphlet narrating the story of Ambrose Gwinett, the man who, after having been hanged and gibbeted for murdering a traveller with whom he had shared a double-bedded room at a seaside inn, revived in the night, escaped from the gibbet-irons, went to sea as a common sailor, and afterwards met on a British man-of-war the very man he had been hanged for murdering. The truth was that Gwinett’s supposed victim, having been seized on the night in question with a violent bleeding at the nose, had risen and left the house for a few minutes’ walk in the sea breeze, when the pressgang captured him and carried him off to sea, where he had been in service ever since. I introduced the subject of Ambrose Gwinett, and Douglas Jerrold’s play upon it, and at once the ice between us thawed, and we became friends.”
We have to thank Ambrose Gwinett and the gypsies on Wimbledon Common for many charming additions to the literature of Borrow. Hard upon this conversation came the first of those walks in Richmond Park which Mr. Watts-Dunton has described with so much felicity. It included that call at the Bald-faced Stag in Kingston Vale, [248] in order that Borrow might show his companion Jerry Abershaw’s sword. It was the occasion of the rainbow whose “triumphal arch” filled the sky, when Borrow explained the gypsy mystery of the trus’hul, how, by making a cross of two sticks, the expert in occultism could wipe the rainbow out of the heavens. [249] Mr. Watts-Dunton quaintly discusses the question whether Borrow was “a true child of the open air,” and comes to the conclusion that the man who stood looking at the deer and the herons in Richmond Park, what time he carried under his arm a huge, bulging, green gamp, was not one of those who, “owing to some exceptional power or some exceptional infirmity,” can get closer to Nature than to brother, sister, wife, or friend. The inquisitiveness of the man of science prevents this familiarity; so does “sensivity to human contact,” as in the case of Emily Brontë; so does subjection to the love passion. It was neither science nor passion that prevented Borrow from matriculating in the University of the Open Air in the sense that Thoreau did. It was Ambition.
“His books show that he could never cleanse his stuffed bosom of the perilous stuff of ambition. To become renowned, judging from many a peroration in his books, was as great an incentive . . . to learn languages as to Alexander Smith’s poet-hero it was an incentive to write poetry. . . . But I soon found that if he was not a perfect Child of the Open Air—he was something better: a man of that deep sympathy with human kind which the Child of the Open Air must needs lack.”
There was much talk during that ramble of the herons of Whittlesea Mere—which Mr. Watts-Dunton identified as the scene of some of the adventures in the early part of “Lavengro”—of viper-taming, of the East Anglian gypsies, of horses (and especially of the descendants of “Shales”), of the quality of the sea-water off the east coast, and of like matters dear to the heart of Borrow. The East Anglian in his new companion completely conquered Borrow. They sang a duet in praise of the glassy Ouse, which was the only river in England adequate to reflect the rainbow, and of the wet sands of the Norfolk coast. The last passage of the dialogue that Mr. Watts-Dunton has set down is an amusing example of the complacency with which they agreed on the superiority of East Anglia to any other spot under heaven:
“It is on sand alone that the sea strikes its true music—Norfolk sand; a rattle is not music.”
“The best of the sea’s lutes,” I said, “is made by the sands of Cromer.”
Thus was the entente ratified. It endured till Borrow finally left London to end his days not far from the sound of the sea’s best lute.
When “The Romano Lavo-Lil” came out at the beginning of 1874, the public were already in possession of Leland’s great book, which finally “queered the pitch” for Borrow. The two would not bear comparison as a study of the Romany language, for Borrow had worked so hurriedly that his vocabulary was much less complete than he might have made it. There are a large number of gypsy words in various parts of “Lavengro” and “The Romany Rye” which he failed to incorporate in the new book; and others acquired at Yetholm were also omitted. But it was not only in comparison with Leland’s that Borrow’s last words on the gypsies seemed feeble. Many much more learned persons had been publishing monumental works on the subject—Pott, Miklosich, Paspati, to mention only three. The new philological spirit had been operating on the Romany; the gypsy tongue had been treated with as much care and skill as though it were one of the great literary languages; whereas, when “The Zincali” was offered to the public, as Mr. Hindes Groome pointed out in The Academy, “there were not two educated men in England who possessed the slightest knowledge of Romany.”
Mr. Groome was fair, even generous, in some of his acknowledgments. On the other hand, The Athenæum had no bowels of compassion for the veteran; it did not temper justice with mercy. Though it had to confess that not a few of those who had studied the gypsies and their language “owed their first taste for the subject to the perusal of Mr. Borrow’s books,” it could not “allow merely sentimental reasons to prevent us from telling the honest truth,” but forthwith told it in terms of perfect candour.
Amidst this demonstration of the fact that he had outlived his age, Borrow decided to leave London once and for all, and to return to his home on the shores of Oulton Broad, where he was finally lost to the sight of a world not patient of him. As he told Mr. Watts-Dunton, he was going down into East Anglia to die. For many years before the publication of his last book, he had been very little in the limelight. The public which had hailed “The Bible in Spain” with almost delirious delight had grown older. In the absence of regular literary appeals to its attention by Borrow, it had imagined him already dead. Some American celebrities at one of Mrs. Procter’s Sunday afternoons were discussing Borrow and Latham with Mr. Watts-Dunton, who told them “an anecdote of a whimsical meeting” between these two. Was it the computation of his capacity for “bottles at a sitting” which Latham endeavoured to get out of Borrow at Dr. Gordon Hake’s? “My anecdote,” adds Watts-Dunton, “was fully appreciated and enjoyed by my auditors till I chanced to let fall the fact that both heroes of the quaint adventure were still alive, that they occasionally met at Putney, and that I had quite lately been seeking for sundews on Wimbledon Common with the one and strolling through Richmond Park with the other. Then the look that passed from face to face showed how dangerous it is to indulge on all occasions in the coxcombry of mere truth. And afterwards my brilliant hostess did not fail to let me know how grievously my character for veracity had suffered for having talked about two men as being alive who were well known to have been dead years ago—‘talked of them as though I had just left them at luncheon.’ And yet at this very time Latham and Borrow were, in the eyes of a few of England’s most illustrious men, the important names they had always been.” [253]
Borrow’s leave-taking of London had its apotheosis from the same pen in a brilliant and much-quoted passage:
“The last time I ever saw George Borrow was shortly before he left London to live in the country. It was, I remember well, on Waterloo Bridge, where I had stopped to gaze at a sunset of singular and striking splendour, whose gorgeous clouds and ruddy mists were reeling and boiling over the West End. Borrow came up and stood leaning over the parapet, entranced by the sight, as well he might be. Like most people born in flat districts, he had a passion for sunsets. Turner could not have painted that one, I think, and certainly my pen could not describe it; for the London smoke was flushed by the sinking sun and had lost its dunness, and, reddening every moment as it rose above the roofs, steeples, and towers, it went curling round the sinking sun in a rosy vapour, leaving, however, just a segment of a golden rim, which gleamed as dazzlingly as in the thinnest and clearest air—a peculiar effect which struck Borrow deeply. I never saw such a sunset before or since, not even on Waterloo Bridge; and, from its association with ‘the last of Borrow,’ I shall never forget it.”
And Mr. Watts-Dunton paid tribute to Borrow of a sonnet melodising their talk of the “Children of the Open Air,” and making contrast of the lot of lovers of the sun and wind with the habitants of London:
“. . . . Where men wither and choke,
Roofed in, poor souls, renouncing stars and skies,
And love of woods and wild-wind prophecies—
Yea, every voice that to their father spoke;
And sweet it seemed to die ere bricks and smoke
Leave never a meadow, outside Paradise.”
At the age of seventy-one there was not much left for the solitary spirit to achieve. It was not easy to make new friendships, and even the old ones were difficult to nurture at Oulton. He made one effort to get Edward FitzGerald over from Woodbridge to see him. FitzGerald, twenty years before, had been an ardent admirer of Borrow’s work. Sending him a copy of his translation of Calderon’s plays, he remarked that he was a man “who both did fine things in his own language and was deep read in those of others.” Their correspondence was not extensive, but FitzGerald’s letters are of considerable interest. For example, they show that Borrow was in the secret of old Omar. FitzGerald wrote that “Cowell, to whom I sent a copy, was naturally alarmed at it, he being a very religious man; nor have I given any other copy but to George Borrow . . . and to old Donne . . .” [255] This was a copy of the edition printed in 1859 by Quaritch. But two years before the premature birth of the great poem, FitzGerald had lent Borrow his manuscript of the quatrains, and in asking for the return of it, he wrote: “I only want a look at him. . . . You shall have Omar back directly, or whenever you want him, and I should really like to make you a copy (taking my time) of the best quatrains. I am now looking over the Calcutta manuscript, which has 500!—very many quite as good as those in the manuscript you have; but very many in both manuscripts are well omitted. . . .” FitzGerald had been at Oulton about 1850. In 1856 he had visited Borrow again at Yarmouth, and of that meeting he says expressively, “I enjoyed my evening.” He did not fail, of course, to rub against some of Borrow’s angles. According to Mr. Benson (“Edward FitzGerald,” in the “English Men of Letters” series), he “found this strange pilgrim’s masterful manners and irritable temper uncongenial,” but Mr. Benson admits that FitzGerald said, long afterwards, “he was almost the only friend Borrow had never quarrelled with.” The irritation could have been but slight, if it could be called irritation at all: in one of his wayward moods Borrow banged home the covers of the book just as his guest was about to ask him to read some of the Northern Ballads. This incident is mentioned without rancour by FitzGerald, in a letter in which he makes Borrow a present of Redhouse’s “New Turkish Dictionary,” declares what a pleasant evening he had spent at Yarmouth, and lets his friend into the secret of his amazing marriage.
“I must tell you. I am come up here” (he writes from London) “on my way to Chichester to be—married! to Miss Barton (of Quaker memory), and our united ages amount to 96!—a dangerous experiment on both sides. She at least brings a fine head and heart to the bargain—worthy of a better market. But it is to be, and I dare say you will honestly wish we may do well.”
The “dangerous experiment” turned out as we know. FitzGerald’s letter is hardly that of a man who found Borrow “uncongenial.” He liked the Borrow ménage, they had much in common in their literary tastes, and some few common friends—Donne for one, and for another Kerrich, of Geldeston Hall, FitzGerald’s brother-in-law. He liked Borrow’s books, too. They were among the few modern works he read, though his fastidious palate was offended by some of Borrow’s lapses in style. In addition to the meetings at Oulton and Yarmouth, there were foregatherings at Donne’s house in London, at FitzGerald’s own house in Great Portland Street, and at Gorleston.
But this was all twenty years old now; the FitzGerald who received Borrow’s letter at Woodbridge was sixty-six and a close recluse, unable to understand why any man who had reached his age or gone beyond it should want any company but his own. His response is a curious illustration of the hermit way of thought into which he had fallen. He told Borrow that for the last fifteen years he had not visited any of his oldest friends, except the daughters of George Crabbe—“my old parson Crabbe,” vicar of Bredfield, whose “brave old white head” had “sunk into the village churchsward” in 1857—and Donne, to whom he had given a half-day. To have told why he had thus fallen from his company would have been a tedious thing, he said, and all about himself, too—“whom, Montaigne says, one never talks about without detriment to the person talked about.”
“One’s friends, however kind and ‘loyal’ (as the phrase goes), do manage to exist and enjoy themselves pretty reasonably without one.
“So with me. And is it not much the same with you also? Are you not glad now to be mainly alone, and find company a heavier burden than the grasshopper? . . . I like to think over my old friends. They are there, lingering as ineffaceable portraits—done in the prime of life—in my memory. Perhaps we should not like one another so well after a fifteen years’ separation, when all of us change and most of us for the worse. . . .
“So shall things rest? I could not go to you, after refusing all this while to go to older—if not better—friends. . . .”
This letter, dated January 10th, 1875, is almost the final literary relic of Borrow. It sings in a minor key, but with a fitting sombre melody, the requiem of his career in the world of letters. Borrow himself, however, did not renounce and abhor society in FitzGerald’s fashion. Desolate Oulton, the haunt of so many wraiths of past joys and sorrows, saddened the lonely old man, and in the late ’seventies he lived a good deal in Norwich, where he had apartments in Lady Lane, seeking the company of those who knew and liked him. His favourite resort was the old Norfolk Hotel. There he had his special chair, whence he issued his pronouncements ex cathedra on ale and men and things. But to Oulton he turned at the last, dismal as it was. The estate had been pitifully neglected during his residence in London. The Nemesis that dogged his steps as a landed proprietor had always been the litigious tenant. There was one in possession of the Hall Farm in 1878, when Dr. and Mrs. MacOubrey had left London to live at Oulton, in order to bear Borrow company in his declining days. This tenant, calling at the Cottage to deliver an ultimatum about the need for repairs, became rude to Borrow, who fired up quite in his best style, and declared, “Sir, you came in by that door; you can go out by it!”
Borrow’s predilection for the alehouse is beyond question, whether it was in Norwich, or in London, or in Wales. But it was probably not so overpowering as sometimes has been represented. The misrepresentation is doubtless his own fault in great measure, because of the literary emphasis he laid upon the virtue of inns and their staple commodity. We have observed how this affected one of the reviewers of “Wild Wales.” Legends grew up around a certain inn at Oulton Broad, the Wherry Hotel. They were inevitable. Because it was an inn and was near Borrow’s house, gossip assumed that he was a frequent visitor and a bibulous. A sort of myth arose that it was the scene of drinking bouts, where Borrow not only gratified his own passion for quarrelling and fighting, but egged on others to quarrel and fight. It has already been shown on good evidence that he was personally temperate, if not abstemious, and the known facts dispose of the idea that there was any excessive drinking. [259] But the stories gave occasion for a correspondence in one of the London papers a few years ago, when Mr. William Mackay was able to dismiss them by proving that the Wherry Hotel was kept by one Mason during this period, and that Mr. Mason averred that Borrow did not visit the house more than twice, and that he had no recollection of the incidents so vividly described.
Mr. William A. Dutt has given us a graphic little picture [260] of Borrow in the last years of his life in the country of the Broads, and of the impression he made on his neighbours:
“His tall, erect, somewhat mysterious figure was often seen in the early hours of summer mornings or late at night on the lonely pathways that wind in and out from the banks of Oulton Broad. He loved to be mysterious, and the village children used to hush their voices and draw aside at his approach. They looked upon him with fear and awe—for had they not seen him stop and talk with the gypsies, who ran away with little children? But in his heart Borrow was fond of the little ones, though it amused him to watch the impression his strange personality made upon them. Older people he seldom spoke to when out on his solitary rambles; but sometimes he would flash out such a glance from beneath his broad-brimmed hat and shaggy eyebrows as would make timid country-folk hasten on their way filled with vague thoughts and fears of the evil eye. . . .
“Still, Borrow was not unpopular with the villagers, many of whom, long after his death, remembered little acts of kindness on his part by which they had benefited. To the sick and infirm he was always a good friend, though his almost invariable remedy for all the ills that flesh is heir to were wine and ale. He was exceedingly fond of animals, and nothing aroused his wrath more than to see them badly treated. . . . A favourite old cat that was ill crawled out of his house to die in the garden hedge. Borrow no sooner missed the poor creature than he went in search of it, and brought it indoors in his arms. He then laid it down in a comfortable spot, and sat and watched it till it was dead.”
Most old people incline to exaggerate their age after they have passed the common span of life, and are offended if the achievement of longevity is not accounted a meritorious performance in them. Borrow was unconventional in this as in all things. He resented references to his age. The vicar of Lowestoft visited him at Oulton, and had a smooth and delightful experience till he transgressed by asking the veteran how old he was. “Sir,” said Borrow thunderously, “I tell my age to no man!” One of his last bits of writing, in a tremulous hand, was a little dissertation “On People’s Age,” beginning: “Never talk to people about their age. . . . Compliment a man of eighty-five on the venerableness of his appearance, and he will shriek out, ‘No more venerable than yourself,’ and will perhaps hit you with his crutch.” [262]
The forcible sentiment was that of a man whose mind was stronger than his physical frame. Within a few months the passing came. His death, by some strange fate, was as secret as much of his life had been: he passed to the hidden bourne unseen by any human eye; his last agony was even more closely veiled than those years of his youth around which he had diffused a mist as thick as the enchanted vapours raised by his favourite magicians, the Firbolgs.
On July 26th, 1881, Dr. and Mrs. MacOubrey drove to Lowestoft on business. Borrow was left alone in the house. When they returned he lay dead. Censure passed upon his step-daughter and her husband in connection with this incident is ungenerous. They had cared for him so tenderly that it is impossible to accuse them of any lack of affection. And who, viewing George Borrow’s life and character as a rounded whole, would regard the circumstances of his death with disapproval? So, seventy-eight years after the summer evening when, at the “beautiful little town in a certain district of East Anglia, I first saw the light,” he entered into the Life Everlasting, not many miles away, alone in his lonely house, with the fir trees whispering as his spirit departed, and the quiet water shimmering by the little summer-house where that spirit had communed with its choicest companions and accomplished its finest work. The body lay silent there for several days:
“That port which so majestic was and strong,
Loose, and deprived of vigour, stretched along:
All withered, all discoloured, pale and wan . . .”
On August 4th it was conveyed to London, and laid with the body of his wife in West Brompton Cemetery.
Borrow dead was Borrow forgotten until the afflation of a new time breathed upon him, and his resurrection came. The “strange pilgrim’s masterful manner and irritable temper” took their proper place in the background of the picture; the real value of his pilgrimage was seen. A finnicking age which emphasised his “vulgarity” had ended, and another age had opened which was competent to approve his realism and to appraise his art. Borrow took his rightful niche among the immortals who have illuminated the human comedy and sung the joys of earth. The inspiration of Jasper Petulengro is the inspiration of the New Day: “There’s a wind on the heath, brother. . . . Who would wish to die?”
Borrow’s gypsyism was the most important part of his literary stock-in-trade. What it was worth, apart from its literary value, is a moot point.
Any writer who is not a deep gypsiologist must approach such a question with diffidence. The consensus of opinion is all that can be suggested. It is that Borrow was unscientific both as a Romany linguist and as a student of Romany history. His knowledge of this strange race, for whose origin we go to the Hindu Kush and beyond, was empirical; so was his acquaintance with the language they took with them all over the world and preserved for so many years almost as inviolably secret as the Etruscan mystery. He was an enthusiast, but not a learned enthusiast, and his method did not lend itself to thoroughness—like that of Mr. Sampson, for example, of whom a gypsy warned his friends that he would “cut the heart out of your breast if he thought he’d find a new word in it.” Borrow’s gypsy stories were not arranged on the elaborate plan of Mr. Sampson’s excursions into the gypsy lore of Wales. Though he knew the “tinkler” tribes intimately, it was left for Leland, long years afterwards, to discover that they had a language of their own, which was not Romany, but Shelta, subsequently identified with the secret medium of the ancient bards of Ireland. Leland’s discovery and the investigations of Professor Kuno Meyer and Mr. Sampson, which traced Shelta back to the Gaelic of ten centuries ago, surely form one of the great romances of philology. Leland himself was surprised that Borrow had not penetrated this mystery, because he had “specially cultivated tinkers.”
In a chapter on this subject intended to form part of a book on Shelta, never completed, Leland wrote:
“The first or second time I conversed with Borrow was in the British Museum, where he was examining an old Irish manuscript, and made the remark to me that he did not believe there was a man now living who could really read such works. But this Nestor of the Romany ryes, who was indeed a man of marvellous attainments and real genius, was somewhat touched with the common weakness of the old school, that he had mastered many subjects. Thus he positively declared in his ‘Lavo-Lil’ that there are only twelve hundred Anglo-Romany words, when in fact my own manuscript collection actually contains between three and four thousand, all approved as authentic by the late Professor E. H. Palmer. What Borrow would have said had he been told that there were thousands of tinkers now living who spoke the secret language of the bards—which was probably that of the Druids—passes conjecture.” [265]
We should certainly have had a tinker portrait as fine as that of Murtagh, from whom Borrow learned the Irish Gaelic of ordinary commerce. But it is idle to pursue the subject of Borrow’s empiricism. That is a matter which concerns the experts of philology and not the wider world. The important thing is the use which Borrow made of his gypsy knowledge and the fascination he himself exercised over the Romany chalu gypsy men.
While he often affected to approach the subject from the scientist’s point of view, and to lay the Romany language on the dissecting table, what in actual fact attracted him was the picturesque aspect of gypsy life. That is what attracts his readers to-day. His books are fitting companions of the pictures of David Cox and De Wint. Who, looking upon that wonderful drawing by Cox of “Gypsies Crossing a Moor”—a drawing so phenomenally realistic of the effect of wind that the spectator is almost induced to turn up his coat collar—does not recall the description in “The Zincali” of “the hurried march; the women and children, mounted on lean but spirited asses, would scour along the plains fleeter than the wind; ragged and savage-looking men, wielding the scourge and goad, would scamper by their side or close behind . . .”? And there are a score of scenes in “Lavengro” to match the sketches made by De Wint in his visits to the Romany tans (tents)—his glowing yellows, his swarthy faces, and his romantic rags.
The point specially to be observed is that Borrow’s vision of the gypsy race in the early part of the nineteenth century is practically the only one in existence. It has the value of a record, in addition to the value of a picture. Though there are great numbers of gypsies in the British islands, the old order of society known to Borrow has largely broken up. When he knew it, the organisation and status of that society had been unaltered for centuries. Borrow’s gypsies were as esoteric as they had been in 1550, when Andrew Borde, writing his “Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge,” “introduced” as a great discovery a few sentences of Romany, which he described as “Egipt speche,” and drew an uncomplimentary character sketch of the ’Gyptians, to whom he ascribed origin in the land of Rameses: “The people of the country be swarte, and doth go disgised in theyr apparel contrary to other nacions, they be lyght fingerd and use pyking [picking pockets], they have litle manner, and evyl looking, and yet be pleasant dansers.” [267] Even while Borrow’s books were appearing, however, the old gypsy society was disappearing. The enclosure of the English commons had made it hard for them to survive in their original state; the arrival of the railway so altered the whole atmosphere and outlook of the countryside that it became intolerable to them, and vast numbers of the wealthier class, the gryengroes or horse-dealers, with whom Borrow consorted, left for a newer and more simply-organised country on the other side of the Atlantic. Those who remained deteriorated. Gypsy traditions survive. So does the language. But the racial purity has been to a great extent lost by intermarriage among the gypsies, the “tinklers,” and the mumpers; and many of the caravanners on the English roads to-day have very little gypsy blood in their veins. How long any gypsyism at all will combat the onslaughts of the law on the one hand and the motor on the other is a doubtful point. There is a tendency in the one case to impose conditions which make the nomadic life almost impracticable; [268] in the other case, the caravan (in the gypsy sense) is seriously incommoded by the speeding up of road traffic.
Borrow wrote in his autobiography about gypsies as they were in the days before education and petrol had combined against them, when their camps were to be found in lonely lanes and obscure dells, and they rested in the heat of noon by the green roadside. The substantial accuracy of his picture has been amply confirmed. He recorded facts about their habits and their habitat. For some reason he was able to read more deeply into their character than many observers who are not open to the same charge of being unscientific. What he tells us of gypsy pride, love of race, exclusiveness, mutual honour, hostility to the gentiles, faithfulness to their own standards amidst what seems to be degradation and squalor, is perfectly true. It remains as true to-day, indeed, as it was when Borrow wrote, wherever unadulterated gypsy blood is found. He extenuated nothing. Complaint has been made that, on the contrary, he failed to do justice to the better side of the gypsy woman’s character. Mr. Watts-Dunton has pointed this out; and it cannot be denied that the figures of Mrs. Herne and Leonora are horrible enough, grotesquely villainous, and compelling mainly by reason of the baneful magnetism of their unequivocal wickedness. The companion portrait of Ursula should not, however, be overlooked, nor that section of “The Zincali” which he devotes to the vindication of the gitanas’ chastity.
The charm exercised by the gypsies upon Borrow was so strong that he said he did not remember the time when the mere mention of the name failed to awaken within him feelings hard to be described. He knew all the tribes of the East of England from his boyhood—the Smiths, the Pinfolds, Grays, Bosviles,—visited their camps, met them on Mousehold Heath, admired their horse-craft, worshipped the pugilists among them, followed them to fairs and studied their tricks and wiles, learnt their language, and found his way into their confidence. It could only be done because he worked spells upon them much as they worked their enchantment upon him. The tall youth with the white hair and the piercing eyes, who seemed to be more absorbed in their saying and their doing than in any other employment of his life, became one of them whenever he pleased. They, indeed, refused to believe that one so learned in their business was not one of them. Remarking on the fact that in all his intercourse with the tribes in various parts of the world he had never received the least injury from men whose hatred and contempt of the “gorgios” (“gentiles,” or non-gypsies) was inveterate, he said he was “not deceived as to the motive of their forbearance: they thought him a Rom (c.f. page 277), and on this supposition they hurt him not, their love of ‘the blood’ being their most distinguishing characteristic.” This was the set of circumstances which enabled Borrow to give us sketches of life and character as fine as are to be found within any book-covers: the masterly-limned portrait of Jasper Petulengro, quaintest and most alluring of pagans, and the towering figure of Tawno Chikno, type of gypsy beauty and chivalry. This vision of gypsydom in England is one of Borrow’s finest bequests to his countrymen, if, indeed, its value is not greater than that of anything else he accomplished.
In Spain he pursued the same road. He would turn aside anywhere to talk with a gitano (gypsy), and the gypsy episodes help to flush and enliven the pages of “The Bible in Spain” in a very striking manner. The method he adopted in compiling “The Zincali” has been remarked in an earlier chapter. The reader who cares not at all for Sancho de Moncada will yet find much in the book of curious incident and lively observation. He who is bored to death with Quinones may yet be interested in such a dramatic story as that of the Bookseller of Logrono, and in such a graphic description as that of the forge in the woods, with its gypsy metaphor of the sparks: “More than a hundred lovely daughters I see produced at one time, fiery as roses; in one moment they expire, gracefully circumvolving.” As he tells us in “Lavengro,” Borrow always saw poetry in a forge. But just as he preferred Gronwy Owen to Homer, so he set the vision of the gypsy smithy, under the trees of an English dingle or in a Spanish forest, high above the more grandiose forges of the classic shades in which
“. . . the mighty family
Of one-eyed brothers hasten to the shore,
And gather round the bellowing Polypheme.”
Indeed, he sometimes expressed downright contempt for Vulcan and his minions, though he did not disdain the Cyclopean legend as a literary element in the composition of the scene just mentioned. The traditional trade of the smith is dying out among the gypsies, and the sale of cheap tinpots is a much commoner occupation of their lives than the forging of the petul (horseshoe). Certain aspects of gypsydom described in “The Zincali,” however, are constant, and here it is proposed to notice more particularly Borrow’s remarks bearing on the general and permanent features of Romany character and customs, arts and manners.
The attitude of the race towards questions of religion interested him greatly. If their progenitors brought any religion with them from beyond the frontier hills of India, they had lost all trace of it before Western inquirers began to investigate their history and explore their minds.
“Do you fear God, O Tuérta?” Borrow asked the one-eyed daughter of Pépa the sybil in Madrid.
“Brother, I fear nothing!” was Tuérta’s reply.
He translated the Gospel of St. Luke into the gypsy language of Spain, and remarks that the gitános purchased it freely; many of the men understood it, and prized it highly, but they were induced “more by the language than the doctrine.” The women, though generally unable to read, “each wished to have one in her pocket, especially when engaged in thieving expeditions; for they all looked upon it in the light of a charm which would preserve them from all danger and mischance.” Having forgotten whatever gods they ever worshipped before they left their country of origin, they were perfectly indifferent to the Christianity of the Western world. There is a curiously interesting passage on this subject in the introductory chapters of “The Zincali” dealing with the English gypsies:
“With respect to religion, they call themselves members of the Established Church, and are generally anxious to have their children baptised and to obtain a copy of the register. Some of their baptismal papers, which they carry about with them, are highly curious, going back for a period of upwards of two hundred years. With respect to the essential points of religion, they are quite careless and ignorant; if they believe in a future state, they dread it not, and if they manifest when dying any anxiety, it is not for the soul but for the body; a handsome coffin and a grave in a quiet country churchyard are invariably the objects of their last thoughts, and it is probable that, in their observance of the rite of baptism, they are principally influenced by a desire to enjoy the privilege of burial in consecrated ground.”
This might hold as an accurate account of the gypsies of to-day. In Eastern Europe, I believe, they are Christians or Mussulmans with the greatest impartiality, and change from one religion to the other as circumstances may require. In Great Britain they like the distinction and the respectability which they suppose to be attached to marriages and baptisms in the Established Church. The ceremony of baptism is a favourite one. They do not mind how many times or in how many places they submit their children to that rite: the sponsors usually give presents. The German gypsies who were in Great Britain in 1906 had their children baptised in Glasgow. The Catholic faith is professed by some Welsh members of the race. But, in general, religion of any type has no relation whatever to their lives; as a keen observer of the gypsies remarked to the writer, “they know as much about it as a navvy does of bimetallism.” They go to tea-meetings which may be organised for their benefit, and behave themselves as to the manner born; but efforts to evangelise them have been of little permanent effect. They have no “religious sense” in our acceptation of the term. Respect for the dead, however, is still an essential article of the gypsy code.
When that rare old scoundrel Ryley Bosvil lay a-dying, as Borrow relates in the “Lavo-Lil,” a Methodist visited him and asked him what was his hope. “My hope is,” said he, “that when I am dead I shall be put into the ground and my wife and children will weep over me.” They did. And on the return from the grave they carried out the gypsy custom, brought from India, of the funeral pyre. Instead of quarrelling over the division of the property, like Christians, as Borrow sourly says, they killed his pony and buried it, smashed his caravan and cart into matchwood, and built a fire, on which they cast his clothes, blankets, carpets, and curtains; they broke his mirrors and his crockery, and battered up his hardware, and threw it all on the flames. That practice is still occasionally carried out in England: the property of the dead shall not be defiled by the living. And of the dead themselves they speak only with bated breath. The relatives of a deceased gypsy will sometimes give up his favourite food. “An old friend of mine . . . gave up fish when her husband died, because it was the last thing they had eaten together,” writes to me one who has an intimate knowledge of the race. The old love for graves in quiet little churchyards survives in Wales, but in England—at any rate in Lancashire—the gypsies now own graves in the big cemeteries. This is also the case in France. In Norway, it is said, nobody knows how they dispose of their dead.
Page of Borrow’s Draft of “The Zincali.” By permission of Mr. Watts-Dunton
In “The Zincali” Borrow has a short disquisition on gypsy law, which he analyses under three heads: (1) Separate not from the husbands; (2) Be faithful to the husbands; (3) Pay your debts to the husbands—the husband being the “Rom,” as distinct from the “gorgio,” or gentile. He contends that, whatever may be the moral and legal relations between gypsydom and the world at large, there is perfect honour amongst the members of the race itself. He enlarges on the chastity of gypsy women, which is never overcome, in whatever licentious scenes they may be involved. Experts in the Romany language take exception to the use of the expression “husbands” in Borrow’s sense. “Rom” is an obscure word, and “husband” is only a secondary meaning. Its Indian origin is uncertain; there are in Western Asia thousands of people who call themselves “Rom” and are not gypsies. But Borrow’s rendering of the principles of gypsy law is accurate. Clan attachment is all-powerful still. Mr. Scott-Macfie informs me of the case of two brothers, friends of his, who quarrelled and have not spoken for thirty years. Yet they always live in the same camp, “and when there is a battle Kenza always comes and fights by Noah’s side, returning to his tent after the struggle without having said a word.” Their common cause is the concern of all: when a gypsy is in trouble, money is always forthcoming for his defence and to pay his fine. The chastity of the gypsy women is the fact to which is owing the preservation of their race purity against tremendous odds.
The occupations and customs of gypsies have not varied much all the world over. The men have been jockeys and horse-dealers and the women fortune-tellers. Borrow has given more than one account of hokano baro, “the great trick,” practised on credulous women, who hide money or valuables in the earth or elsewhere, deluded by the Romany chi’s (gypsy woman’s) promise that it shall magically increase—and, of course, never find it again. The three weeks generally prescribed as the term of its gestation are quite long enough to put a sufficient number of miles between the gypsy and her victim. The practice of hokano baro is becoming rarer, probably not because of any reluctance on the part of the gypsies to perform it, but because of the gradual decline of the kind of superstition which made it possible. There are relics of it in the West of England and elsewhere. The village “witch” occasionally makes an appearance in the police court, and not many years ago in Cornwall a chi received imprisonment for a false pretence not less ingenious than the hokano baro, and almost as elaborate as some recent conspiracies in which no gypsies have been involved. The bait in this case was money “in Chancery,” and three Cornish housewives were effectually swindled by a cleverly constructed story in which witchcraft, the planets, phantom lawyers, and hidden property all played their parts.
To hoax the gentile is a meritorious thing in a gypsy, and there is evidence that the Romany people themselves are not as a race superstitious. Their success depended in Borrow’s time upon cold calculation and rapid judgment of the characters of the people with whom they had to deal. Pepita’s interview with Cristina in the palace, and the trick of Aurora upon the wealthy widow lady [279] are evidence of that. Their modern attitude is precisely the same, though I have been told of one Welsh gypsy who believed she could work spells, had faith in her own fortune-telling, and was believed in by other gypsies. A well-known gryengro in the eastern counties, it is said, never concludes any important horse-dealing transaction till his mother has “read the stars” for him. Some gypsies credit the seventh daughter with the power of true divination. But in the main their art of dukkering, bewitching, or fortune-telling, is merely the art of gauging the personalities with which they are dealing, and, as Borrow says, adapting their promises “to the age and condition of the parties who seek for information”; the gypsy holds the hand of her client, but her eyes are fixed upon the client’s face. Readers of “Lavengro” and “The Romany Rye,” a much more numerous company than those who have studied “The Zincali,” will recall references in those books to draving balos. This was the pleasant custom of administering to pigs and other comestible animals of the countryside a certain poison, which infallibly deprived them of life but did not render their flesh unfit for food. Having done this in secret, the gypsy would go up to the farmer openly and offer some small price for the carcass, and his offer would be accepted, since a porker supposed to have died of disease was marketable in no other quarter. The custom does not linger in England, but a recent traveller in Spain saw at Martos, in the province of Jaen, a whole gypsy tribe feeding on the roasted body of a poisoned pig.
Among the Romany habits quaintly discussed in “The Zincali” [280] which still survive in gypsydom is that of the patteran, or trail—the bunches of twigs or handfuls of grass scattered at a cross-road to indicate to stragglers the way which their companions have taken. It has been remarked that the ranks of the gryengroes, or horse-dealers, of the class described in Borrow’s books have been greatly depleted, particularly by emigration to the Western continent; but there are representatives of these, the gypsy aristocracy, still to be seen at the English horse-sales and fairs, and very formidable judges of a horse they are, though I know of none quite so expert as Jasper Petulengro. One of them not long ago bought a piece of land near Lowestoft, in order that he and his friends might camp undisturbed by the law and unvexed by the police.
No account of Borrow’s gypsyism can neglect the wonderful scene or series of scenes which, omitted from “The Zincali,” were included in “The Bible in Spain,” picturing his journey from Badajoz towards Madrid in company with Antonio Lopez. These passages, in the ninth and tenth chapters of the book, convey an extraordinary impression of the gypsy character and of gypsy habits. They contain sketches of persons and incidents vivid as lightning flashes; they are full of Borrow’s best matter and in his most characteristic manner. See the fierce gitano in his zamarra, or cloak of sheepskin, and his high-peaked Andalusian hat, coming to interview the London Caloro (gypsy) who has so strange a knowledge of their language that the gypsies for whom he has written a gospel call him “brother.” Antonio, bound on a journey on “the affairs of Egypt,” has bethought him that the strange Caloro is going to Madrid. The country is very disturbed; the gypsies are taking advantage of the uproar to plunder the gentiles; and the Caloro may fall a victim to them. Antonio proposes, therefore, to accompany him as far as the frontiers of Castile, so that he may not run the risk of a mistake; while, as for perils from any other quarter than the bands of gypsy brigands—does not Antonio carry in his bosom the magic bar lachi, the lodestone, a talisman which renders him immune from knife or bullet, and for him makes “the dark night the same as the fair day, and the wild carrascal [forest] as the market-place?” The bar lachi occupies a prominent place in “The Zincali,” where a strange story is told of the fascination exercised upon the gitanós by the large piece of lodestone in the museum at Madrid, and the recipe is given for a magic potion consisting of a little powder from the stone dropped in a glass of the potent spirit aguardiente. Antonio had fortified himself with such a draught before he came to make his proposal that they should ride forth together, Borrow on the fleet horse which had cost fifty dollars, and the gypsy on a mule.
From the moment when Borrow’s love of adventure and desire to get insight into Spanish gypsydom led him to accept this strange proposal instead of going to Madrid in prosaic British fashion by the stage-coach, his pages are lit by variegated lights—the blaze of straw fires roasting pig, the eye of the sun in dusty village streets, or its rays percolating through the maze of forest trees, or the brasero’s glow in the vast ruined house in Merida, where the gypsy crone tells him her story of torrid adventure in Morocco among the Corahai, her fortune-telling and her hokkawaring (deceiving) among the desert tribes. They are overhung by the mystery of the object of Antonio’s journey, which remains unsolved. They echo with the weird converse of Antonio himself, with his guitar-strings vibrating in the shadows of the great room lit by an earthen lamp on the floor, with the patter of the gypsy girls’ feet as they dance. Nobody has ever mixed ingredients like these into such a dish as Borrow served up—the ancient gitana who knew “more crabbed things and crabbed words than all the Erraté [gypsy folk] betwixt here and Catalonia,” the venal alguazils, or excise officers, looking for contraband who were bribed by the present of a cigar and frightened out of the house by the maledictions of the old woman and her girls, the bivouac among the trees, the dialogues on solemn questions with Pepindorio the pagan.
The most interesting gypsy-hunt in which Borrow indulged in the later part of his life was the search in the Cheviot Hills for relics of old Will Faa, the gypsy “king,” smuggler, and innkeeper of Kirk Yetholm. Faa, the bearer of a celebrated name in Scottish gypsydom, flourished in the eighteenth century during those years when the nomads had recovered from the effects of the early persecutions, and had not yet been assailed by an organised rural police. This monarch in the Augustan age of the Romanies had been a person of great consequence in Borderland, and it was at the house he occupied in Kirk Yetholm—an inn which in ’64 had much of the appearance of a ruined Spanish posada—that Borrow was gazing when a woman accosted him on gypsy subjects, and told him that a granddaughter of Will Faa was residing in the town. The incident, with his visit to this celebrity, Esther Blyth, “the Queen of the Nokkums,” [284] provides the material for the last and the best chapter of “The Romano Lavo-Lil.” He describes his “deep discourse” with her “about matters Nokkum, about the words they used and the famous ones among them in the older time.”
There is a curious forecast here of Leland’s discovery of Shelta, and its identification with the language of the ancient Gaelic bards, though Borrow remained quite innocent of its significance. The Queen of the Nokkums had not much Romany, but used a “poggado jib” (a broken jargon) consisting partly of gypsy words, partly of Lowland Scots, and partly of cant, “the allegorical jargon of thieves.” He remarks: “Then she called a donkey asal, and a stone cloch, which words are neither cant nor gypsy, but Irish or Gaelic. I incurred her vehement indignation by saying they were Gaelic. She contradicted me flatly, and said that whatever I might know” (and he had been astonishing her with his Romany jib, as usual), “I was quite wrong there, for that neither she nor any one of her people would condescend to speak anything so low as Gaelic, or, indeed, if they possibly could avoid it, have anything to do with the poverty-stricken creatures who used it.” Borrow goes on to moralise in his own way on the effect built up in the minds of the public at large on the subject of the Highlanders and their Gaelic by “the magic writings of Walter Scott,” and to contrast it with the contempt in which both people and language were held in Scott’s own land.
The faltering hand of age is all too plainly seen in this Kirk Yetholm sketch. It has a certain interest, but it lacks the wondrous witchery of his earlier dialogues with gypsies in “Lavengro” and “The Romany Rye.” Perhaps there was every bit as much of the picturesque and romantic in his later intercourse with the swarthy people; but he was not the same Borrow. He had not the old spirit, the vim, the elasticity, and he could not invest his gypsy friends and their surroundings with the charm that pervaded his former writing on the subject. He had lost zest. He knew and mentioned that the Romany chals and chis whom he saw in dingy metropolitan suburbs or slums were out for a great part of the year in the green lanes and pleasant ways of Kent; but he gives us no pictures of the patch of grass, so vividly described by Dickens about the same time, “between the road-dust and the trees,” the place whose sweet temptations “all the tramps with carts or caravans, the gypsy-tramp, the show-tramp, the cheap-jack, find it impossible to resist,” where “all turn the horse loose when they come to it, and boil the pot. Bless the place! I love the ashes of the vagabond fires that have scorched its grass!” Yet that was just the picture that would have appealed to the younger Borrow.
During his residence in London he paid many visits to the gypsy haunts in the neighbourhood, such as the no-man’s-land at Wandsworth, where was to be found a very Babel of gypsies, mumpers, and Irish vagrants, as unlike a true gypsy encampment as anything on earth—a medley of caravans and carts, horses and donkeys, basket-makers and clothes-peg carvers, broken-down pugilists and the scum of the nether world. There were sketches to be made of such characters as Mrs. Cooper, the deserted wife of Jack Cooper, a famous gypsy prize-fighter. With her he would sit “in her little tent after she had taken her cup of tea . . . and hear her talk of old times and things: how Jack courted her ’neath the trees of Loughton Forest, and how, when tired of courting, they would get up and box.” There were suggestions to be offered of such personalities as the “dark, mysterious, beautiful, terrible creature,” with a lovely gypsy face, but an expression “evil—evil to a degree,” who was a puzzle to all the inhabitants of the gypsery, now dukkering for servant girls or bandying slang with butcher-boys, and anon “in a beautiful half riding-dress, her hair fantastically plaited and adorned with pearls, standing beside the carriage of a countess telling the fortune of her ladyship with the voice and look of a pythoness.” There were stories to be told of the encampment at Latimer’s Green in the north of London, and of the rookery at “The Mount,” in the East End, and there was a biography to be related of that tremendous fellow, Ryley Bosvil, the tinker who wore gold pieces for coat-buttons, who had two wives, gave himself grand airs, and composed Romany verses, of which the following ode to one of his better halves is a spirited specimen—the translation is Borrow’s:
“Beneath the bright sun there is none, there is none,
I love like my Yocky Shuri;
With the greatest delight in blood I would fight
To the knees for my Yocky Shuri!”
But in all these literary excursions into gypsydom, the effervescence had gone. It was left for other pens to transmute the gorgio’s impressions of the Romany into real poetry. And even Borrow’s own adventures in these later times are better described by another than by himself.
Mr. Watts-Dunton relates one of the best gypsy stories ever told about Borrow. It arose out of a discussion between them as to the probable nature of the appeal, if any, which Matthew Arnold’s poem of “The Scholar Gypsy” would make to a real Romany chi. Borrow had ventured the opinion that whatever might be the poetical merits of Arnold’s work, it was clear that he had no conception of the Romany temper, and that gypsies would be unable either to understand its motive or to sympathise with it. Mr. Watts-Dunton thought, on the contrary, that, however blind a gypsy might be to the beauties of Arnold’s style, “the motive was so clearly developed that the most illiterate person could understand it.” They went off together to a gypsy camp to test the question, agreeing to read the poem to the first intelligent gypsy woman they should find—for gypsy men, said Borrow, were “too prosaic to furnish a fair test.” The encounter with the Romanies came about through the discovery of a magpie crouching in a hawthorn bush. The bird did not attempt to fly away as they approached. Mr. Watts-Dunton exclaimed, “It is wounded, or else dying—or is it a tame bird escaped from a cage?”
“Hawk!” said Borrow laconically, and turned up his face and gazed into the sky. “The magpie is waiting till the hawk has caught his quarry and made his meal. I fancy he has himself been ‘chivvied’ by the hawk, as the gypsies would say.”
And there, sure enough, beneath one of the silver clouds that specked the dazzling blue, a hawk—one of the kind which takes its prey in the open rather than in the thick woodlands—was wheeling up and up, and trying its best to get above a poor little lark in order to stoop at and devour it. . . .
As Borrow and his friend were gazing at the bird, a woman’s voice at their elbows said:
“It’s lucky to chivvy the hawk that chivvies a magpie. I shall stop here till the hawk’s flew away.”
They turned round, and there stood a magnificent gypsy woman, carrying, gypsy fashion, a weakly child that, in spite of its sallow and wasted cheek, proclaimed itself to be hers. By her side stood a young gipsy girl of about seventeen years of age. She was beautiful—quite remarkably so—but her beauty was not of the typical Romany kind. It was, perhaps, more like the beauty of a Capri girl.
She was bareheaded—there was not even a gypsy handkerchief on her head—her hair was not plaited, and was not smooth and glossy like a gypsy girl’s hair, but flowed thick and heavy and rippling down the back of her neck and upon her shoulders. In the tumbled tresses glittered certain objects, which at first sight seemed to be jewels. They were small dead dragon-flies of the crimson kind called “sylphs.”
The woman was a well-known gypsy, Perpinia Boswell, with whom both students were acquainted. Borrow expressed surprise at the condition of the infant, and remarked that the “chavo” (baby) ought not to look like that with such a mother. Perpinia agreed. It was a misery to her, especially as her husband, Mike, was “such a daddy, too,” stronger for a man than she was for a woman. A great black cutty protruded between the woman’s teeth.
“How many pipes of tobacco do you smoke in a day?” asked Mr. Watts-Dunton. She could not say, but the girl ventured the calculation that it was as many as she could afford to buy. Her husband did not like her to smoke, and said it made her look “like an old Londra woman in Common Garding Market.”
“You must not smoke another pipe,” said Borrow’s friend to the mother—“not another pipe till the child leaves the breast.”
“What?” said Perpinia defiantly. “As if I could live without my pipe!”
“Fancy Pep a-livin’ without her baccy,” laughed the girl of the dragon-flies.
“Your child can’t live with it,” said Borrow’s friend to Perpinia. “That pipe of yours is full of a poison called nicotine.”
“Nick what?” said the girl, laughing. “That’s a new kind o’ Nick. Why, you smoke yourself!”
“Nicotine,” said Borrow’s friend; “and the first part of Pep’s body that the poison gets into is her breast, and—”
“Gets into my burk?” said Perpinia; “get along wi’ ye.”
“Yes.”
“Do it poison Pep’s milk?” said the girl.
“Yes.”
“That ain’t true,” said Perpinia; “can’t be true.”
“It is true,” said Borrow’s friend. “If you don’t give up that pipe for a time the child will die, or else be a rickety thing all his life. If you do give it up, it will grow up to be as fine a Romany chal as Mike himself.”
“Chavo agin pipe, Pep,” said the girl.
“Lend me your pipe, Perpinia,” said Borrow, in that hail-fellow-well-met tone of his which he reserved for the Romanies—a tone which no Romany could ever resist. And he took it gently from the woman’s lips. “Don’t smoke any more till I come to the camp and see the chavo again.”
The woman looked very angry at first.
“He be’s a good-friend to the Romanies,” said the girl in an appeasing tone.
“That’s true,” said the woman, “but he’s no business to take my pipe out o’ my mouth for all that.”
She made no further protest, but remained to keep guard over the magpie which was to bring luck to her chavo, while Borrow walked away with the pipe in his pocket, accompanied by his friend and the young girl. The three sat down on a fallen tree to put Arnold’s poem through the crucible of the gypsy mind. The girl was a beauty of the most entrancing type to be found among her race, and her loveliness made a strong appeal even to Borrow, whose taste—the subject of frequent remark—was not so much for tawny women, however seductive, as for tall and stately fair girls, such as Isopel Berners and the queens of the North. The gypsy’s complexion, says Mr. Watts-Dunton,
“though darker than an English girl’s, was rather lighter than any ordinary gypsy’s. Her eyes were of an indescribable hue, but an artist who has since then painted her portrait for Borrow’s friend described it as a mingling of pansy-purple and dark tawny. The pupils were so large that, being set in the somewhat almond-shaped and long-eyelashed lids of her race, they were partly curtained both above and below, and this had the effect of making the eyes seem always a little contracted and just about to smile. The great size and deep richness of the eyes made the straight little nose seem smaller than it really was, they also lessened the apparent size of the mouth, which, red as a rosebud, looked quite small until she laughed, when the white teeth made quite a wide glitter.”
The poem was interrupted, before three lines had been read, by a swarm of dragon-flies which swam in the sunshine around the girl’s head, causing her to exclaim that the “Devil’s needles” were come to sew up her eyes for killing their brothers. “I dussn’t set here,” said she. “Us Romanies call this ‘Dragon-fly brook.’ And that’s the king of the dragon-flies; he lives here.” The insects presently disappeared, and she sat down again to hear the lil (book). She was interested in the prose story of Glanville, on which Arnold’s poem was founded, but the poem itself bewildered her, except that “her eyes flashed now and then at the lovely bits of description.” It was read a second time. “Can’t make out what the lil’s all about—seems all about nothink! Seems to me that the pretty sights what makes a Romany fit to jump out o’ her skin for joy makes this ’ere gorgio want to cry. What a rum lot gorgios is surely!”
And then she sprang up and ran off towards the camp with the agility of a greyhound, turning round every few moments, pirouetting and laughing aloud.
“The beauty of that girl,” Borrow again murmured, “is quite—quite—”
Again he did not finish his sentence, but after a while said:
“That was all true about the nicotine?”
“Partly, I think,” said his friend, “but not being a medical man I must not be too emphatic. If it is true it ought to be a criminal offence for any woman to smoke in excess while she is suckling a child.”
“Say it ought to be a criminal offence for a woman to smoke at all,” growled Borrow. “Fancy kissing a woman’s mouth that smelt of stale tobacco—pheugh!”
Borrow did not forget the incident. Perpinia abstained from tobacco, and in a fortnight, after several visits to the camp, he had the satisfaction of knowing that the child was recovering from its illness.
“Is not Perpinia very grateful to you and to me?” said the friend.
“Yes,” said Borrow, with a twinkle in his eye. “She manages to feel grateful to you and me for making her give up the pipe, and also to believe at the same time that her child was saved by the good luck that came to her because she guarded the magpie.”