6. THE SCHOOL OF ALEXANDRIA.

The spheres of Eudoxus would not work. The system was already overladen, and more variations in velocity were becoming known. Observation shows, too, that the planets, especially Mars and Venus, vary greatly in brightness, in regular periods which correspond with their movements, and this could not be accounted for by any possible number or arrangement of spheres if all were to remain concentric to Earth, so that every planet remained always at a uniform distance. Yet Aristotle had said that Earth must be at the centre of the Universe. The new philosophers of the Stoic school agreed with him, and among mathematicians only Aristarchus dared to disagree.

But they were not long at a loss. The homocentric spheres[45] were thrown aside, and during the third century two new hypotheses were suggested (beside that of Aristarchus), and although we do not certainly know by whom, there is little doubt as to the place in which they originated. By a strange fate, Egypt, the home of astronomy many centuries before, became the seat of the latest, most brilliant, and most successful astronomical school of ancient times, and the knowledge won there in the five centuries between b.c. 300 and a.d. 200 spread, following in the wake of Alexander’s conquests, over the whole of the civilized world.

It was a purely Greek school, however. Greece lost her independence under Alexander, and was finally crushed by Rome in 146 b.c., but never was Greek learning and culture so much honoured and sought after as in this age. In Egyptian Alexandria, Greek men of science found a welcome, and opportunities of research which did not exist in any other place in the world. In the Museum, founded and liberally endowed by the royal Ptolemies, was a great library whose custodians were bidden to obtain every book that had ever been written, and it is said that when any stranger arrived with a new book it was taken from him and copied for the Museum, and the copy returned to the owner. Within the great marble colonnaded building were lecture-halls, and reading rooms, and laboratories; there were gardens for botanists and zoologists, and observatories for astronomers. These astronomers were all Greeks, and though now living in Egypt they do not seem to have learned anything more from the Egyptians. Perhaps the priests resented the intrusion, and kept their secrets jealously to themselves; perhaps Eudoxus and his immediate followers had learned all they had to teach. This seems the more probable because, although the Greeks of this age did use Babylonian records of eclipses to form a lunar theory, they complained of the insufficient accuracy of all available planetary records. Moreover, they were not hindered from learning astrology: the sacred books of the Egyptians which taught its principles were translated into Greek about 300 b.c.; but it was always treated by them as quite a separate branch of study. Their geometrical methods were entirely their own. They introduced a system of notation which greatly simplified calculation[46]; their discovery of the principles of spherical trigonometry inaugurated a new era in astronomy; and they invented a new class of astronomical instrument.

We know what these instruments were like, and it is even possible to give an illustration; for, from descriptions in Ptolemy’s Almagest, we find that the “well-made copper circles,” the gnomons, and the celestial globes, which were set up in the Square Portico of the Museum, were of the same pattern as instruments which existed in Pekin, in the ancient observatory on the ramparts, until they were looted by the Germans during the late Chinese war. The Alexandrian instruments were not supported on their stands by beautiful bronze dragons, but on the other hand the circles were more accurately divided, which after all was of more importance from the astronomers’ point of view. Fig. 21 gives a general view of the Pekin Observatory, and Fig. 22 one of their astrolabes dating from the 13th century a.d.

At first glance there seems to be here absolutely nothing like our modern observatories. Ancient and mediæval astronomers had indeed no telescopes, being ignorant of the properties of lenses: therefore they were unable to study the features of any heavenly body except the moon, and they had no way of finding out anything about their physical constitution; but they had many ways of measuring their distances and motions, and even the angular sizes of sun and moon, and their instruments were the forerunners of our sextants, micrometers, and transit instruments, our chronometers and sidereal clocks.

 

[To face p. 114.

PEKIN OBSERVATORY.

From a photograph taken in 1888, and published in the “Bulletin de la Société belge d’Astronomie”.

The gnomon has been already described[47], and it was one of the most valuable instruments used by the Greeks. The Pekin gnomon at the right of figure 21 was more than 40 feet in height, and on the top had a little plate of copper which was pierced by a hole as fine as the eye of a needle: the observations made with this were much more exact than observations of the end of the shadow, which must always be vague, and the Chinese records of the sun’s movements made with this instrument between 1270 and 1280 a.d. are of great value in modern research. Ptolemy explains that his gnomon was made accurately vertical by the use of a plumb-line, and that one way of testing the level of the surface on which the shadow fell was to flood it with water.

Clepsydras, or water-clocks, were used by the Greeks, and many kinds of sundials for telling the time by day. Tables were also made of the risings of bright stars which served for clocks by night.

The instrument in the middle of the platform is a quadrant, and beyond this on the left is a large celestial globe, which, however, only dates from the Jesuit missionaries of the seventeenth century. Ptolemy says that his globe was made the colour of the night sky; Sirius being marked in his proper place, all other stars were placed relatively to him, and in their own colours as nearly as might be; the Galaxy was drawn, and the figures of the constellations outlined. The globe was arranged to turn on either the poles of the ecliptic or of the equator; circles of wood represented the horizon and meridian, and the pole could be arranged at any altitude according to the latitude of the place.[48]

But perhaps the most interesting are the astrolabes, and these owe their origin to the Greeks. The essential part of any instrument for determining angular distances is a divided circle and a pointer: the pointer is directed first to one object then to another, and the angle between them is then read off on the circle. In the astrolabe, the pointers themselves were also circles, provided with little perforated rods for “sights.” (These are not visible on the instrument in Fig. 22, and have probably been broken off.) There were two fixed circles, set in the plane of the ecliptic and perpendicular to it. Three other circles could be rotated round the poles of the ecliptic. One of these was directed (by means of the sights), to some body whose position was already known, another to the body whose position was to be ascertained, and the angle between them was read off on the ecliptic circle; on the third the angular distance north or south of the ecliptic circle could be read. This last and the ecliptic circle were both divided into 360 degrees, and as many fractions of a degree as space and skill would allow.

The equinoctial astrolabe was similar, but the fixed circle was in the plane of the equator, instead of the ecliptic. One of each of these is seen in the view of the Pekin Observatory.

But how did the old astronomers know how to find the ecliptic and the equator in the sky, and set their circles in those planes? This they did by means of the sun’s motion. The gnomon told them the day of the equinox (see p. 25), and on that day the sun was in the equator: therefore, if a circle was set up so that the shadow of the upper part fell symmetrically upon the lower, with a little line of light each side, it must be exactly in the plane of the equator. In the Square Porch such a circle was erected, a large one of copper, and when once correctly adjusted it was a standard plane, and also showed the date of the equinoxes, as accurately as the gnomon itself. Since the ecliptic is the path of the sun as seen in the sky, it is obvious that it could be determined from a number of different observations of his position at different times of the year.

 

[To face p. 116.

A PEKIN ASTROLABE OF THE 13th CENTURY, a.d.

From a photograph taken in 1888, and published in the “Bulletin de la Société belge d’Astronomie”.

Finally, accurate solar tables were drawn up, showing the sun’s position in the sky in degrees for different dates, and then from these it was possible to find the places of planets and stars. They could not of course be compared directly, but the position of sun and moon were compared during the day, when both were in the sky, and then after dark the planets and stars were compared with the moon, allowing for her motion among the stars in the meantime. Or secondly, when the moon was eclipsed, and therefore known to be in the ecliptic and exactly opposite the sun, the places of stars could be found directly.

This very brief description will give some idea of the chief instruments and methods used, and when we see how very rough and elementary they were, and remember that the Greeks had to work out their observations without algebra, or decimal notation, we are amazed at their results, and their far-reaching ambitions.

Eratosthenes b.c. 276-194.

Already in the very early days of the Museum, Eratosthenes, a celebrated geographer, made a bold attempt to utilize observations of the sun measuring the size of the earth. It was known that in Syene (the modern Assuan) on the day of the summer solstice at noon no shadows were thrown, and the bottoms of wells could be seen: evidently therefore the sun was in the zenith. Eratosthenes found that the sun’s distance from the zenith in Alexandria at noon on the same day was 7° 12′, or one-fiftieth of the circumference of the heavenly sphere, consequently the two towns must be distant from one another (assuming them to be nearly in the same meridian) one fiftieth of the circumference of the earth. The distance from Alexandria to Meroe was known, and from Meroe to Syene had been paced by the king’s professional pacers; the whole was 5000 stadia. 50 times 5000 = 250,000. The figure always quoted by the ancients is however 252,000. If the stadium used by Eratosthenes was the measure generally used for long distances which have been paced, this estimate is equal to 24,662 miles, only about 200 miles less than the modern value. It was partly by luck that Eratosthenes got such a good result, for he was evidently only working with round numbers, and the extra 2000 stadia seem to have been added in order to make one degree equal to exactly 700 stadia. But in any case it was a highly creditable performance.

Euclid c. b.c. 300.
Apollonius c. b.c. 270.

There were celebrated mathematicians and geometers at Alexandria, whose work was most useful to astronomy, such as Euclid, and Apollonius of Perge. The latter is specially mentioned by Ptolemy in connection with the new theory of “moveable eccentrics,” which was invented to account for the varying brightness of the planets, as well as their peculiar movements.

Fig. 23 explains this theory. Let P A be a great revolving circle upon which Mars is fixed. (In the hands of the Alexandrian mathematicians the spheres almost disappear, and they deal practically only with circles.) If the earth were at its centre, as Eudoxus demanded, Mars must always be at the same distance, but if we make the circle eccentric to Earth, by putting its centre at C while Earth is at E, then the distance and consequently the brightness will constantly vary, and Mars will be brightest when at perigee P (point nearest Earth), and faintest when in apogee A (point furthest from Earth).[49]

 

Fig. 23. The Moveable Eccentric.

But, as the Greeks had discovered, Mars attains his greatest brilliance at different points of the zodiac, so P must be made moveable, and it always happens when he is opposite the sun, therefore P must keep pace with the sun’s apparent motion in the zodiac and P E always point towards him. This was accomplished by making P C A turn round upon the fixed point E, so that for instance when the sun had moved through a quarter of his circle (in three months) P A had moved to P′ A′, and the whole eccentric had moved into the new position shown in the diagram, its centre C being now at C′. In other words, the centre of the eccentric moves round Earth in the same time and in the same direction as the sun, that is in one year, and “with the signs” (from west to east).

At the same time, Mars is moving in an opposite direction on the eccentric, and without entering into all the details of the problem, we may add that the Greek geometers found that by determining the proper relative sizes of the large and the small circle they could make the two motions neutralize one another when the planet reached its stationary points, and the retrograde motion prevail over the direct when it retrograded. A similar arrangement was made for Jupiter and Saturn.

In this very ingenious way the varying brightness as well as the varying motions of these three planets were accounted for, without violating the principle of uniform circular motion, and without removing Earth from the centre of the Universe. She was also still the centre of planetary motion, in a certain sense; but to place the true centres of these planets’ spheres outside Earth and in the direction of the sun was a very suggestive step, and may well have helped Aristarchus to his bold hypothesis. For he had only to put the sun, not at some indefinite point along the line E A, but exactly at the point C, and it became the centre of motion for Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, just as in the “Egyptian theory” it was the centre of motion for Venus and Mercury. In this way he would arrive at the conception of the sun circling round Earth and carrying all the planets with him, (a theory which was held by the great astronomer Tycho Brahé in the sixteenth century a.d.). Then a flash of insight may have revealed to him the fact that this motion of the sun is apparent only, being but the reflection of Earth’s own motion; for she is circling round the sun like all the other planets.

It is, however, only a guess that the Moveable Eccentrics played this part in the theory of Aristarchus. They did not long hold the field, because they were not applicable to Venus and Mercury, which are never seen in opposition to the sun. So they were thrown aside for another system, the Epicycles, which illustrates much more simply the stations and retrogressions of the planets, and can be used for them all.

Later on, when more irregularities of motion were discovered, it was found necessary to combine eccentrics and epicycles, and by means of this joint system it became possible at last to represent completely, and as accurately as they could be observed, all the apparent movements of the heavens. First, however, an immense amount of work had to be done, and new methods devised, both in observation and mathematics. The man who contributed most, in both ways, to make it possible, was Hipparchus.