The principal prisoners were the duke d'Alençon, the bastard d'Alençon, the lord de la Fayette, the lord de Hormit, sir Pierre Herrison, sir Louis de Vaucourt, Roger Brousset, Huchet de St Mare, and Yvon du Puys; but there were numbers of others, whose names I cannot remember.
When the duke of Bedford had gained this important victory at Verneuil, he assembled his princes and captains around him, and with great humility, with uplifted hands and eyes, he returned thanks to the Creator for the great success he had given him. The dead were then stripped, and whatever was valuable taken away.
The duke encamped that night round Verneuil, and appointed a strong guard to prevent any surprise from the enemy. On the morrow, the French within the town and castle were summoned to surrender. They were so much terrified by the defeat and carnage of their army that they instantly obeyed, on condition that their lives and fortunes should be spared. The lord de Rambures, governor, was also permitted to depart. After the duke had regarrisoned Verneuil and its castle, he marched his army into Normandy.
On the very day that this battle took place, a number of knights and esquires from Normandy and the adjacent parts deserted from the duke's army, although they had before sworn loyalty and obedience to him. For this offence, some of them were afterward severely punished in their bodies by the duke, and all their estates and effects confiscated to the use of king Henry. In the number were, the lord de Choisy and the lord de Longueval.
About this time, the lord de Maucour was taken, who had been implicated by the lord de Longueval, and others accused before master Robert le Jeune, bailiff of Amiens: he was beheaded by orders from the council of king Henry, in the town of Amiens, his body hung on a gibbet, and his fortune confiscated to the king. In like manner was afterward taken, Pierre de Recourt implicated likewise with the above, by one named Raoul de Gaucourt, who sent him to sir John de Luxembourg; and sir John sent him to Paris, where his body was quartered, and parts of it hung up at the usual places.
Very soon was intelligence of this unfortunate battle carried to king Charles, who was sorely affected at the destruction of his princes and chivalry, and for a long time was mightily grieved, seeing that all his plans were now unsuccessful.
THE INHABITANTS OF TOURNAY REBEL AGAINST THEIR MAGISTRATES.
In the beginning of the month of September, the inhabitants of Tournay rose in rebellion,—the burghers against the magistrates and others of rank,—namely, those of the market-place, and of the old precincts, against those within the walls. This commotion was caused by a blacksmith having fastened a chain during the night about the slaughter-houses, for which he was banished the town. In consequence of this banishment, those within the old precincts, to a large number, put on, as badges, an upright cross; while those of the market-place raised the bridges, and erected many bulwarks against them. They began hostilities with courage; but in the end a truce was agreed on, for the sake of their annual procession,—and at last peace was established, without any great harm being done to either party.
THE GARRISON OF GUISE CAPITULATE TO SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG AND SIR THOMAS RAMPSTONE.
When sir John de Luxembourg and sir Thomas Rampstone had, with great perseverance, continued their siege of Guise and its castle until the month of September,—the garrison finding provisions grow short, and losing all hope of relief offered to capitulate with the two aforesaid lords, on the following terms.
'To all to whom these presents shall come, we John de Luxembourg lord de Beaurevoir, and Thomas Rampstone knight, chamberlain to the lord regent, and governors of this district for the king of France and of England, our sovereign lord, by the appointment of my lords the regent and the duke of Burgundy, send health and greeting.
'Know ye, that we have this day signed a treaty in the names of our lords aforesaid, with John de Proisy governor and captain of the town and castle of Guise, and with the churchmen, gentlemen, men at arms, and the burghers of the said town, according to the terms and articles hereafter to be declared.
'First, the governor and the persons aforesaid, residing within the town and castle of Guise, do promise truly and faithfully to surrender the said town and castle to one of us, or to such other person or persons as the king of France and England may depute for that purpose, on the first day of March next ensuing, provided that on or before that day they be not relieved by the princes or others of the same party as themselves, by combating us between the town of Sains and the house of Fouquausuins, which spot we have fixed on, in conjunction with the garrison of Guise, for the field of battle.
'Should those of the party of king Charles be defeated in fair combat, by the forces of the king of France and England, or put to flight, the garrison of Guise shall hold themselves bounden to deliver up the town and castle. In case the contrary should happen, and we of the party of the king of France and of England be beaten, or afraid to appear on the appointed day, we shall be bounden to return without ransom the hostages which shall have been given to us for the due observance of this treaty.
'Item, my lord the regent, and my lord of Burgundy, or those commissioned by them, shall be bound to appear with such force as they may please on the first day of March, to hold the wager of battle namely, from sun-rise of that day until sunset; and if they shall not then be fought with nor defeated, the garrison shall, without fail, or any fraud whatever, surrender the town and castle immediately after sunset, on receiving back the hostages whom they had given.
'Item, during the term of this treaty, and within one month afterward, the governor and all others within the said town and castle, of whatever rank they may be, shall have free liberty to depart singly or in companies across the river Seine, to such places as are held by their party, and carry with them, or have carried, their armour, horses, baggage and all their effects; and for their greater security we promise to deliver to them sufficient passports in the name of my lord the regent, if so required, that shall include not more than twenty in a company. Should any of them wish to go out of the kingdom, even to Hainault, they must do so at their peril.
'Item, should any now resident within Guise be inclined to remain there, or elsewhere, under the dominion of our lord the king, or of our lords the regent and the duke of Burgundy, they shall have full liberty, on taking the oaths of allegiance, and on swearing to preserve the last-made peace between the kingdoms of France and England, with the free enjoyment of all their effects and inheritances that may not before have been disposed of. Should they wish to depart, they shall not carry with them any of their moveables.
'Item, the inhabitants of Guise having passports from the conservators of the articles of this treaty, who are bounden to give them, may go to such towns as we have notified, and enter the same with the permission of their captains or governors, namely, St Quentin, Riblemont, Laon, Bruyeres, Crespy, Marle, Aubenton, Vertus and the adjacent villages, to procure provision and other necessaries for money, so that the quantities be not more than sufficient for their sustenance, until the capitulation be expired.
'Item, the inhabitants of Guise may pursue their lawful and just debts before the said conservators, who will take cognisance thereof and do justice between the parties, on hearing each side.
'Item, if during the terms of this treaty, any of the king's party shall take by scalado, or otherwise, the town and castle of Guise, we will exert ourselves to the utmost of our loyal power to force them to evacuate the same,—and we will replace them in their former state for we will neither attempt to take them ourselves, nor suffer others to do so during the said term.
'Item, in like manner those within Guise shall not, during the same term, gain openly or secretly any places dependant on the king or his allies, nor carry on any manner of warfare against his or their vassals.
'Item, a general pardon shall take place with regard to all persons indiscriminately within Guise, excepting, however, those who may have been implicated in the murder of the late duke of Burgundy, whose soul may God pardon! those who have sworn to observe the articles of the last peace concluded between France and England; those guilty of treason on the person of the duke of Brittany; all English and Irish who may be in the said town or castle; all of whom must be delivered up to justice. For the better knowledge of the aforesaid persons, the governor of Guise shall give to us in writing the names and surnames of all men at arms now within that town and castle.
'Item, should any violences be committed, contrary to the above articles, by either party, during the said term, this treaty shall not thereby be infringed nor violated; but the conservators shall have full powers to arrest and punish those, guilty of any violence, and to make restitution of whatever things may have been unlawfully plundered.
'Item, the garrison of Guise shall not, during the said term, although they have possession of the castle and town, carry on any warfare, nor give aid or support to any of their party that may be so inclined. Should it happen that any persons acting hostilely be pursued by the king's party, and chaced visibly into the said town or castle, the governor shall cause them to be delivered up to those who had thus pursued them, to be dealt with like prisoners.
'Item, the inhabitants of Guise shall not, during the said term, demolish any part of the fortifications or outworks of the said town and castle,—nor shall they in any way add to their strength.
'Item, so soon as we shall have withdrawn all our cannon, artillery, stores and engines of war, to a place of security, we will raise the siege, and depart from before the said town and castle, to go whithersoever we shall please.
'Item, the governor, the gentlemen and burghers within the said town, to the number of twenty-four persons, shall solemnly swear punctually to observe all the above articles, and promise faithfully not to infringe any one of them in the smallest degree, and those who may have a seal shall seal these articles with their seal.
'Item, for the better observance of these articles, eight persons shall be given as hostages, namely, Jean de Regnault, du Hamel, Jean de Cadeville, Jean de Beauvoir, Jean de St Germain, the elder Wautier, sir Walerant du Mont, and Jean Flangin de Noulles. In case any of the above shall die, or make their escape, during the time aforesaid, those of Guise shall be bounden alway to find eight sufficient hostages, on demand of the besiegers.
'Item, the inhabitants of Guise, in conjunction with us, have unanimously appointed as conservators of this treaty sir Daviod de Poix knight, and Collart de Proisy, or his deputy. To this sir Daviod de Poix, or to his deputy, we have given full powers and authority to grant to the said inhabitants of Guise good and sufficient passports, and to determine all suits at law that may be brought before him from either party, according to what has been before mentioned.
'Item, we have promised and sworn and do by these presents promise and swear to fulfil all things contained in these said articles, most loyally and honourably, to the utmost of our powers, and that we will have them faithfully observed and maintained by all subjects and vassals under the obedience of our lord the king, of our lord the regent, and of our lord of Burgundy.
'Item, for the greater security of the above, we will have these articles confirmed by our said lord the regent, in manner hereafter to be declared. In testimony of which, we have affixed our seals to these presents. Given at our camp before the town and castle of Guise, the 18th day of September, in the year 1424.'
When the treaty had been signed, and the hostages delivered, the siege of Guise was broken up. Sir John de Luxembourg returned to his castle of Beaurevoir, and dismissed his captains; and sir Thomas Rampstone went with the English to wait on the duke of Bedford, at Paris, by whom he was most graciously received.
About this time, the lord de Montagu, a Burgundian, concluded a treaty with Estienne de Vignolles, called La Hire, of the opposite party, that Vitry en Pertois, and other fortresses held by La Hire, should be surrendered to the lord de Montagu on the first Sunday in Lent, in case they were not relieved on or before that time by king Charles. No succour arrived, and in consequence they were yielded up according to the agreement.
In these days, sir Manfroy de St Leger and the bastard de St Pol assembled from four to five hundred combatants, and led them into Barrois, where they committed infinite mischiefs, and gathered much riches, with which they returned in safety, and without opposition to their own country.
In the month of October, the duke of Glocester and Jacqueline of Bavaria, countess of Hainault, of Holland and of Zealand, (whom the duke of Glocester had married some time before in England, although duke John of Brabant, her first husband, was still alive,) disembarked at Calais with five thousand english combatants, intending to make a powerful invasion on Hainault, and gain the government thereof, as belonging of right to the said Jacqueline. The earl marshal of England was commander in chief of these men at arms.
THE DUKES OF BEDFORD AND OF BURGUNDY ENDEAVOUR TO MAKE UP THE QUARREL BETWEEN THE DUKES OF GLOCESTER AND OF BRABANT.
About the end of October the dukes of Bedford and of Burgundy met at Paris, with their confidential ministers, according to what had been agreed on when they were last at Amiens, to discuss the differences that had arisen between the dukes of Glocester and of Brabant. The matter was most fully debated during several days before their council, notwithstanding a suit was still pending at the court of Rome. At length, the dukes of Bedford and Burgundy agreed on the terms of a pacification, according to the opinions of their counsellors, and sent them to the dukes of Glocester and of Brabant. The ambassadors who went to the duke of Glocester and his lady, at Calais, were sir Raoul le Bouteiller and the abbot Fouquans. When they showed their credentials, and the terms that had been agreed on, they had a direct negative from the duke and the lady, who declared they would not abide by them, but would march a powerful army into Hainault to take possession of that country. On receiving this answer, the ambassadors returned to Paris.
Those who had been sent to duke John of Brabant, were graciously received; and he declared, with the advice of his council, that he was very willing to accept the terms agreed on by the dukes of Bedford and Burgundy, and was well contented therewith.
On these answers being carried to the two dukes in Paris, they were much troubled that the duke of Glocester would not accept of the terms which they had settled,—more particularly the duke of Burgundy, who plainly told his brother-in-law, the duke of Bedford, that since he found his brother the duke of Glocester would not listen to any reasonable terms, he should assist his cousin, the duke of Brabant, with all his power, to enable him to preserve his honour and territories against the duke of Glocester.
The duke of Bedford was much angered against his brother at heart, for his obstinacy, and greatly feared, that from this quarrel, all connexions of the English with the duke of Burgundy would be done away, and their power in France destroyed.
The dukes of Bedford and of Burgundy kept each at his hôtel in Paris the feast of All-saints, with much solemnity; and some days afterward, the duke of Burgundy had the marriage of sir John de la Trimouille lord de Jonvelles, with the damsel of Rochebaron, sister to the lord d'Amboise, (who at that time resided with the queen of France, widow of the late king, in company with the lady of La Ferté) celebrated at his hôtel of Artois, and at his own expense.
At this marriage were present the said queen of France, the duke and duchess of Bedford, sister to the duke of Burgundy, attended by the earl and countess of Salisbury, the earl of Suffolk, the bishop of Therouenne, the lord d'Estable, and many noble knights, esquires, ladies and damsels of high degree, who were all magnificently entertained by the duke of Burgundy and his officers. There was a grand display of every costly viand and wines, followed by dancings, tiltings, and other amusements.
The dukes of Bedford and Burgundy even tilted themselves with other princes and knights. When this feast was over the duke of Burgundy returned from Paris to his residence in Burgundy, where he united himself in marriage, by an apostolical dispensation, with the widow of his uncle the count de Nevers, who had been slain at the battle of Azincourt. This lady was much renowned for her pious life: she had two children by the count de Nevers, and was sister-german to the count d'Eu, then a prisoner in England, and sister by the half blood to Charles de Bourbon count de Clermont.
At this time died John of Bavaria formerly bishop of Liége, uncle to the duke of Burgundy, and to Jacqueline of Bavaria; and because he had not had any children by his lady, he declared the duke of Burgundy his heir and successor, thus putting aside Jacquiline of Bavaria his niece.
THE DUKE AND DUCHESS OF GLOCESTER LEAVE CALAIS FOR HAINAULT, TO RECEIVE THE ALLEGIANCE OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS OF THAT COUNTRY.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY MAKES PREPARATIONS TO AID HIS COUSIN THE DUKE OF BRABANT.
Toward the end of November the duke and duchess of Glocester marched their great army from Calais, and taking their route by Hesdin, and passing by Lens in Artois, arrived in Hainault. As they marched through the territories of the duke of Burgundy, no disorders were suffered to be committed, but all provisions were courteously paid for.
They were liberally received at Bouchain and Mons, whither they went first, and many lords and gentlemen of the country came thither to pay obedience and homage to the duke and to his lady. Shortly after, all the principal towns in Hainault, dependant on the lady Jacquiline took oaths of allegiance to the duke of Glocester; for she declared herself his wife, and all the lords and gentlemen did the same excepting the single town of Halx, which held for the duke of Brabant.
In like manner did the count de Conversan lord of Anghien support duke John and sir Angilbert d'Anghien, with Jean de Jumont, and all their garrisons and dependants. The remainder, as well towns as nobles, breaking the oaths they had formerly taken to the duke of Brabant, now openly espoused the cause of the duke of Glocester and the duchess Jacquiline.
Some days after the marriage of the duke of Burgundy, he quitted the duchess and went to Mâcon, where he had a conference with the duke of Savoy, and with ambassadors from the duke of Brittany, the principal of whom was Arthur count de Richemont. While these conferences were holding, Charles de Bourbon count de Clermont, the archbishop of Rheims, the bishop of Puy, and some others, came to Mâcon, by orders of king Charles, who among different matters, treated for a marriage between the count de Clermont and Agnes, sister-german to the duke of Burgundy. Charles de Bourbon promised the said archbishop, on the word of a prince, that he would espouse her at the time that had been fixed. When this, and other great affairs had been discussed and settled, they separated, and each returned to the place he had come from.
Philip duke of Burgundy, hearing of the arrival of Humphrey duke of Glocester in Hainault, was very indignant thereat, and issued his summonses to the men at arms, and others accustomed to serve him in war, throughout his countries of Flanders, Artois and his other dominions, which were proclaimed in the usual places, ordering all nobles, and others of every degree, able to bear arms, to prepare themselves to support the duke of Brabant against the duke of Glocester, under the orders of sir John de Luxembourg, the lords de Croy, de l'Isle-Adam, and such other captains as should be commissioned to command and conduct them.
In consequence of these proclamations, very many men at arms assembled under the aforesaid lords, who marched them to Philip count de St Pol, brother to duke John of Brabant, he having been appointed by the duke commander in chief in this war against the duke of Glocester.
The principal adviser of the count de St Pol was Pierre de Luxembourg count de Conversan, and Braine lord d'Anghien. There were also with him sir Angilbert d'Anghien, le Damoiseau de Vissemale, de Rosbarre, and other great lords and bannerets of the country of Brabant, a multitude of the commonalty, and an infinity of warlike engines.
A bitter war now commenced, with fire and sword, throughout Hainault, to the ruin of the poor people, for the duke of Glocester had strongly garrisoned with English all the towns in that country under his obedience; and in like manner had the count de St Pol done to those on the borders, and what remained in Hainault subject to the duke of Brabant. These garrisons made frequent sallies on their enemy's country, and committed every kind of mischief.
THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER SENDS A LETTER TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—A COPY THEREOF.
When the duke of Glocester heard that the duke of Burgundy had issued his summons for men at arms to assemble against him, in support of the duke of Brabant, he was highly displeased, and wrote to the duke of Burgundy a letter, of which the following is an exact copy:
'High and potent prince, very dear and well-beloved cousin,—we have heard that in your lands and territories a proclamation has been made for all able men at arms to assemble and march under the orders of sir John de Luxembourg and others, to the support of my cousin of Brabant, against me, my friends, allies and subjects, and stating, as reasons for the above, many charges contrary to the truth, which I have discovered, in a copy of certain letters said to be written by you, in your town of Dijon, the 21st day of last December.
'These letters, I am convinced, have been written with your knowledge, and by your orders, although you cannot have forgotten all that I have done in times past at your request and solicitation; nor how often I have submitted the whole of my dispute with our cousin of Brabant to the arbitration of my brother the regent and yourself,—what appointments I have made, and what things I offered to relinquish to my prejudice,—and which you know those of the party of the duke of Brabant would not accept nor enter into any treaty, notwithstanding these letters I allude to have given a contrary colour to the business, as will be apparent if you compare the copy I inclose with the originals.
'I know also, that what I have formerly done has not escaped your good memory. You must also feel, that if proximity of lineage is of any avail, you should be more inclined to serve me than my adversary, seeing that my companion and spouse is your cousin-german by two lines, and that my said cousin of Brabant is not so nearly related to you.
'You are likewise bounden to assist me by the treaty of peace solemnly sworn to by us,—which the duke of Brabant has never done, but on the contrary, as you know, made alliances inimical to your interests, which should move you to act against him. The treaty between us has never been infringed by me; and it would have grieved me to have even thought of it,—for I should believe, that had I broken it, nothing fortunate would have ever happened to me. I am also persuaded, that during your life, you will not act contrary to it.
'You must likewise have noticed, that ever since I have been on this side of the sea, I have alway endeavoured so to act as would be most agreeable to you; that I have never, in the smallest degree done, or suffered to be done, any damage to your subjects or your lands, but have acted toward them as if they had been my own proper subjects, as they can truly inform you.
'I have lately written to you, to declare I ask for nothing but what is my own, but am contented to have what belongs to me in right of my said companion, your cousin, and which, with the aid of God, I will guard and preserve so long as she shall live, for that fortune is sufficient for me.
'Should any circumstances have induced me to act against my said cousin of Brabant, I am not as you know, any way to blame, but constrained thereto by his enterprises, in the defence of my own honour, and for the preservation of my country, which will make me exert myself to the utmost of my power.
'Now as you are perfectly well acquainted with all that I have mentioned, I can scarcely persuade myself that these said letters have been written with your knowledge; and I most earnestly intreat, most high and potent prince, my very dear and well beloved cousin, that you would maturely consider of all that I have done for your service, the different conduct of my adversary toward you, the nearness of the relationship, the treaty of peace between us, which I have never violated, and the enterprises of my opponent. I am firmly convinced, that supposing the measures hitherto followed have had your approbation, when you shall have maturely reconsidered the whole of mine and of my adversary's conduct, you will be of a contrary opinion.
'Should, however, your intentions remain unaltered, God, to whom nothing is hidden, will defend my just rights, if you be regardless of the oath you have taken for the same purpose. High and potent prince, my very dear and well-beloved cousin, let me know your intentions by the bearer of this, and if there is any thing I can do for your service, I will most heartily employ myself therein, as our lord knows, and to his care I commend you.
'Written at my town of Mons, and signed with my signet, this 12th day of January. High and potent prince, very dear and well-beloved cousin, I send with this letter copies of the letters I have alluded to, signed 'de Croy.'
The address on this letters was, 'To the high and potent prince, my very dear and well-beloved cousin, the duke of Burgundy;' and lower down, 'Your cousin the duke of Glocester, count of Hainault, of Holland, of Zealand, and lord of Frizeland.'
The duke of Burgundy, on receiving this letter, laid it before the whole of his council, and, after due deliberation, returned the following answer to the duke of Glocester.
COPY OF THE ANSWER OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY TO THE LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER.
'High and mighty prince Humphrey duke of Glocester, I, Philip duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders and of Artois, have received your letter addressed to me, and written at Mons in Hainault, under your signet, the 12th day of January last, containing, among other things, that you have heard of proclamations having been issued throughout my dominions, for all well disposed men at arms to assemble, and to march under the command of our very dear and well-beloved cousin sir John de Luxembourg and others, for the service and support of our very dear and well-beloved cousin the duke of Brabant, in opposition to you, your friends, allies and subjects, and which proclamations contained, according to the tenour of your letter, many charges contrary to truth,—the which, and other things, you have discovered in the copy sent me, of certain letters said to have been written by me, on the 21st day of December, in my town of Dijon.
'With regard to this, high and mighty prince, and the greater part of your letter, I shall forbear repeating, or making any reply thereto; for as there is nothing but what touches my honour that I shall consider, and this I will not suffer any one to treat or to blame unjustly.
'You say, however, that the writings, of which you have inclosed a copy, have been done with my knowledge, and by my command. To this I answer, that I was moved thereto by your refusal to conform to the articles of pacification entered into with great deliberation of council, between your fair brother the regent and myself at Paris, to put an end to the discord between you and our very dear cousin the duke of Brabant.
'On the contrary, the duke of Brabant, (to gain the favour of God, and to please your said brother and myself) agreed to abide by these said articles, while you, persisting in your refusal, and without waiting for the final decisions of your suit at the court of Rome, have entered the country of Hainault with a powerful army, with the intent of driving therefrom our said cousin of Brabant, and taking possession of the same. These have been the reasons for my said letter, which contains truths which you cannot any way deny, or be ignorant of.
'I have not therefore given any thing to be understood contrary to truth, or by way of lie, with which you seem most wrongfully to charge me in your letter, which I shall carefully preserve to shew in proper time and place.
'I am sufficiently aware of all that you are attempting against our said cousin of Brabant, and very displeasing has it been to me, without your endeavouring to tarnish our own honour and fair fame, which I will not endure from you nor from any one; and I am persuaded that those with whom I am connected by blood, all my loyal friends, subjects and vassals, who have been greatly attached to and have served my predecessors, will not suffer such a slur to be passed over with impunity. I therefore now summon and require of you to recall all that you have said in your letter, touching what you have therein declared to have been asserted by me contrary to the truth.
'Should you be unwilling to do this, and to support the charges you have made against my honour and fame, I am ready to defend myself personally against you, and to combat you, with the aid of God and our lady, within a reasonable time, in the presence of that most excellent and most potent prince, the emperor, my very clear lord and cousin.
'But that you and all the world may witness that I am anxious to bring this matter to a speedy conclusion, and instantly to repel all attempts on my honour, I am contented, should it be more agreeable to you, that we choose for the judge of our combat your fair brother the regent duke of Bedford, which you cannot reasonably refuse; for he is such a prince that I know he will do the utmost justice between us, as between the most indifferent persons. And for the honour of God, and to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, and the destruction of the poor people, whose sufferings I in my heart compassionate, you and I, who are youthful knights, ought to accept of this proposal (supposing you be determined to maintain what you have written), as it personally concerns us, rather than engage in public warfare, by which numberless gentlemen and others of each party will have their days miserably shortened; and I must add, that it will be highly disagreeable to me if this last mode shall be resorted to. It ought to be matter of regret to us and all catholic princes, that Christian people should engage in war one against another; for my part I repeat that it will be very unwillingly that I shall engage in a public warfare, unless urgent necessity forces me to it.
'High and mighty prince, have the goodness to send me a speedy answer to the contents of this letter by the bearer, or by any more expeditious mode, without prolonging matters by letters; for I am impatient, that every thing touching my honour may be as briefly settled as possible, and I will not that matters concerning it remain as they now are.
'I should sooner have replied to your letter on this subject, had I not been delayed by several concerns of high import that have retarded me.
'That you may be assured this letter is mine, I have signed it with my own hand, and affixed my signet.
'Written the 3rd day of March, in the year 1424.'
This letter was read by the duke of Glocester with great attention, in the presence of his council: in reply, he sent the following letter.
COPY OF THE SECOND LETTER SENT BY THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
'High and mighty prince, Philip duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders, of Artois, and of Burgundy,—I Humphrey duke of Glocester, son, brother and uncle to the kings of England, count of Hainault, of Holland, of Zealand, lord of Frizeland, and high chamberlain to the king of England, have received your letter in form of a placart, addressed to me, and written on the 3rd day of this month; which letter, that it may appear to be from yourself, you have signed with your own hand, and sealed with your signet. The contents of the greater part thereof concern me as little as those of mine did you, addressed and written in my good town of Mons in Hainault, under my signet, the 12th day of January last past, excepting what you say of my refusing to agree to terms of pacification between me and my cousin the duke of Brabant, which is not true; for my very dear and well-beloved brother the regent of France and the whole of the french council, as well as yourself, know how I have acted therein. Should you wish to be ignorant thereof, it is not in your power.
'You say, that I have in my letter wrongfully and falsely offended your honour, by charges therein made, and that you were sufficiently hurt at my attempts against my said cousin the duke of Brabant, without my having attacked your honour and fame. You therefore summon and require of me to recant what I have thus written in my letter, or else you are ready to defend your honour in a personal combat with me. I make known to you, that I hold for true the whole of the contents of my said letter, and shall remain in the firm belief thereof, which has indeed been confirmed by what your people have done and perpetrated in my country of Hainault conformably to the tenour of your summons; nor shall you nor any one force me to recal my words, but with the aid of God, of our lady, and of my lord St George, I will, by personal combat, oblige you to own their truth, before either of the judges you have named, for they are both of them to me indifferent.
'I am equally desirous with yourself that the matter should be brought to a short and speedy issue; but solely because my fair brother is nearest at hand am satisfied to perform the combat before him, and accept of him as judge of the field. Since you leave the appointment of the day of combat to me, I shall fix on the feast of St George next ensuing for that purpose, or any other day more convenient for my brother, when, with God's favour, I shall be ready prepared to meet you without fail.
'Should my said brother decline the office of judge of the field, I am willing that the combat take place before the very high and potent prince the emperor; and should he in like manner decline it, our brother of Oldeberth[5], or any other indifferent person, may be the judge.
'But, as I am doubtful whether you will abide by the terms under your signet, I summon and require of you, by the bearer of this letter, that you send me other terms sealed with your seal, in like manner as I have done to these presents.
'With regard to the duke of Brabant, if you shall dare to say that his right is superior to mine in this present dispute,—I am ready to attack you body to body, on the day above-mentioned, and prove that I have the better right, with the favour of God, of our lady, and of St George. That these presents may appear fully authentic, and to shew that I am resolved to abide by their contents, I have signed my name to them, and have likewise affixed my seal.
'Written in my town of Soignies, the 16th day of March, in the year 1424.'
FOOTNOTES:
[5] Oldeberth,—probably Oldenbourg.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY RETURNS TO FLANDERS, WHENCE HE SENDS HIS ANSWER TO THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER'S LETTER.—A COPY THEREOF.
During the time of this correspondence between these two princes, the duke of Burgundy returned to Flanders, and ordered a considerable force to march thence to the aid of the duke of Brabant. He likewise sent an answer to the duke of Glocester's last letter, accepting the day he had fixed for their combat, the tenour of which was as follows.
'High and mighty prince Humphrey duke of Glocester, I, Philip, duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders and of Artois, have this day received your letter, written and signed with your own hand, in answer to mine of the 3rd of this present month, in which I said that you had, after mature deliberation, refused the terms of pacification between you and our cousin of Brabant, that had been agreed on by my brother-in-law the regent and myself.
'To this you reply, that it is not true. My fair brother the regent and the whole council of France know full well to the contrary: I am not ignorant thereof,—and were I inclined to be so, it is out of my power. You persist in denying what the ambassadors sent to you by my brother the regent and myself with a copy of these articles, can most satisfactorily prove; and in the direct face of them you have invaded the country of Hainault, notwithstanding my fair cousin of Brabant had accepted of our terms; and you have called all these things which I had written to you falsehoods. Your conduct toward my cousin of Brabant was to me dishonourable and displeasing enough, without adding insults against my honour.
'For this did I summon you to recant all that you have thus offensively written; otherwise I was ready to defend my honour in personal combat, in the presence of my fair brother the regent, or before the emperor. You in reply maintain the truth of what you had written, and that you shall remain in that belief, for what my troops had done in Hainault was a full confirmation of the truth of what you had advanced, and that you would not for me, nor for any one else, recal your words, but would force me, by personal combat, to acknowledge their truth, before either of the aforesaid judges.
'You add, that as the said regent is nearer at hand, you are content to name him as judge, and fix on St George's day next ensuing, or any other more agreeable to the regent, for the day of combat, being equally desirous with myself that this matter should be speedily brought to issue.
'I make for answer, that in regard to the judge and the day I am well satisfied, and, with the aid of God and of our lady, I will defend myself, and maintain the contrary to what you have advanced, with my bodily strength, and prove fairly on which side the lie rests, to the clearance of my loyalty and honour.
'With respect to what my troops may have done in Hainault, should it be for the honour and success of my fair cousin of Brabant, I shall be very much rejoiced. As you express a doubt whether our said brother the regent will accept of the office of judge between us, I shall instantly send him notable ambassadors earnestly to intreat that he would accept of it; but should he refuse, I am willing, as I have said in my former letter, that the emperor take his place.
'As to what you declare, that should I dare to say our cousin of Brabant has the better right, you will force me by combat to retract it publicly before the judge,—I reply, that the sentence of our holy father the pope (before whom the suit is now pending) will make it clearly known whose is the right, against which I am not inclined to derogate or disobey. It therefore does not belong to either of us to determine who has the right.
'And I have such confidence in our Lord Jesus Christ, and in his glorious virgin-mother, that before the end of the combat thus fixed on by you, I shall defend my good cause with such vigour that you will not be soon forward to advance such novelties again. Since you require that I send you a copy of my former letter which was sealed with my signet, under my seal, I have complied with your request. And what I have written I am fully determined to abide by and fulfil.'
THE TOWN OF BRAINE IN HAINAULT TAKEN AND DESTROYED BY THE ALLIES OF THE DUKE OF BRABANT.
While these quarrelsome letters were passing between the dukes of Burgundy and Glocester, a very large army was raised by Philip count de Ligny and de St Pol, brother to the duke of Brabant, having in his company the count de Conversan, the lord d'Anghien, the lords de Croy, de l'Isle-Adam, sir Andrew de Malines, the bastard de St Pol, with other captains, banners, and gentlemen, together with thirty or forty thousand common men, whom he led before the town of Braine-le-Comte in the country of Hainault.
There were not more than about two hundred English of the duke of Glocester's party, in addition to the commonalty within the place. It was closely besieged on all sides; but after it had been well battered for eight days by their cannon and other engines, the garrison, considering the great force of the enemy, entered into terms of capitulation, that the English might depart with safety to their persons, and with part of their baggage, and that the town should return to the obedience of the duke of Brabant, taking oaths of allegiance to him or to his commissioners, and withal paying a certain sum of money by way of ransoming the town from pillage.
When this treaty had been signed, and the English were ready to march out of it, a body of the common people who had come with the count de St Pol rushed in by different gates, and slew the greater part of these English, with many of the townsmen. They then plundered the houses, and set them on fire, so that the whole town was completely burnt and destroyed.
Thus did they break through the treaty which their captains had made, and no prayers or entreaties could prevail on them to desist, which greatly angered their leaders. However, some of the English were saved by the exertions of the gentlemen and nobles, and sent away in safety.
At this siege of Braine, there were with the count de St Pol, Poton de Saintrailles, Regnaut de Longueval, and others, all firm friends of king Charles. When the town had been thus destroyed, the army of the Brabanters remained where they had been encamped; for news of the intended combat between the dukes of Burgundy and Glocester before the regent had been notified to them, so that all warfare was suspended between the Brabanters and the duke of Glocester, until victory should declare for one of the dukes in their personal combat.
Shortly after, the count de St Pol marched away from before Braine, on his return with the army to Brabant; but as the duke of Glocester was with his lady in Soignies, the Brabanters were afraid of being attacked, and therefore all the nobles and gentlemen marched in the same array as if they were about to engage in battle. The commonalty were likewise well drawn up; and they had not advanced far, when the scouts, whom they had left in their rear to bring them information, gave notice that the English had taken the field.
This was true, for some of the duke of Glocester's captains, having his permission, collected, at most, eight hundred men to see the Brabanters decamp. They advanced so near as to be visible to all, although there were some ditches between the two parties. The count de St Pol drew his men in array, on the ascent of a mountain, namely, the gentlemen and archers, and so did the english: and in the mean time some skirmishing took place between the outposts of each, in which several were killed, wounded and unhorsed, but in no great numbers. The two parties remained thus for a considerable time in battle array, each waiting for the other to depart first. While they were in this position, certain intelligence was brought to the count de St Pol of the day of combat having been fixed between the dukes of Burgundy and of Glocester, and that all warfare was to cease until that was over.
On this being made public, and because evening was coming on, the English marched away to the duke of Glocester in Soignies, and the count de St Pol with his men to Halx and that neighbourhood, where they kept a strict watch.
It is a truth that the greater part of the commonalty of Brabant, who were in the count's army, had been panic-struck, and deserted in great confusion, leaving suits of armour, without number, carts, cars and all their warlike instruments dispersed over the fields, although they were, as I said before, from thirty to forty thousand men, so that very few remained with their commander and other captains, and it was not their fault that they did not on that day receive much loss and disgrace.
The town and castle of Guise was by treaty to have been surrendered on the first day of March; but sir John de Luxembourg practised so successfully with John de Proisy the governor, that they were yielded up to him on the 26th of February, without waiting for the appointed day. In like manner he gained possession of the fortress of Irechon.
He was, by this means, obeyed throughout the whole county of Guise, to the great displeasure of Réné d'Anjou duke of Bar, to whom this county belonged as its true lord. Those who had assembled to be present at the surrender on the first of March, as well English as Picards, hearing what had passed, returned to their quarters. Sir John de Luxembourg gave liberty to the hostages, and passports for them to go whither they pleased. He also appointed sir Daviod de Poix governor of Guise.
When the count Philip de St Pol and the Brabant-nobles were returned to Brussels, and the Picards quartered on the borders of Hainault, the duke of Glocester retreated with his duchess and army from Soignies to Mons, where he met the countess-dowager of Hainault. Having conferred with her and some of the nobility, it was determined that he and his English should return to England, to prepare himself for the combat that was to take place with the duke of Burgundy.
When he was on the point of his departure, his mother-in-law, the countess of Hainault, and the nobles and deputies from the principal towns, requested that he would leave the duchess Jacquiline, whom he called his wife, and their lady behind. This he assented to, on condition that they would solemnly swear to him that they would guard and defend her against all who might attempt to injure her; and more especially the burghers and inhabitants of Mons were to take this oath, as she intended to reside within that town.
The duke and duchess of Glocester now separated with many tears and lamentations; and he departed with from four to five thousand english combatants for St Gillart, and thence to Yvins near Bohain, where he lay the first night: he then continued his route by Vy, and after some days arrived at Calais; but in all the countries through which he passed he committed no waste, but paid for all his provision very peaceably.
He carried with him to England Eleanor de Cobham, whom he had brought with him as companion to the duchess Jacquiline, and was afterward married to her.
Toward the end of this year king Charles sent ambassadors to the court of Rome, the principal of whom was the bishop of Leon in Brittany, who offered, in the king's name, his submission to pope Martin, the which was very graciously received.
POPE MARTIN SENDS HIS BULL TO DUKE JOHN OF BRABANT.—ITS CONTENTS.
In the beginning of this year, copies of a letter, in the manner of a bull, from pope Martin to duke John of Brabant, were published throughout the duke's dominions, the tenour of which was as follows:
'Martin, bishop, and servant to the servants of God, to our dear son John duke of Brabant health and benediction. Whereas there has lately come to our knowledge from persons worthy of belief what is very displeasing to us, namely, that certain papers have been divulged and publicly read, as coming from us, and in our name, by way of bull, in divers parts of Hainault, and in the bishopricks of Utrecht, Liége and Cambray, purporting (as it has been affirmed to us), that we have confirmed the marriage-contract between our dear son Humphrey duke of Glocester, and our dear daughter in Jesus Christ Jacquiline, a noble lady and duchess of Bavaria; and that we have reprobated your marriage with the said duchess, having judged it invalid.
'Now although such writings have never been issued by us, and have been published to our great scandal and dishonour, we will that the suit respecting this said marriage shall be determined according to the decision of common law.
'And we notify to you, by these presents, that you bear not any malice nor sorrow in your mind, but firmly hold that the papers thus scandalously published do not come from us, but from wicked men not having the fear of God before their eyes, who delight in novelties, falsehoods and dissentions.
'We will also, that the movers and promoters of such scandal shall, for the honour of us and of the apostolical chair, be punished in a manner adequate to the heinousness of the crime they have committed. For this reason, we have written to our venerable brethren the bishops of Utrecht, Liége and Cambray, and to each of them, apostolical mandates, directing them to read this our letter publicly from their pulpits to the people, to undeceive them relative to the aforesaid scandalous papers, to excommunicate all who shall henceforth read them in their presence, or promulgate them, and also to confine them in their persons until they shall receive further orders on this subject from us.
'Given at Rome, at the church of the holy Apostles, on the ides of February, in the 8th year of our papacy.'
AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER, A WAR TAKES PLACE IN HAINAULT.—THE DUCHESS JACQUILINE WRITES TO THE DUKE OF GLOCESTER FOR ASSISTANCE.—THE CONTENTS OF HER LETTER.
Not long after the duke of Glocester had left Hainault, the men at arms of duke John of Brabant and the Picards began an open and severe warfare against the towns in that country under obedience to the duke of Glocester, as well as on those belonging to the lords of his party, by which the inhabitants were sorely oppressed and the country ruined.
To remedy these evils, the countess dowager of Hainault had many conferences with the duke of Burgundy, her nephew, and with the ambassadors from the duke of Brabant at Douay, Lille and Oudenarde, when it was concluded that Hainault should be restored to the government of the duke of Brabant, who was to promise a general amnesty to the inhabitants. The duchess Jacquiline was also to be put under the wardship of the duke of Burgundy, who was to receive a certain sum of money for her establishment, and she was to remain under his guard until the suit pending at the court of Rome should be determined.
While this treaty was negotiating, many of the principal towns revolted from their lady, and placed themselves under the obedience of the dukes of Burgundy and of Brabant, namely, Valenciennes, Condê, Bouchain and some others, so that there remained to her scarcely more than the bare town of Mons, which was nearly blockaded by her enemies, and very small quantities of provision permitted to be carried into the town.
The inhabitants, seeing themselves in great danger, were much exasperated against their lady, and told her plainly, that if she did not make peace, they would deliver her into the hands of the duke of Brabant: at the same time, they imprisoned many of her attendants, some of whom they judicially put to death, as shall be hereafter told.
The duchess Jacquiline, greatly alarmed at this sudden change, and fearing the worst, from what she had witnessed, and from what she had heard from her lady mother, namely, that she was to be put under the wardship of the duke of Burgundy, and carried to Flanders, sent letters in haste, describing her situation, to the duke of Glocester; but these letters were intercepted, and carried to the duke of Burgundy. Their contents were as follow.
'My very dear and redoubted lord and father, in the most humble of manners in this world, I recommend myself to your kind favour. May it please you to know, my very redoubted lord and father, that I address myself to your glorious power, as the most doleful, most ruined, and most treacherously-deceived woman living; for, my very dear lord, on Sunday the 13th of this present month of June, the deputies of your town of Mons returned, and brought with them a treaty that had been agreed on between our fair cousin of Burgundy and our fair cousin of Brabant, which treaty had been made in the absence, and without the knowledge of my mother, as she herself signifies to me, and confirmed by her chaplain master Gerard le Grand.
'My mother, most redoubted lord, has written to me letters, certifying the above treaty having been made; but that, in regard to it, she knew not how to advise me, for that she was herself doubtful how to act. She desired me, however, to call an assembly of the principal burghers of Mons, and learn from them what aid and advice they were willing to give me.
'Upon this, my sweet lord and father, I went on the morrow to the town house, and remonstrated with them, that it had been at their request and earnest entreaties that you had left me under their safeguard, and on their oaths that they would be true and loyal subjects, and take especial care of me, so that they should be enabled to give you good accounts on your return,—and these oaths had been taken on the holy sacrament at the altar, and on the sacred evangelists.
'To this my harangue, my dear and honoured lord, they simply replied that they were not sufficiently strong within the town to defend and guard me; and instantaneously they rose in tumult, saying that my people wanted to murder them; and, my sweet lord, they carried matters so far that, in despite of me, they arrested one of your sergeants, called Maquart, whom they immediately beheaded, and hanged very many who were of your party, and strongly attached to your interest, such as Bardoul de la Porte, his brother Colart, Gilet de la Porte, Jean du Bois, Guillaume de Leur, Sanson your sergeant, Pierre, Baron, Sandart, Dandre and others, to the number of two hundred and fifty of your adherents.
'They also wished to seize sir Baldwin the treasurer, sir Louis de Montfort, Haulnere, Jean Fresne and Estienne d'Estre; but though they did not succeed, I know not what they intend doing,—for my very dear lord, they plainly told me, that unless I make peace, they will deliver me into the hands of the duke of Brabant, and that I shall only remain eight days longer in their town, when I shall be forced to go into Flanders, which will be to me the most painful of events; for I very much fear that unless you shall hasten to free me from the hands I am now in, I shall never see you more.
'Alas! my most dear and redoubted father, my whole hope is in your power, seeing, my sweet lord and only delight, that all my sufferings arise from my love to you. I therefore entreat, in the most humble manner possible, and for the love of God, that you would be pleased to have compassion on me and on my affairs; for you must hasten to succour your most doleful creature, if you do not wish to lose her for ever. I have hopes that you will do as I beg, for, dear father, I have never behaved ill to you in my whole life, and so long as I shall live I will never do any thing to displease you, but I am ready to die for love of you and your noble person.
'Your government pleases me much, and by my faith, my very redoubted lord and prince, my sole consolation and hope, I beg you will consider, by the love of God and of my lord St George, the melancholy situation of myself and my affairs more maturely than you have hitherto done, for you seem entirely to have forgotten me.
'Nothing more do I know at present than that I ought sooner have sent sir Louis de Montfort to you; for he cannot longer remain here, although he attended me when all the rest deserted me; and he will tell you more particularly all that has happened than I can do in a letter. I entreat, therefore, that you will be a kind lord to him, and send me your good pleasure and commands, which I will most heartily obey. This is known to the blessed Son of God, whom I pray to grant you a long and happy life, and that I may have the great joy of seeing you soon.
'Written in the false and traitorous town of Mons, with a doleful heart, the 6th day of June.' The signature below was, 'Your sorrowful and well beloved daughter, suffering great grief by your commands,—your daughter de Quienebourg.'
With the above was found another of the following tenour:
'Very dear and well-beloved cousin I commend myself to you. May it please you to know, that at this present moment, I am grieved at heart from having been wickedly and falsely betrayed, and am so overwhelmed that I cannot write particulars; but if you will have the goodness to make enquiries from our very dear and redoubted lord, he will tell you more than you may wish to hear.
'I have nothing more to say, but that you retain in hand what you are possessed of, in case my dear lord should come. With regard to what you advise for me to cross the sea, it is now too late. Hasten as fast as you can, with the greatest force you can raise, to deliver me from the hands of the Flemings, for within eight days I shall be given up into their power.
'Very dear and beloved cousin, I pray God to give you a long and happy life. Written in this false and traitorous town of Mons, the 6th day of June. Jacquiline de Quienebourg.'
It appears by the above letters, that the duchess was much afraid of going to Flanders.
When the deputies of Mons were returned from their conference with the dukes of Burgundy and of Brabant, it was known that many things had been agreed on contrary to the interest of the countess-dowager of Hainault, and of the duchess Jacquiline her daughter. And on the 13th day of June, Jacqueline, having no means of resistance, departed from the town of Mons accompanied by the prince of Orange, and other lords commissioned for this purpose by the duke of Burgundy, who conducted her to the town of Ghent, where she was lodged in, the ducal palace, and had an establishment suitable to her rank.
Duke John of Brabant, according to the treaty, took on him the government of Hainault, whence he ordered all the men at arms, and published a general amnesty for all that had passed.
Thus did the inhabitants of Mons deliver their lady and legal princess into the hands of the duke of Burgundy against her will, although they had, a short time before, promised and sworn to the duke of Glocester that they would guard and defend her against all who should attempt any way to hurt her.
THE DUKES OF BEDFORD AND OF BURGUNDY MEET IN THE TOWN OF DOURLENS.—OTHER MATTERS.
On the vigil of the feast of St Peter and St Paul, the duke of Bedford, the regent, accompanied by his duchess, arrived in the town of Corbie, escorted by about eight hundred horsemen. There were with him the bishop of Therouenne, chancellor of France for king Henry, the president of the parliament, and many other noblemen members of the council.
Two days after, the duke of Burgundy came thither to see the regent and his sister, when they gave each other a hearty welcome, particularly on the part of the duke of Burgundy. Soon after, this duke went to Luchen, where his cousin-german the count de St Pol resided; and on the morrow, about four o'clock in the afternoon he returned to Dourlens with the count de St Pol. He thence conducted the regent and his sister to his castle of Hesdin, where he lodged them and their attendants, and entertained them magnificently. They all remained there for six days, passing the time joyously in feasting, drinking, dancing, hunting, and in divers other amusements. At the end of six days the duke and duchess of Bedford departed with their attendants, and went from Hesdin to Abbeville, where they staid some time.
They thence went to Crotoy, where the duke d'Alençon was prisoner, whom the regent sent for into his presence, and reasoned long to prevail on him to take the oath of allegiance to king Henry of Lancaster, as then he would be released from his confinement, and all his lands and lordships restored to him, adding, that should he refuse to comply, he would run much personal danger.
The duke d'Alençon replied, that he was firmly resolved never, during his life, to take any oath contrary to his loyalty to king Charles of France, his true and legal lord. On hearing this answer, the regent ordered him from his presence into confinement, and then, passing through the country of Caux, returned to Paris.
During the time the regent was at Hesdin, the bastard de St Pol and Andrew de Humieres appeared there with silver rings on their right arms, whereon was painted a sun with its rays. They had put them on as a challenge to the English and their allies, maintaining that duke John of Brabant had a more just right to the government and possession of Hainault and the other territories of Jacquiline of Bavaria, his lady, than the duke of Glocester.
The regent was at first desirous that these rings should be taken from them by some of his men, for he had been given to understand that their wearing them was owing to another quarrel, for which they wanted to fight with the English; but, in the end, he was well satisfied with them,—and nothing farther was done in the matter.
When the duke of Glocester was returned to London, he was sharply reprimanded by the council, in presence of the young king Henry, on his expedition into Hainault, and on the manner in which he had conducted himself in regard to the duke of Burgundy, the most potent prince of the blood-royal of France: he was much blamed,—because they said from such conduct a coolness might arise between the king and the duke, the alliances between them broken, and all their conquests in France lost. The duke of Glocester was plainly told, that he would not, in this business, have any aid of men or money from the king, which very much dissatisfied him, but, at the moment, he could not remedy it.
THE SULTAN OF EGYPT AND SARACENS DETERMINE TO CONQUER THE WHOLE KINGDOM OF CYPRUS.
When the Saracens, whom we have before mentioned, left Cyprus, they waited on the Sultan, and, as a sign of their victory, carried with them the head and spurs of the knight whom they had slain with a lance. They proclaimed throughout the town of Cairo that it was the head of the brother to the king of Cyprus, Henry prince of Galilee,—but in this they lied.
Nevertheless, the sultan and his courtiers were so much puffed up with this victory, that they resolved to raise so large an army as should destroy the whole kingdom of Cyprus. There was at this time in the town of Damascus a great, powerful and rich Saracen, who was considered throughout Syria as a saint: he was much reverenced by the sultan, although a cordial friend to the king of Cyprus.
When this holy man heard of the destruction which the six saracen gallies had done in Cyprus, he went to Cairo, and reproved and blamed the sultan for having thus commenced a war, insomuch that the sultan repented of what he had done, and consented that a peace should be made. To accomplish this purpose the holy Saracen determined to send his son to Cyprus to treat thereof; but, on his arrival in the island, the king would not admit him to his presence, but sent his ministers to inquire into his business. He would not explain the cause of his coming to them, but said, if he could have a personal interview with the king, he would engage that an honourable peace should be made with the sultan. The ministers of the king of Cyprus remonstrated with him on the folly of the sultan in beginning the war, because he would have all Christendom against him. The Saracen replied, that the sultan was perfectly well informed of the state of Christendom; that the king of France, his most mortal enemy, had now so much on his hands that he no way feared him.