There can, further, be no doubt that Dr. Hamel is right in his conclusion,—indeed, it is self-evident from Marsh’s statement,—that towards the close of the sixteenth century, and previously to the time when the Dutch visited those parts, Novaya Zemlya was looked on as an island extending from Burrough’s Strait (Karskoi Vorota) as far northwards only as “Mattuschan Yar” (Matyushin Shar): and that the land lying to the north of this latter passage was not deemed to be a part of Novaya Zemlya, but had a distinct designation, namely, Matthew’s Land, which in Russian would be Matvyéeva Zemlya,—an expression which corresponds precisely with Marsh’s “Land of Matfeov (Matpheoue)”.

How this Matvyéeva Zemlya, together with Matyushin Shar, should have been lost from our maps, may be easily explained, though not altogether in the way attempted by Dr. Hamel.63 The accompanying fac-simile of a map drawn by Isaac Massa, and published in 1612 by Hessel Gerard, in a small volume64 now very rare, contains (as will be seen) [lxxxviii]a delineation of Novaya Zemlya, there shown as an island of not large extent, and the surrounding regions. The strongly marked entire line along the western side of Novaya Zemlya, is that of the coast as furnished to Massa by his Russian authorities: the faint dotted line is that of the coast as corrected by himself or Gerard from Dutch sources of information. The proper names, as written in strong and faint characters respectively, indicate, in like manner, the several sources from which such names were derived. In this map a broad channel is laid down between the island of Novaya Zemlya and a terra innominata to the north of it, to which channel is given the name of “Matsei of tsar”, which was evidently intended for “Matſeiof tsar”, which again must be taken to have been written instead of “Matfeiof tsar”, through a mere clerical error.65 The faint dotted line along the west coast of Novaya Zemlya shows that it had been carefully and (considering the time when it was drawn) very accurately corrected; for we there see plainly laid down the Mezhdusharsky Ostrov and the two inlets—Kostin Shar and Podryesov Shar—between which [lxxxix]that island lies, and from which it derives its appellation.66

Had the name Kostin Shar, in any of its chameleon forms,67 been retained in its proper place, at the same time that the new name Matfeiof tsar was introduced to designate the more northerly channel,—and the map constructed by Gerrit de Veer from William Barents’s observations, does not warrant the former’s being carried much higher up than the 71st parallel,—there would most probably have been no occasion to notice this grave error. But the passage between Novaya Zemlya (Proper) and Matvyéeva Zemlya not having been observed by Barents and his companions, and De Veer having in his journal expressed the opinion that “Constinsarck” goes “through to the Tartarian Sea”,68 the corrector of Massa’s map was led to suppose that this passage must be the same as the “Matfeiof tsar” of the Russians, and he accordingly placed over the latter the name “Costint sarch” in faint letters. That in subsequent maps the former name should have been omitted, and the latter alone retained, is only natural: it is the usual progress of error. Accordingly, in Gerard’s map of Russia, dedicated to the emperor Michael Fedorowich in 1614,69 we find “Costint sarch” made to extend right across and through the land from west to east, its latitude being, however, brought down to nearly the same as in Gerrit de Veer’s map, from which the western coast-line of Novaya Zemlya is, in [xc]general, taken, while the more northerly passage is altogether lost sight of.

Still, the existence of this latter passage continued to be known more than a century later. For, in the year 1705, Witsen published in the second volume of his Noord en Oost Tartarye, a rough and, for the most part, very incorrect map of the Samoede country, obtained by him from Theunis (Antonis) Ys, the master of a trading vessel, who had visited Novaya Zemlya; in which map the southern portion of that country is represented as an island, cut off from the northern and far larger portion by a broad channel, running from north-west to south-east, and bearing the name of “Matiskin jar, of Mathys-stroom”; with respect to which channel Witsen remarks,70 that “it is a passage and thoroughfare, and not an inlet or river”.

Notwithstanding the length of time during which the name has been lost, there does not appear to be any good reason why the original and correct designation of Matthew’s Strait, Matvyéeva Shar (“Matfeiof tsar”), or Matyushin Shar, should not be restored to the channel between the two islands, instead of its continuing to bear the modern corrupted form of the latter name, Matochkin Shar.

It likewise seems only right that the name Matthew’s Land (the “Land of Matpheoue”) or Matvyéeva Zemlya, should not be lost from our maps; and it is therefore proposed to appropriate that designation to the small island extending from Matyushin Shar (“Matochkin Shar”) northwards as far as the channel, in about 74° N. lat., running across the land from Cross Bay to Rosmuislov’s “Unknown Bay”.

As to the name Novaya Zemlya, there can be no doubt that it ought still to continue the generic appellation of the entire series of islands, of which the country usually known by that name is now found to consist. But, at the same [xci]time, as it is highly expedient that each of those islands should possess some distinctive specific designation, there is a propriety in restricting the title of Novaya Zemlya (Proper), as it appears in the map of Isaac Massa and Theunis Ys, to the southernmost island of the series, lying between the Kara Gate or Burroughs Strait to the south and Matyushin Shar or Matthew’s Strait to the north.

The establishment of the English in the White Sea, and their explorations to the eastwards, soon induced others to become their competitors; and of these it is not unnatural that the Russians themselves should have been among the first. Accordingly, we find that a short time previously to the year 1581, “two famous men”, named Yacovius and Unekius—which, as Lütke observes,71 are manifestly the Latinised forms of the Russian names Yakov and Anikyi—employed a Swedish shipwright to build for them two ships in the river Dwina, and then sent one Alferius, by birth a Netherlander (“natione Belga”), to Antwerp to engage pilots and mariners, with a view to their employment on board those ships in discoveries towards the north-east. This Alferius—or Oliver, as Hakluyt translates the name—was the bearer of a letter from John Balak to Gerard Mercator, which letter, written in Latin, was published by Hakluyt in his Principal Navigations,72 together with an English translation.

On account of the very curious matter bearing on our subject which this letter contains, it is thought advisable to reprint it here in its English form, and also to give the original Latin in the Appendix,73 for the convenience of reference. [xcii]

To the famous and renowned Gerardus Mercator, his reuerend and singular friend, at Duisburg in Cliueland, these be deliuered.

Calling to remembrance (most deare friend) what exceeding delight you tooke, at our being together, in reading the geographicall writings of Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Plinie, Dion, and the rest, I reioyced not a little that I happened vpon such a messenger as the bearer of these presents (whom I do especially recommend vnto you), who arriued lately here at Arusburg, upon the riuer of Osella. This mans experience (as I am of opinion) will greatly auaile you to the knowledge of a certaine matter, which hath bene by you so vehemently desired and so curiously laboured for, and concerning the which the late cosmographers do hold such varietie of opinions: namely, of the discouerie of the huge promontorie of Tabin, and of the famous and rich countreys subiect unto the emperor of Cathay, and that by the northeast Ocean Sea. The man is called Alferius,74 being by birth a Netherlander, who, for certaine yeeres, liued captiue in the dominions of Russia, vnder two famous men, Yacouius and Vnekius, by whom he was sent to Antwerp, to procure skilfull pilots and mariners (by propounding liberall rewards), to go vnto the two famous personages aforesayd, which two had set a Sweden shipwright on worke to build two ships for the same discouerie, vpon the riuer of Dwina. The passage vnto Cathay by the northeast (as he declareth the matter, albeit without arte, yet very aptly, as you may well perceiue, which I request you diligently to consider), is, without doubt, very short and easie. This very man himselfe hath trauelled to the riuer of Ob, both by land, through the countreys of the Samoeds and of Sibier, and also by sea, along the coast of the riuer Pechora, eastward. Being encouraged by this his experience, he is fully resolued with himselfe to conduct a barke laden with merchandize (the keele whereof hee will not haue to drawe ouer much water) to the Baie of Saint Nicholas, in Russia, being furnished with all things expedient for such a discouerie, and with a new supply of victuals at his arrivall there; and also to hire into his companie certaine Russes best knowen vnto himselfe, who can perfectly speake the Samoeds language, and are acquainted with the riuer of Ob, as hauing frequented those places yeere by yeere. [xciii]

Whereupon, about the ende of May, hee is determined to saile from the Baie of S. Nicholas eastward, by the maine of Ioughoria, and so to the easterly parts of Pechora, to the island which is called Dolgoia. And here also hee is purposed to obserue the latitudes, to suruey and describe the countrey, to sound the depth of the sea, and to note the distances of places, where and so oft as occasion shall be offered. And forasmuch as the Baie of Pechora is a most conuenient place both for harbour and victuall, as well in their going foorth as in their returne home, in regard of ice and tempest, he is determined to bestow a day in sounding the flats, and in searching out the best enterance for ships: in which place, heretofore, he found the water to be but fiue foote deepe, howbeit he doubteth not but that there are deeper chanels: and then he intendeth to proceed on along those coasts for the space of three or foure leagues, leauing the island called Vaigats almost in the middle way betweene Vgoria and Noua Zembla: then also to passe by a certaine baie betweene Vaigats and Ob, trending southerly into the land of Vgoria, whereinto fall two small riuers, called Marmesia and Carah,75 vpon the which riuers doe inhabite an other barbarous and sauage nation of the Samoeds. He found many flats in that tract of land, and many cataracts or ouerfals of water, yet such as hee was able to saile by. When hee shall come to the riuer of Ob, which riuer (as the Samoeds report) hath seuentie mouthes, which, by reason of the huge breadth thereof, containing many and great islands, which are inhabited with sundry sortes of people, no man scarcely can well discouer; because he will not spend too much time, he purposeth to search three or foure, at the most, of the mouthes thereof, those chiefly which shall be thought most commodious by the aduise of the inhabitants, of whom hee meaneth to haue certaine with him in his voyage, and meaneth to employ three or foure boates of that countrey in search of these mouthes, as neere as possibly he can to the shore, which, within three dayes iourney of the sea, is inhabited, that he may learne where the riuer is best nauigable. If it so fall out that he may sayle vp the riuer Ob against the streame, and mount up to that place which heretofore, accompanied with certaine of his friends, he passed vnto by land through the countrey of Siberia, which is about twelue dayes iourney from the sea, where the riuer Ob falleth into the sea, which place is in the [xciv]continent neere the riuer Ob, and is called Yaks Olgush, borowing his name from that mightie riuer which falleth into the riuer Ob; then, doubtlesse, hee would conceive full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties: for the people dwelling there about report, which were three dayes sayling onely from that place beyond the riuer Ob, whereby the bredth thereof may be gathered (which is a rare matter there, because that many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely from the shore, haue bene cast away in tempest, hauing no skill to guide themselves neither by sunne nor starre), that they haue seene great vessels, laden with rich and precious merchandize, brought downe that great riuer by black or swart people. They call that riuer Ardoh, which falleth into the lake of Kittay, which they call Paraha,76 whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation which they call Carrah Colmak, which is none other than the nation of Cathay.77 There, if neede require, he may fitly winter and refresh himselfe and his, and seeke all things which he shall stand in need of; which, if it so fall out, he doubteth not but in the meane while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning out many things in that place. Howbeit, he hopeth that hee shall reach to Cathaya that very sommer, unlesse he be hindered by great abundance of ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob, which is sometimes more, and sometimes lesse. If it so fall out, hee then purposeth to returne to Pechora, and there to winter; or if he cannot doe so neither, then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of Dwina, whither he will reach in good time enough, and so the next spring following to proceed on his voyage. One thing in due place I forgate before.

The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush, affirme that they haue heard their forefathers say that they have heard most sweete harmonie of bels78 in the lake of Kitthay, and that they haue seene therein stately and large buildings: and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak (this countrey is Cathay), they fetch deepe sighes, and holding vp their hands, they looke vp to heaven, signifying, as it were, and declaring the notable glory and [xcv]magnificence of that nation. I would this Oliuer were better seene in cosmographie; it would greatly further his experience, which doubtlesse is very great. Most deare friend, I omit many things, and I wish you should heare the man himselfe, which promised me faithfully that he would visite you in his way at Duisburg; for he desireth to conferre with you, and doubtlesse you shall very much further the man. He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends, wherein, and in other offices of curtesie, I offered him my furtherance, if it had pleased him to haue vsed me. The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse, blesse his good beginnings, further his proceedings, and grant vnto him most happy issue. Fare you well, good sir and my singular friend. From Arusburgh, vpon the river of Ossella, the 20 of February, 1581.

Yours wholy at commandement,

John Balak.

It is not known what success attended this Alferius or Oliver in his scheme, or what subsequently became of him; unless, indeed, it be assumed that he is the Oliver Brunel (or Bunel), concerning whom several unconnected notices are met with, and with respect to whom various conflicting opinions have been entertained. The early history of the discovery of Novaya Zemlya would hardly be complete were these notices and opinions passed over in silence.

The first mention made of this individual is by Gerrit de Veer, when speaking, in page 30 of the present work, of “a great creeke, which William Barents iudged to be the place where Oliuer Brunel had been before, called Costincsarch”.

The next is Henry Hudson, who, on his second voyage to discover a passage to the East Indies by the north-east, in 1608, having entered into this same creek, in the hope of its affording him a way through into the Sea of Kara, expresses himself as follows:—“This place vpon Noua Zembla is another then that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discouered by Oliuer Brownell: and William Barentsons obseruation doth witnesse the same. It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out of his true place too farre north; to [xcvi]what end I know not, unlesse to make it hold course with the compasse, not respecting the variation.”79

In this, however, Hudson was mistaken. The creek into which he entered was really Kostin Shar; and his error in supposing it to be another “than that which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch”, arose from the circumstance that in the Dutch maps that name had been removed northwards to Matfeiov-tsar (Matvyéeva Shar) or Matyushin Shar, and made to supersede the original name. The whole of Hudson’s account of his visit to Novaya Zemlya is of so interesting a character, that it is deemed deserving of a place in the Appendix to the present work,80 especially as it has hitherto been either overlooked or else made use of to very little good purpose.

In 1611, three years after Hudson’s visit to Novaya Zemlya, Josiah Logan went on a voyage to the Pechora, and on the 27th of August of that year we find the following entry in his journal, which, like that of Hudson, is published by Purchas:81—“We came to an iland called Mezyou Sharry, being sixtie versts to the eastwards of Suatinose, and it is about ten versts in length and two versts broad. At the east end thereof Oliver Brunell was carried into harbour by a Russe, where he was land-locked, hauing the iland on the one side and the mayne on the other.” It is here manifest that Logan’s “Mezyou Sharry” Island is the Mezhdusharsky Ostrov, or “the island between the two straits”, of the Russians.82

From these several statements of three seamen, who visited Kostin Shar at different periods between the years 1594 and 1611, the only facts to be elicited are, that, at some time previous to the former date, this strait was first discovered by some well-known individual, named Oliver Brunel, who was there exposed to some danger or difficulty, [xcvii]from which he was rescued by the crew of a Russian vessel. That he was, however, subsequently lost at the mouth of the river Pechora is made known to us in the work of Hessel Gerard already referred to.83

As this work of Gerard is but little known, the commencement of the author’s Preface (Prolegomena) shall be reprinted here, both on account of its clearing up the history of Oliver Brunel, and also because it shows the important bearing which his adventure had on the subsequent voyages of the Dutch, which form the subject of the following pages.

“Lucri et utilitatis spes animos hominum nunquam non excitavit ad peregrinas regiones nationesque lustrandas. Ita pretiosæ illæ, nobis a mercatoribus Russis allatæ pelles, mercatores nostrates inflammarunt acri quadam cupidine incognitas nobis ipsorum terras, si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in parte iter quoddam à Russis conscriptum, Moscovia Colmogroviam, atque inde Petzoram (ubi incolæ anno Christi 1518 Christianam fidem amplexi sunt) hinc porro ad fluvium Obi, pauloque ulterius ducens. Quod quidem plurima falsa veris admiscet, puta de Slatibaba anu illa (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, necnon monstruosis illis trans ipsum Obi hominibus.84 Transtulit verò descriptionem hanc Russicam, eamque suis de regionibus Muscovitarum libris inseruit Sigismundus ab Herberstein, Imperatoris Maximiliani orator. Ediditque posteà tabulam Russiæ Antonius quidam Wiedus, adjutus ab Iohanne à Latski, Principe quondam Russo, et ob tumultus post obitum Magni Ducis Iohannis Basilij in Russia excitatos, in Poloniam profugo. Quæ tabula I. cuidam Copero, Senatori Gedanensi, dicata, Russicisque et Latinis descriptionibus aucta, in lucem prodiit apud Wildam anno Christi 1555.85 Aliam quoque Russiæ tabulam ediderunt post modum [xcviii]Angli, qui in tractu illo negotiati fuerunt. Atque hæ quidam tabulæ et qualescumque descriptiones, quæque præterea de regionibus hisce comperta sunt, elicuerunt Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti conscenso navigio Euchusano, animum induxerit eò sese conferre. Vbi aliquandiu vagatus, et pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crystallique montani, ut vocant, adfatim nactus, omnium opum suarum scaphæ commissarum in undis fluvij Petzoræ triste fecit naufragium. Quæ tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui et Costinsarcam Novæ Zemlæ lustraverat, navigationes, cum et Batavis nostris, opum Chinensium Cathaicarumque odore allectis, animum accendissent, nobiles et prepotentes Provinciarum Fœderatarum Ordines, duas naves, ductore Iohanne Hugonis à Linschot, versus fretum quod vulgò Weygats, totidemque ductore Guilielmo Bernardi, suasu D. Petri Plancij, recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu sententionem versus ituras, destinarunt.”

Oliver Brunel, or “Bunel”, was therefore no Englishman, but a native of Brussels; and if the particulars thus recorded of him and of the motives of his enterprise be correctly stated, he would scarcely seem to be the Alferius of Balak’s letter to Mercator. Still, the point cannot be looked on as absolutely decided. One further remark is necessary with respect to the spelling of his name. On the one hand, it will be seen that, according to De Veer and Logan, it is “Brunel” or “Brunell”, while Hudson makes it to be “Brownell”, which latter may, however, be regarded as merely a broad pronunciation of the word, or perhaps an attempt to give it a vernacular and significant form;—a process with respect to proper names not unusual among seamen of all nations. On the other hand, Gerard writes [xcix]“Bunel”. But this form cannot be allowed to stand in opposition to the conjoint authority of the three seamen, all writing separately and without concert; and we may quite reasonably conjecture the r to have been left out by Gerard, through some clerical or typographical error.

Gerard’s work must have come to the knowledge of Purchas soon after its publication; for, in the year 1625, it is referred to by the latter86 as his authority for the following statement:—“The Dutch themselues87 write that after the English Russian trade, one Oliuer Bunell, moued with hope of gaine, went from Enckhuysen to Pechora, where he lost all by shipwracke, hauing discouered Costinsarca in Noua Zemla. These nauigations of the English, and that of Bunell, and the hopes of China and Cathay, caused the States Generall to send forth two shippes, vnder the command of Hugo Linschoten, to the Streights of Wey-gates, and two others, vnder William Bernards, by the perswasion of P. Plancius, to goe right northwards from Noua Zemla.”

Nearly a century later, Witsen, in his oft-cited work,88 writes as follows:—“Het zijn veele jaren geleden, en lange voor Willem Barents-zoons reis, dat eenen Olivier Bunel, met een scheepje van Enkhuizen uitgevaren, deze rivier [Petsora] heeft bezocht, daer hy veel pelterye, Rusch glas, en bergkristal vergaderd hadde; doch is aldaer komen te blyven.” Witsen does not cite any authority for this statement; [c]but it bears internal evidence of having been taken from Gerard, whose work we know he had before him. That both he and Purchas should have written the name “Bunel”, and not “Brunel”, is perfectly natural, and adds nothing to the weight of evidence in favour of the former spelling.

The next writer to be mentioned is Johann Reinhold Forster, who, in his Voyages and Discoveries in the North,89 after referring to De Veer’s statement respecting Oliver Brunel,—whom, however, he styles “Bennel”, on what authority it is impossible to say—adds in a note:—“It is manifest that the navigators mentioned here, who had been in Nova Zembla previous to Barentz’s arrival there, were Englishmen; for the name Oliver Bennel is entirely English, and the name of the inlet, which Barentz calls Constint Sarch, can hardly have been any other than Constant Search; but in which of the known voyages of the English into these parts this place was thus named, or whether Oliver Bennel made a voyage for the sole purpose of making discoveries, or was cast away here in his way to other regions, cannot easily be determined, for want of proper information on the subject.”

The absurdity of Forster’s derivation of the name Kostin Shar is manifest from the explanation of it given in page 30 (note 4) of the present work. And as to the allegation that “the name Oliver Bennel is entirely English”, it could only have been made by a foreigner. On the contrary, it may be asserted that such a name as “Bennel” is altogether un-English; and were it not for the cosmopolitan character of our English surnames, it might—had it really been that of the individual in question—in itself be fairly taken as evidence that he was not an Englishman. With much more reason might we, at the present day, claim “Brunel” as an English name. Probably Forster had in [ci]his mind the “entirely English” name of Stephen Bennet, the well-known walrus-hunter on Bear (Cherie) Island.

But the confusion as to Oliver Brunel does not rest here. Sir John Barrow, in his work already cited,90 says:—“The Dutch themselves admit, that an Englishman of the name of Brunell or Brownell, ‘moved with the hope of gain, went from Enkhuysen to Pechora’, where he lost all by shipwreck, after he had been on the coast of Nova Zembla, and given the name of Costin-sarca (qu. Coasting-search ?) to a bay situated in about 71½°.” And in another place,91 the same writer speaks of Oliver Brunel as “an Englishman, of whom a vague mention only is made by the Dutch.”

With the statements of the various writers who preceded Barrow before us, we can see at a glance, though no authorities are cited by him, that he took that of Purchas as his basis, modifying it by means of those of Hudson, Logan, and Forster. It is to be regretted that he did not refer to the original Dutch authority cited by Purchas.

The last modern writer who treats of Oliver Brunel is Dr. Hamel, who, assuming him to be the Alferius of Balak, makes him, in his work already cited,92 the subject of an hypothetical biographical memoir, beginning with the words, “Ich finde es wahrscheinlich”, but without seeming to be aware of what Gerard says respecting his hero, except so far only as it is repeated by Witsen. By this writer, therefore, no additional light is thrown on the subject now under consideration; and, in fact, it is to the original authority, after all, that we must revert for the only information that is really available and useful.

From this authority, then, we learn that Oliver Brunel, a native of Brussels, went in a vessel belonging to the town [cii]of Enkhuysen on a trading voyage into the Russian seas, where, after collecting a valuable cargo, he was lost; and that his enterprise (though unsuccessful), together with those of the English in the same quarter, induced the Dutch to set on foot the memorable expeditions which form the subject of the following pages. If this person was really the Alferius who was recommended by Balak to Mercator in the year 1581, he must subsequently have been engaged in the Russian trade for several years before his unlucky end; or else Gerard, writing in 1612, would surely not have named him as an immediate cause of an undertaking which was not projected till 1593.

It is not, however, to be imagined that the Netherlanders—we can scarcely speak of the “Dutch” at the earliest period to which we are now adverting—had no previous connexion with the northern coasts of Russia, though it is true that that connexion was then but of recent date. For, as is stated by Edge, the English Russia Company having “made their first discoverie in the yeere 1553, there was neuer heard of any Netherlander that frequented those seas vntil the yeere 1578. At which time they first began to come to Cola, and within a yeere or two after, one Iohn de Whale [de Walle], a Netherlander, came to the Bay of Saint Nicholas, being drawne thither by the perswasion of some English, for their better meane of interloping; which was the first man of that nation that euer was seene there.”93 It was this same John de Walle, who was afterwards present at the coronation of the Emperor Fedor Ivanovich, at Moscow, on the 10th of June, 1584, when he had a dispute with Jerome Horsey, the English ambassador, as to precedency, which was decided by the emperor in favour of the latter. He is described by Horsey as “a famous merchant of Netherland, being newly come to [ciii]Mosco, who gaue himselfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect.”94

It is unnecessary, for the consideration of the subject before us, to enter into any details respecting the commercial and political relations with Russia of the Netherlanders generally, in the first instance, and eventually of the natives of the United Provinces—commonly, though not very correctly, called the Dutch—in particular. It is sufficient to remark, that after their first entrance into the White Sea, they soon became powerful rivals of the English in the trade with Russia, and that it was also not long before their attention was directed to the extension of their commerce to the eastward of that country, and to the endeavour to reach China and the Indian Seas by a passage to the north-east.

Among the earliest and most eminent Dutch merchants trading to the White Sea, was Balthazar Moucheron, of the town of Middelburg, in Zeelandt. He it was, who, in the year 1593, in conjunction with Jacob Valck, treasurer of the same town, and Dr. Francis Maelson, of Enkhuysen, syndic of West Friesland, conceived the project of fitting out two fly-boats (vlyboots), each of between fifty and sixty lasts, or about one hundred tons, burthen, armed and provisioned for eight months, being one from each of those towns, to attempt a voyage to China and India by the way of the Northern Ocean. In this enterprise they were assisted by the courts of admiralty of those two provinces, having first obtained the necessary permission from the higher authorities.95

The two vessels thus fitted up were the Swan (Swane),96 [civ]of Ter Veere, in Zeelandt, under the command of Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai (or Nay), a burgher of Enkhuysen, who had for some years been a pilot or master of a merchantman in the Russian trade, in Moucheron’s service, and was well acquainted with the northern coasts of Europe; having with him, as under-pilot or mate, Pieter Dirckszoon Strickbolle, also of Enkhuysen, and, like Nai, in the service of Moucheron. The other vessel was the Mercury (Mercurius), of Enkhuysen, under the command of Brant Ysbrantszoon, otherwise Brant Tetgales, a skilful and experienced seaman, with Claes Corneliszoon as his mate or under-pilot; both being likewise natives of Enkhuysen. As supercargo and interpreter on board the Swan went François de la Dale, a relative of Moucheron, who had resided several years in Russia, and as additional interpreter, “Meester” Christoffel Splindler, a Slavonian by birth, who had studied in the university of Leyden; while on board the Mercury the supercargo was John Hugh van Linschoten,97 who was likewise engaged to keep a journal of their proceedings.

This movement on the part of the merchants of Middelburg and Enkhuysen had the effect of inducing those of Amsterdam to desire to participate in the enterprise, or, it should rather be said, to undertake one on their own account, having the same general object in view, but adopting a somewhat different mode of carrying it out. Instead of attempting a way to China by passing between Novaya Zemlya and the Russian continent, the Amsterdammers, at the instance of the celebrated cosmographer and astronomer, Peter Plancius, decided on sending their vessel round to the north of Novaya Zemlya, as offering a far easier and preferable route. This difference of opinion between the promoters of the two parts of the first expedition must be borne in mind, as explaining several circumstances which, [cv]in the course of our subsequent narrative, will have to be adverted to. A third vessel was accordingly fitted out by the merchants of Amsterdam, aided by the court of admiralty there. It was of the same size and character as the other two, and like Tetgales’s vessel was named the Mercury (Mercurius);98 its command being entrusted to William Barents,99 who took with him also a fishing-boat belonging to Ter Schelling.100

Before proceeding further, a few words must be said respecting the individual whose name has become inseparably associated with the three memorable expeditions, of which the first is now under consideration.

Willem Barentszoon—that is to say, William, the son of Barent or Bernard—was a native of Ter Schelling, an island belonging to the province of Friesland, and lying to the north-east of Vlieland or ’tVlie. He was also a burgher of Amsterdam. Of his family and early life no particulars have been handed down to us. But that he was not of any considerable family is manifest from his having, like most of his countrymen in the lower, or even the middle ranks of life, no other surname than the patronymic, Barents-zoon. He possessed, however, a good, if not a learned education, as is proved by the translation made by him from the High Dutch into his native tongue of the “Treatise of Iver Boty, a Gronlander,” which together with a note written by him on the tides in the Sea of Kara, was found by Purchas [cvi]“amongst Master Hakluyt’s paper,” and preserved by him, and which, following that laborious collector’s example, we have “thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake.”101 He appears also to have written the narrative of the first voyage, which was published by Gerrit de Veer, and of which a translation is given in the present volume. Nothing to that effect is stated by De Veer; but as the latter did not go on that voyage, he must necessarily have obtained the particulars of it from some one who did, and from Linschoten’s statement102 it may be inferred that this was Barents himself.

But whatever may have been Barents’s general education, it is unquestionable that he was a man of considerable capacity and talent, and that as a seaman he was possessed of far more than ordinary acquirements. By Linschoten he is described as having great knowledge of the science of navigation, and as being a practical seaman of much experience and ability; his astronomical observations have stood the severest tests of modern science; while his feats of seamanship will bear comparison with those of the ablest and most daring of our modern navigators. Of his great determination, perseverance, and indomitable courage, some remarkable instances will be adduced; and that his personal character, and general conduct, were such as to secure to him the respect, confidence, and attachment of those who sailed with him, is clearly manifest from various expressions in Gerrit de Veer’s simple narrative, and from its tone throughout.

The name of this able navigator has been written in various ways. The Dutch usually have Barentsz., which has been adopted in the notes on Phillip’s text in the [cvii]present volume, it being the usual native contraction of the full name, Barentszoon. In the Amsterdam Latin and French versions of De Veer’s work, the name is translated “filius Bernardi,” and “fils de Bernard”. Purchas and other early English writers, have Barents or Barentson, and sometimes even Bernardson. The first of these forms—namely, Barents—is most conformable to the genius of our language (in which we have Williams and Williamson, Richards and Richardson, etc.), at the same time that it accords with that of the Dutch, in which language this form of name is not uncommon. Barentz and Barentzen, as it has not unfrequently been written, are incorrect.

On the 4th of June, 1594, the little fleet lying off Huysdunen, by the Texel, the commander of the Swan, Cornelis Nai, was named admiral or commodore, and an agreement made103 that they should keep company as far as Kildin, on the coast of Lapland. On the following morning, being Sunday, the admiral set sail, commanding the others to follow; but as the Amsterdammers said they were not quite ready, they remained behind, though, as appears from their journal,104 they too sailed in the course of the same day. On the 21st, the Mercury of Enkhuysen arrived at Kildin, on the 22nd, the Swan, and on the 23rd, Barents’ two vessels. On the 29th of the same month Barents left Kildin on his separate voyage to Novaya Zemlya, arranging with the others that, in case they should not meet beyond that country, but should have to return, they would wait for one another at Kildin till the end of September. On the 2nd of July the ships of Nai and Tetgales took their departure for Vaigats.

For want of taking a comprehensive view of this, and the subsequent voyages in which Barents was engaged, most writers on the subject have fallen into considerable [cviii]error. By some the two expeditions of Nai and Barents have been treated as totally distinct; while by others Barents has been regarded as the chief commander of the whole. Thus, Blaeu, in the first part of his Grand Atlas,105 published at Amsterdam in 1667, speaks of this expedition in the following terms:—“Dans cette grande entreprise, la ville d’Amsterdam, aujourd’huy la plus puissante des sept Provinces unies, se porta des premières, et fournit deux vaisseaux, qui furent accompagnez d’un troisiesme de Zelande et d’un quatrième d’Enchuse, tous quatre excellemment equippez, et qui eurent pour principal gouverneur et pilote tres-expert Guillaume fils de Bernard.” It would be a mere loss of time to refer to what other writers have said on the subject.

The voyage of William Barents in the Mercury of Amsterdam, forms the subject of the “First Part” of the present volume. Without entering here into any needless repetition of the particulars of this voyage, it shall be merely remarked that on the 4th of July, Barents first came in sight of Novaya Zemlya in 73° 25′ N. lat., near a low projecting point, called by him Langenes, whence he proceeded northwards along the coast, till, on the 10th of the same month, he passed Cape Nassau.106 Thus far he had met with no obstacle to his progress. But during the night of the 13th he fell in with immense quantities of ice, and here his difficulties began. After vainly endeavouring to make his way through the ice, he, on the 19th of the month, found himself again close to the land about Cape Nassau.107 Nothing daunted, he once more struggled forwards, and at length, on the last day of July, reached the Islands of Orange. Here, “after he had taken all that paine, and finding that he could hardly get through to accomplish and ende his intended voyage, his men also beginning to bee weary and would saile no further, they all [cix]together agreed to returne back againe.”108 On the following day, therefore, they commenced their homeward voyage, and on the 3rd of August they reached Cape Nassau.

From a perusal of the mere dry details of their various courses in this part of their voyage, which are nearly all that is recorded in their journal, no idea could be formed of the difficulties they had to contend with, or the amount of labour actually performed. It is only when their track is laid down on the map,—as it has been, most carefully and with all possible accuracy, by Mr. Augustus Petermann,—that their enormous exertions become apparent. The result is really astonishing. Their voyage from Cape Nassau to the Orange islands and back occupied them from the 10th of July till the 3rd of August, being twenty-five days. During this period, Barents put his ship about eighty-one times, and sailed 1,546 geographical miles, according to the distances noted in the journal; to which, however, must be added the courses sailed along the coast, and also those which in some instances have been omitted to be specified, so that it may be reasonably assumed that the entire distance gone over was not much (if anything) short of 1,700 miles. This is equal to the distance from the Thames to the northern extremity of Spitzbergen, or from Cape Nassau to Cape Yakan, not far from Bering’s Strait. And all this was performed in a vessel of one hundred tons’ burthen, accompanied by a fishing smack!

One remarkable fact must not be omitted to be mentioned. On laying down Barents’s track from the bearings and distances given in his journal, from the 10th to the 19th of July, being the interval between his passing Cape Nassau, and being driven back again to that point,—during which period he tacked about in numerous directions, and sailed more than six hundred miles,—Mr. Petermann found it to agree so accurately, that its termination [cx]fell precisely upon Cape Nassau, without any difference whatever. This extreme precision can hardly be regarded as anything but a singular coincidence. Nevertheless, when viewed in connexion with Barents’s other tracks, and with his observations generally, as tested by the recent explorations of Lütke and other modern navigators, it must still remain a striking proof of the wonderful ability and accuracy of that extraordinary man.

After passing Cape Nassau, Barents continued his course southwards without any remarkable incident, till on the 15th of August he reached the islands of “Matfloe and Dolgoy,”—Matvyeéa Ostrov and Dolgoi Ostrov of the Russians, meaning Matthew’s Island and Long Island,—where he fell in with Nai and Tetgales, who had just arrived there, on their return from the Sea of Kara through Yugorsky Shar (Pet’s Strait), to which, with pardonable national vanity, they had given the name of the Strait of Nassau. Their report was that they had sailed fifty or sixty Dutch miles (200 or 240 geographical miles) to the eastward of that strait, and in their opinion had reached about the longitude of the river Ob, and were not far from Cape Tabin (Taimur), the furthest point of Tartary, whence the coast trended to the south-east, and afterwards to the south, towards the kingdom of Cathay.109

After much rejoicing on both sides at their happy meeting, the whole fleet now sailed homewards in company, and on the 14th of September came to the Doggers Sand, whence Nai, in the Swan, proceeded to Middelburg, whilst the other vessels passed by the Texel to their several ports.

The reports made by Barents and Linschoten of the results of their respective voyages were very different in character. The former, though anything but an illiterate man, could make no pretensions to scholarship. The latter [cxi]was an accomplished scholar, as is plainly shown by his narrative of this first and of the second voyage (which will be more particularly noticed in the sequel), and by his other published works; and though the vessels which he accompanied had not in reality accomplished so much as those of Barents, yet he appears to have had no difficulty in convincing their employers and the higher authorities that they had been not far from the realisation of the object of their voyage.

That, in the estimation of the Amsterdammers, Linschoten represented matters in too favourable a light, is manifest from Gerrit de Veer’s innuendo at the commencement of his description of the second voyage, that he “de saeck vry wat breedt voort stelde,”110 which caused Linschoten to reply that, whether he had done so or not, he left to the judgment of the discreet reader.111

Our present knowledge of those seas enables us to judge the question fairly and impartially between the two, and to decide that, when at the Islands of Orange, Barents had sailed from Kildin, their point of separation, further in a direct line, and made a more easterly longitude, than Nai and Tetgales had when at their furthest point on the eastern side of the Sea of Kara; and that, when there, he was quite as near as they were to the mouth of the Ob, and as near again to Cape Taimur; with the certainty, further, that from the former position a passage eastwards would at most times, if not always, be attended with fewer difficulties than from the latter. And it cannot be denied that Linschoten, in stating as he does on the title-page of his work, and at the commencement of his Introduction, without any [cxii]qualification, that he “sailed through the Strait of Nassau to beyond the river Oby,” has certainly afforded a justification for De Veer’s imputation that he represented matters “vry wat breedt.”112

Stimulated by Linschoten’s report, the adventurers who had fitted out the former expedition, with others who now joined them, determined on dispatching in the following year a large and well-appointed fleet, not merely in the hope of accomplishing the passage to China which had been so well commenced, but also with a view to the establishment of an advantageous trade with that kingdom, and the other countries that might be discovered and visited in the course of the voyage, in respect of which trade they obtained from the Government of the United Provinces certain exclusive privileges and advantages.

This fleet consisted of seven vessels, namely, two from Zeelandt, two from Enkhuysen, two from Amsterdam (which city, in consequence of the want of success of Barents’s first voyage by Novaya Zemlya, was now willing to take part in the undertaking of the other ports), and one from Rotterdam. The following are the names of the vessels and of their commanders. The Griffin (Griffoen), of Zeelandt, of the burthen of 100 lasts (200 tons), commanded by Cornelis Cornelisz. Nai, who was appointed admiral or superintendent of the fleet; the Swan (Swane), also of Zeelandt, of the burthen of 50 lasts (100 tons), which had been on the former voyage, and was now commanded by Lambert Gerritsz. Oom, of Enkhuysen; the Hope (Hoope), of Enkhuysen, a new war-pinnace (oorlogspinas) of 100 lasts, commanded by Brant Ysbrantsz. Tetgales, vice-admiral; the Mercury (Mercurius), of Enkhuysen, of 50 lasts, which had been on the former voyage, and was now commanded by Thomas Willemszoon; the Greyhound (Winthont), of Amsterdam, likewise a new war-pinnace, [cxiii]of 100 lasts, commanded by William Barents, pilot-major of the fleet, under whom was Cornelis Jacobszoon as skipper;113 a yacht114 of Amsterdam, of 50 lasts (probably the Mercury of the former voyage), commanded by Harman Janszoon; and lastly, a yacht of Rotterdam, of about 20 lasts, or 40 tons burthen, commanded by Hendrick Hartman. The last-named vessel was commissioned, when the fleet should have reached Cape Tabin, or so far that it might thence continue its course southwards without hindrance from the ice, to return and bring news of their success to Holland. The vessels were all well equipped, with a double complement of men, and ammunition and victuals for a year and a half. The interpreter of the fleet was Meester Christoffel Splindler, as on the former voyage. As supercargoes on behalf of the merchants of Holland and West Friesland, were Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, Jacob van Heemskerck, and Jan Cornelisz. Rijp; and for those of Zeelandt, François de la Dale and N. Buys, with some other relatives of Balthazar Moucheron. Linschoten and De la Dale were further appointed chief commissioners of the fleet on behalf of his excellency prince Maurice and the States General, from whom they received the following commission:—

Instructions to Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Françoys de la Dale, Chief Commissioners, for the regulation of their conduct in the kingdom of China, and other kingdoms and countries which shall be visited by the ships and yachts destined for the voyage round by the North, through the Vaigats or Strait of Nassau.

In the first place, after Mr. Christoffel Splindler, the Slavonian, shall have been on shore and ascertained whether they may land there, they shall go on shore to the king, governor, [cxiv]or other authority of the place, to whom they shall, on behalf of these States, offer all friendship, and shall explain the circumstances of these States, namely, that they hold communication by sea with all countries and nations in the whole world, for the purpose of trafficking, trading, and dealing with them in a friendly and upright manner, for which they possess many advantages of divers sorts of merchandise and otherwise.

Item, that the Government of this Country being surely informed that upright trade, traffic, and dealings are carried on in the said kingdoms and countries, have found it good to send thither some ships, under good order, government, and regulation, with merchandise, money, and other commodities, in order to begin dealings, by means of certain trusty and honest persons on board the said ships, for whom they shall ask free intercourse there, to the end aforesaid.

They shall do their best to come to an agreement for a fair, faithful, upright, and uninterrupted trade, traffic, and navigation, to the mutual advantage of the said kingdoms and of these States, as well as of their respective inhabitants; and in case the same shall be found good there, they shall declare that to that end it is intended to visit them with a good embassy by the first opportunity, provided the same shall be agreeable to them.

They shall explain there what commodities and merchandizes can from time to time be taken thither from these States; and they shall also carefully examine so as to ascertain what merchandizes and wares may, in return for the same, be obtained from those kingdoms and countries and brought to these States.

They shall keep a good and accurate account of everything that shall occur during the voyage, as well on ship-board, in the discovery of countries and ports, and on all other occasions, as likewise of that which shall happen to them on shore; so that, immediately on their return, they may of all things make a good and faithful report in writing to the Lords the States General.

Done and concluded in the Assembly of the Lords the States General of the United Netherlands at the Hague, the 16th of June 1595.

Sloeth v^t.

By order of the Lords, the States aforesaid.

C. Aersens, &c.115

[cxv]

The several vessels composing the fleet having assembled at the Texel, they all sailed out of Mars Diep on the morning of Sunday, the 2d of July, 1595. It was not till the 10th of August that they passed the North Cape, and on the 17th they fell in with ice, being then about fifty miles distant from the coast of Novaya Zemlya. On the following day they reached the island of “Matfloe”,116 and on the 19th came to the mouth of the strait to the south of Vaigats Island (Yugorsky Shar), where they found the ice to lie in such quantities, “that the entire channel was closed up as far as the eye could see, so that it had the appearance of a continent, which was most frightful to behold”.117 Under these circumstances they scarcely knew how to act, but at length resolved to go into the roadstead called Train-oil Bay (Traenbay118), where, as it was under the shelter of Idol Cape (Afgoden Hoeck), and thus out of the current which set from the strait, there was a little open water.119 The preceding winter appears to have been more than ordinarily severe, and the ice-masses set in motion by the summer’s sun were consequently far greater in quantity than usual. This, coupled with the late period of the year at which, from some unexplained cause, they had commenced their voyage, soon convinced them that they had but little prospect of being able to get forward. On the 20th August, while thus lying in Train-oil Bay, a council was held on board the admiral’s ship, when it was decided that a yacht should be sent to examine the condition of the strait and the probability of their getting through, and also that a party of thirty or forty armed men should proceed across the Island of Vaigats for the same purpose. The yacht could go no further than Cross Point, where the entire sea was found to be covered with ice without the least break or [cxvi]opening; but the crew thence proceeded by land as far as Cape Dispute, though without better success. The party of men—whom De Veer describes120 as fifty-four in number, himself included—returned with a somewhat more favourable report; for they thought they had discovered a practicable passage, because they saw so little ice there.121 In this their experience agreed with that of Pet and Jackman, who found a passage close along the shore, between the ice and the land, at times when the deep sea was entirely filled with ice-masses.122

On the 24th of August a yacht was again sent out to inspect the strait, and got as far as Cross Point, bringing back the consolatory intelligence that the ice was beginning to move, and that all was clear, with open water, as far as Cape Dispute. On the following day therefore the fleet weighed anchor, and sailed as far as beyond the latter cape, without meeting with any ice; but soon afterwards they fell in with such quantities that they were forced to return. That night they anchored between Cape Dispute and Cross Point, and on the following day betook themselves to their former station under Idol Cape, “there to stay for a more convenient time.”123 Here they were so entirely surrounded by the ice, that they could walk dry-foot from one ship to the other.124

The admiral and other officers had now evidently given up all hopes of effecting a passage, to which result the murmurings of the crews may perhaps have contributed. Barents, however, with that determination and perseverance for which he appears to have been distinguished, was not so satisfied as they were that nothing more could be done; and as on the 30th of August the ice began again to move, he, on the following day, had a good many words with the admiral on the subject,125 after which he in person crossed [cxvii]over the strait to the main land of the Samoyedes, where he made inquiries of the natives. On his return the following day, he again “spake to the admirall to will him to set sayle, that they might goe forward; but they had not so many wordes together as was betweene them the day before.”126 The conversation which ensued is quaintly told by De Veer, and with an air of perfect truthfulness. On the following morning (September 2nd), a little before sun-rise, Barents began to warp his vessel out, when Nai and Tetgales, on seeing him do so, “began also to hoyse their anchors and to set sayle.”127 The result of this movement was, that, with immense labour and difficulty and no little danger, they succeeded in making their way through the ice as far as States Island, which they reached in the evening of the 3rd September; sailing on the following morning a little further along the channel between that island and the mainland, so as to be sheltered from the drifting of the ice.128

This was virtually the termination of their voyage. On the following day (September 4th) a council was held on board the admiral’s ship, when it was decided that, “in order not to fail in their duty,”129—which means that it was little more than a matter of form,—they should on the following day make one more endeavour to get through the ice; and if they did not succeed, that then they should not attempt it any further, seeing that the time was passing rapidly, and the winter, with its dreadful cold and long nights, was on the point of setting in. “For,” adds Linschoten,130 “it is now sufficiently clear and manifest that it does not please the Lord God to permit us this time to proceed further on our voyage of discovery, so that it is not [cxviii]fitting that we should wilfully tempt Him any longer and run with our heads against the wall.”

It cannot be denied that Nai and his companions were beset with great difficulties, and that any further attempts might have been extremely hazardous. The crews too of the vessels were now louder in their murmurs, and complained that their commanders desired their deaths, inasmuch as being surrounded by the ice, they ran the chance of remaining locked up during the whole winter;131 added to which, the loss of two men, who were killed by a bear on the 6th of September,132 was not at all unlikely to augment the panic, and to cause insubordination among the survivors.

Finding the sea to continue quite full of ice, a council was again held on the 8th September on board the admiral’s ship, in order to determine finally whether they should proceed or return, whereon a great debate took place.133 Most of them were of opinion that they should at once return. To this however, the Amsterdammers were opposed, their opinion being that some of them should volunteer to remain there with two of the vessels during the winter, and take their chance of the wintering, besides seeing whether they could not manage to get through, or else trying whether they might not be able to make their way to the west of Vaigats, and so round by the north of Novaya Zemlya. But it was replied, that the time for doing so was past, and that moreover it did not accord with their instructions. Nevertheless, if they wished it, they could do it of their own authority, and then see how they might afterwards answer for their conduct.134

On the following day the indefatigable Barents “went on shoare on the south side of the States Iland, and layd a [cxix]stone on the brinke of the water, to proue whether there were a tide, and went round about the iland to shoote at a hare; and returning”—as he says in the only writing undoubtedly of his original composition which has been preserved to us—“I found the stone as I left it, and the water neither higher nor lower; which prooueth, as afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe.”135

He could scarcely have returned on board before the fleet set sail from States Island, on their return to the strait; but the ice came in so thick and with such force, that they could not get through, and therefore had to put back in the evening.136 Next day, however, they succeeded in again reaching Cape Dispute, where they anchored.

On the 11th, it was decided that they should once more sail towards the ice, for the purpose of removing all doubts as to the impossibility of proceeding; but they had not sailed three hours before they reached the firm ice, which stretched round in all directions, completely preventing all further passage.137 They therefore returned and anchored at Cross Point, where they remained till the morning of the 14th, when Barents weighed his anchor and set his top mast, thinking once again to try what he could do to further his voyage; but the admiral, being of another mind, lay still till the 15th of September.138

On that day, as Linschoten relates in no very courteous language, “seeing how the weather had set in, the Amsterdammers thought better of the matter, and let their obstinacy somewhat abate (lieten hun obstinaetheyt wat sincken), agreeing to conform with all the rest.”139 The following protest, which had been drawn up by Linschoten, was accordingly signed by Barents together with the other officers,140 and the [cxx]same day the whole fleet sailed out from the west end of the strait homeward bound.

PROTEST.

On this day, the 15th of September, 1595, in the country and in the roads of the Cross Point, in the Strait of Nassau, where the ships are now lying at anchor all together, by desire and command of the admiral, Cornelis Cornelisz., the captains or pilots of all the aforesaid ships being assembled and met together in the cabin of the ship of the said admiral, in order that, jointly and each of them severally, they may without dissimulation and freely declare their opinion and final decision, and so consult together as to what is best and most advantageous to be done and undertaken in respect of the voyage which they have commenced round by the north towards China, Japan, etc.; and they having maturely and most earnestly considered and examined the subject, and also desiring strictly to carry out, as far as is practicable and possible, the instructions of His Excellency and the Lords the States, for the welfare and preservation of the same ships, their crews and merchandize: It is found that they have all of them hitherto done their utmost duty and their best, with all zeal and diligence, not fearing to hazard and sometimes to put in peril the ships and their own persons (whenever need required it), in order to preserve their honour in everything, and so as to be able with a clear conscience to answer for the same to God and to the whole world. But inasmuch as it has pleased the Lord God not to permit it on the present voyage, they find themselves most unwillingly compelled, because of the time that has elapsed, to discontinue the same navigation for this time, being prevented by the ice caused by the severe and unusually long frost, which, from what they have heard on the information of others and from their own experience, has this year been very hard and extraordinary in these parts. All which having been well considered and discussed by them together, they find no better means, being forced by necessity, than, with the first fit weather and favourable [cxxi]wind, to take their course homewards, all together and in the order in which they came, using every diligence so as if possible to preserve themselves from the frost which is momentarily expected to set in, and with God’s help to bring the ships, before all the perils of winter, into a safe harbour; inasmuch as at the present time no other better means can be found to lead them to a better judgment. Protesting before God and the whole world, that they have acted in this matter as they wish God may act in the salvation of their souls, and as they hope and trust cannot be gainsaid or controverted by any of those who have accompanied them; and they willingly submit themselves to defend this at all times, if requisite, by means of the fuller and more detailed journals and notes, which each of them, separately and without communication with the others, has kept thereof. And in order that there may be no disorder or idle talking unjustly spread abroad, to the disadvantage or derogation of those who with such good will have braved so many perils for the honour and advantage of our country, whereby they might be deprived of their merited reward, they have, for their defence and in order to provide before hand against the same, unanimously signed this Act, which I, Ian Huyghen van Linschoten, have drawn up at their request, and together with Françoys de la Dale, as chief commissioners of the said fleet, have, with the like affirmation and in further corroboration, in like manner signed, the day and date above written.

Cornelis Cornelisz.
Brant Ysbrantsz.
Willem Barentsz.
Lambert Gerritsz.
Thomas Willemsz.
Harmen Ianssz.
Hendrick Hartman.
Ian Huyghen van Linschoten.
Françoys de la Dale.