CHAP. LXIII.

COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED BY THE KING AND THE CONFEDERATES TO SETTLE THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THEM.—THE NOBLES OF NORMANDY COME TO PARIS TO SERVE THE KING.—SEVERAL SALLIES AND ASSAULTS ON EACH SIDE.—OTHER EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THIS SAME YEAR MCCCCLXV, OMITTED BY MONSTRELET, UNTIL THE FINAL PEACE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE PRINCES.

On Tuesday, the 2d of September, after several parleys, commissioners were at length named by the king and the confederates to settle their differences. On the part of the king were selected the count du Maine and the lord de Precigny,[80] president of the parliament of Toulouse. On the part of the confederates, the duke of Calabria, the count de St Pol, and the count de Dunois.

This day, the magazine of gunpowder at the gate of the Temple accidentally took fire, where were eight pieces of artillery ready for firing,—and by this accident they went off, and blew away the roof of the gateway.

When these commissioners met, after some few preliminaries were settled, they agreed on a truce until the Thursday following, which prevented any hostile attempts on either side. During this term, each party fortified itself as well as it could; but, nevertheless, both parties conversed together until Thursday came. As the count du Maine was passing through the gate of St Anthony, on his return from the Burgundians, he bade the porters be of good cheer; for, if it pleased God, before eight days were over, they should all have good cause to rejoice and sing carols.

This day, the truce was prolonged to the ensuing Wednesday; and on the Friday the commissioners assembled, in consultation, at La Grange aux Merciers, in a pavilion that had been pitched for that purpose.

During the truce, about two thousand of the most decent of the Bretons and Burgundians came in great pomp, to show themselves, as far as the ditches behind St Antoine aux Champs, whither several of the Parisians came out to see and converse with them, although the king had forbidden it, and was so much displeased, when he saw them doing so, that he was tempted to fire at them with the serpentines and other cannon, that were ready loaded, from the tower of Billy.

Sunday, the 8th of September, being the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, the king set out from the hôtel of the Tournelles, to go to the cathedral; and as he passed by the church of the Magdalen, he entered himself a companion of the great brotherhood of the burghers of Paris, in which he was followed by the bishop of Evreux and others of the nobility. The next day, the Burgundians and Bretons took possession of the vineyards at Aignancourt, La Courtille, and others round Paris, and made wine for their own drinking, although the grapes were not ripe. This forced the Parisians to do the same at other vineyards; and the wines, consequently, were thin and weak.

Many nobles from Normandy now arrived at Paris to serve the king in his wars, and were quartered, with their men, in the suburbs of St Marcel. Among them were some loose companions, who committed many robberies and riots, which being opposed by the inhabitants, made them attempt to enter Paris by force. As the burghers resisted, the Normans abused them much, by calling them Traitors and Burgundians; adding, that they would bring them to understand things better,—for that they had only come from Normandy to Paris to put them to death, and pillage them. This conduct, according to master Robert Gaguin, was heavily complained of; and examinations having taken place in consequence, the ringleader of these riots was condemned to make an amende honorable, before the town-hall, to the procurator of the said town. This was publicly done by the criminal, bareheaded, ungirdled, with a lighted torch in his hand; and when he was arrived in front of the town-hall, he declared that he had falsely and wickedly lied in uttering the above words, and begged to be pardoned for having so done; after which declaration, he had his tongue pierced with a hot iron, and was then banished for ever.

The following Monday, some of the Burgundians came to show themselves before Paris, among whom was the count de St Pol,—and the king issued out of the town to confer with him. They were about two hours in conversation; and the king gave him the count du Maine as an hostage, who remained in the burgundian camp until the return of the count de St Pol.

This same day, according to Gaguin, the king said to some of the Parisians, at the gate of St Anthony, on his return from this conference, that the Burgundians should not, in future, give them the trouble they had done, for that he would defend them well. An attorney of the Châtelet, named Pierre Beron, replied, 'Indeed, sire! but they vintage and eat our grapes without any remedy being provided against them.' The king answered, that it was better they should eat their grapes than enter Paris and seize their plate and valuables, which they had hidden in their cellars.

The following Friday, two hundred horse-loads of salt fish, and other sorts, arrived at the Paris-market, in spite of the Burgundians, Bretons, and others, who had threatened to reduce the inhabitants to eat their cats and rats.

The truce was again prolonged several times, and at length until the 18th of September,—during which, the Burgundians victualled their camps well, at the expense of the poor people in the country around. There cannot be a doubt but that if the king had been willing to have risked a general engagement, provided he had been faithfully served by his captains, he would have reduced his enemies to such a state that they would have been unable to return to the countries they had come from, and would have fully repaid them for having insulted Paris.

On Wednesday, the 18th, all hopes of a peace were at an end,—for, notwithstanding the frequent conferences of the commissioners, all was broken off; and on this day the blockade of the Port à l'Anglois was raised by the king, and the men at arms were lodged in the carthusian convent: they were six hundred men, with their horses and attendants,—which so completely filled the convent that the holy religious men were driven from their cells and places of devotion.

On the morrow, a grand council was held in the hall of the court of exchequer, at which were present all the aldermen and the deputies of the sixteen wards, together with a number of counsellors from the court of parliament and other officers. The chancellor, Morvilliers, then explained to them, in the king's name, what great offers he had made to the princes before Paris, in answer to their demands respecting the appanage of his brother, the duke of Berry, for whom they required the duchies of Guienne, Poitou, and Saintonge, or the duchy of Normandy. The king's commissioners had replied to this, that his majesty could not dismember the domains of the crown; and the king afterward offered to give his brother, in lieu of these duchies, the counties of Champagne and Brie, reserving to himself the towns of Meaux, Montereau, and Melun.

The chancellor said, that the count de Charolois and the others had made exorbitant demands for repayment of their expenses; which expenses, indeed, ought not to be greatly objected against, but they would not accept of any thing less than the whole of their demands,—and there the matter now rested until the following Friday. On this day, the young seneschal of Normandy[81] sallied out of Paris, with six hundred well-appointed horse, to skirmish with the enemy, which they did most valiantly. Among the vineyards of St Antoine des Champs, four-and-twenty Burgundians and others, pillagers, were made prisoners. They were almost all naked, and very badly drest, and sold by auction, four for a golden crown, which was then worth twenty-six sols, six deniers parisis.

The following Saturday, the Bretons won the town of Pontoise, at break of day, as Enguerrand the chronicler has simply told it; but I find in Gaguin, that one named Louis Forbier, then lieutenant-governor of Pontoise for Joachim Rohault, by false and wicked treason, conspired against his sovereign, and admitted these Bretons into the town. The said Louis had it proclaimed, that all of the company of Joachim Rohault, who would not remain, might leave the town in safety with their baggage: that, immediately on his giving up the place, he and some of his companions went to Meulan,[82] wearing the king's badge of the white cross, that they might gain admittance without difficulty. But before his arrival, those in Meulan had been informed of his treason,—and the moment he was seen from the battlements by the garrison, already under arms, they cried out to him, 'Go thy ways, for a false and disloyal traitor!' and fired some cannon at him, which forced him to retire with disgrace and shame.

The ensuing Monday, a considerable body of the enemy, by way of a morning visit, appeared at an early hour before the gate of St Anthony; but in consequence of the firing of some artillery from the walls, they retreated to a further distance, and nothing was done.

On the Monday, according to Gaguin, the watch in Paris were alarmed by an extraordinary light in the skies that looked like a comet, and seemed to move from the enemy's quarters, and to fall into the ditch near the hôtel d'Ardoise: not guessing what it could be, they thought it might have been a rocket discharged by the Burgundians, and sent immediate information thereof to the king at his hôtel of the Tournelles. He, like an active prince, mounted his horse, and went instantly on the walls, near to the hôtel d'Ardoise, where he staid some time, and sent to all the quarters of Paris, to put them on their guard; but they neither saw nor heard any thing further of the enemy that night.

The Bretons and Burgundians, quartered near Paris, made many songs, and scandalous ballads, on those in whom the king put most confidence, that he might be displeased with and dismiss them from his service, for the more easy accomplishment of their damnable designs.

One evening, about two o'clock after midnight, master John Balue, bishop of Evreux, was waylaid in the street of Barre-du-Bec, and attacked with swords and staves,—so that, being wounded, he was forced to fly, and sticking spurs into his mule, she ran away with him, like a wild thing, and never stopped until she brought him to his house, in the cloisters of Nôtre Dame, whence he had set out. The king was very angry on hearing this, and ordered inquiry to be made after the perpetrators of the deed, but in vain; for it was not known who had done it, although it was said, some time afterward, that the lord de Villier-le-bôcage was the principal, at the request of one called Jeanne du Bois, with whom he was enamoured.

At this time, Alexander l'Orget, a native of Paris, in company with four others, quitted Paris, with all his effects, and joined the duke of Berry at St Denis. On the Thursday following, toward the end of September, many of the townsmen came to make heavy complaints to the magistrates, at the town-hall, against the military, for making and singing defamatory songs against them, praying that a remedy might be provided, to prevent such conduct in future. The words complained of were in substance as follows. They swore by God, and other shocking oaths, that the wealth and riches in Paris did not belong to the inhabitants but to them, the men at arms now in the town,—saying, 'We wish you to know that, in despite of you, we will take away the keys of your houses, and throw you and all within them out of doors; and if you chatter, we are enow in Paris to master you all.'

Among others, a fool from Normandy said aloud, at the gate of St Denis, that the Parisians were simpler than he was, if they thought the chains that were across the streets could prevent them from being insulted by those now in the town. In consequence of such speeches, the magistrates ordered the heads of the different wards to have good fires lighted during the night at their places of rendezvous, and that the whole of the night-watch should be there regularly under arms: the chains were also kept up, and the town more strictly watched in the night than before, until daybreak.

This night, there was an alarming rumour that the gate of the bastile of St Anthony had been left open for the admission of the enemy, who was before it; and, in truth, several cannon were found near there with their touchholes spiked, so that they would have been useless had there been occasion for them. Some of the king's captains were uneasy at these fires in the streets, and the increase of the nightly watch, and went to the hôtel of the Tournelles to inquire of the king whether he had ordered them, or by whom these things had been thus done. The king replied, that he was ignorant of the matter, and instantly sent for sir John L'Huillier, the town-clerk, who came to him immediately, and assured the king and the said captains, that the fires and increase of the night-watch had been made with the best intentions. The king, however, ordered sir Charles de Melun to go to the town-house, and to all the quarters of Paris, to give orders that the fires should be extinguished, and that the watch should retire to bed; but the inhabitants refused to obey, and remained under arms until daybreak. Many have since maintained, that had they retired, according to the orders of sir Charles de Melun, which, through God's grace they did not, the town would have been lost and totally destroyed; for the enemy, before Paris, was ready to enter the town by means of the bastile.

Two pursuivants at arms arrived, on the Friday ensuing, at Paris. One came from Gisors[83] to require aid from the king, for that there were from five to six hundred lances before it, and that there were no men at arms within the town for its defence, and that they had neither powder nor artillery. The other pursuivant was sent by Hugh des Vignes, esquire, a man at arms, having charge of the company of the lord de la Barde. This Hugh was then in Meulan, and had sent to tell the king, that, from information of persons of credit, he had learnt that the Bretons and others intended to gain Rouen as they had done Pontoise, and by means of intelligence which they had within the castle or palace of the said town, that he might provide against such attempts.

This day, Friday, the commissioners for obtaining peace, dined all together at St Antoine des Champs, whither the king sent wine, bread, fish, and every thing necessary for their entertainment. Thither also were carried, in a cart, all the rentals and rolls of account relative to Champagne and Brie, from the chamber of accounts at Paris. The next day, the commissioners on both sides again met,—that is to say, my lord of Maine and those of his company, on the part of the king, with the other princes and lords who were at La Grange aux Merciers; and the following were ordered to repair, on behalf of the king, to the aforesaid St Antoine aux Champs,—namely, master Estienne Chevalier, treasurer of France, master Arnould Bouchier and Christopher Paillart, counsellors in the exchequer. The additional commissioners on the other side were, Guillaume de Bische, master Pierre d'Oriole, master John Berart, master John Compaign, a licentiate full of Latin, and master Ythier Marchant; but this day nothing was done.

The king received letters from the widow of the late sir Pierre de Brézé, to inform him that she had arrested the lord de Broquemont, governor of the palace of Rouen, on suspicion of treason; and that he might not be any way distrustful of Rouen, for, from the end of the bridge to the palace, the inhabitants were all loyal and ready to serve him.

On the Sunday following, at daybreak, seven men surrendered themselves at the bulwark of the tower de Billy, who had escaped from the army of the Burgundians. Four were agents to some merchants in Orleans, two for some in Paris, and the seventh was a Fleming. They had been all condemned to be hanged, because, after their capture, no one had offered to ransom them. They reported, that on the preceding Wednesday, a shot from a serpentine on the tower de Billy had killed seven Burgundians, and wounded many more.

This day, after dinner, news was brought to the king, that the duke of Bourbon had gained Rouen, having entered the castle on the side toward the country by means of the widow of the late lord de Brézé, to whom the king had been unusually bountiful, and in whom he had the greatest confidence.[84] The chief managers in this business for the widow were, the bishop of Evreux,[85] master John Hebert, and others.

When this was known to the confederated princes (although the duke of Berry had before been satisfied with having Champagne and Brie for his appanage,) they sent to inform the king, that his brother would not accept of any other appanage than the duchy of Normandy, to which he was forced to consent. The king, therefore, since he could not prevent it, gave to the lord Charles the duchy of Normandy, and took to himself the duchy of Berry. He was also forced to agree to the extravagant demands of the other princes, as a compensation for their expenses in bearing arms against him,—and they all plundered him well. But this has been before amply related by Enguerrand de Monstrelet.

CHAP. LXIV.

AFTER THE TREATY OF CONFLANS BETWEEN THE KING AND PRINCES, PROVISIONS ARE BROUGHT TO THE CONFEDERATE ARMY FROM PARIS, ON PAYMENT BEING MADE FOR THEM.—THE COUNT DE CHAROLOIS, ON MUSTERING HIS TROOPS, DECLARES HIMSELF VASSAL TO THE KING.—HE DOES HOMAGE FOR WHAT HE HOLDS UNDER THE CROWN OF FRANCE.—THE DUKE OF BERRY AND THE OTHERS DO THEIR HOMAGE.—PEACE IS PROCLAIMED.—OTHER EVENTS.

The king ordered proclamation to be made for every one to carry provisions to the camps of the Burgundians and Bretons,—which being done, several merchants of Paris went thither with quantities of all sorts, which were eagerly bought up by the army, more especially bread and wine; for the men were almost starved, as their long lank cheeks, hanging down through misery, showed, and that they could not have borne it longer. The greater part were without hose or shoes, and were covered with filth.

Among those who came to obtain food were several Lifre-lofres,[86] Calabrians and Swiss, so famished that they seized cheeses and devoured them unpared, and then drank marvellous draughts of wine in handsome earthen cups. The Lord knows how joyful they were; but they had not these things scotfree, for each paid his share handsomely. Many things happened this day, which I pass over for brevity; but every one must admire the inestimable resources of Paris, for the confederated army before that town was estimated at full one hundred thousand horse, and those within Paris at three times the number,—yet they were all supplied with provisions for a long time from thence, and without any rise in price. On the departure of the burgundian army, the prices of provision were more moderate than they had ever been.

The king went to visit the count de Charolois at Conflans, with so very small an escort that those who wished him well thought it simply done: the Picards and others of their party, even made a mockery of it, and, in their provincial dialect, cried out, 'Eh! do you see your king, who is talking with our lord de Charolois? they have been more than two hours together; and by our faith, if we wished it, we have him now under our thumb.'

On Friday, the 4th of October, the king gave orders for the Burgundians to be admitted into Paris by the gate of St Antoine, and so many entered that several excesses were committed by them, which would not have been suffered had it been known that the king would have been angry with them. However, one Burgundian insisted on passing the gate of St Antoine against the will of the porters, and in spite of one of the company of the bastard du Maine, who guarded the wicket. The Burgundian, in his passion, drew a dagger and stabbed the archer in the belly as he was half opening the wicket: he was immediately seized, and severely beaten and wounded: many would have killed him, but they were prevented; and the affair was made known to the king, who ordered him to be carried to the count de Charolois, for him to do proper justice on him. The count, on hearing the evidence, instantly sentenced him to be hanged on the gallows at Charenton.

This night, the king ordered fires to be lighted in all the open squares; and he gave orders for the watch to be increased, and to be under arms, having an able commander, who was to inquire of all passengers who they were, whence they came, and whither they were going. This day was an eclipse of the moon.

On Sunday, many lords from the camp came to Paris, and supped with the king, at the house of sir John L'Huillier, town-clerk: several ladies and damsels, with others of the nobility, were present. On this day, the captain Salazart, with twenty men of his company, sallied out into the plain, by the bastile of St Antoine, because that gate had been shut by the king's orders, that no one might thence leave the town; but for the admittance of the Burgundians it was to be opened for ten at a time, and on their return ten others were allowed to enter, after which the drawbridge was raised.

Salazart's twenty men at arms were dressed in jackets of blue camlet, with large white crosses for their badge: they had handsome chains of gold round their necks, with bonnets of black velvet on their heads, having large tufts of golden thread from Cyprus hanging down. The housings of their horses were covered with bells of silver. To distinguish Salazart from his men, he was mounted on a beautiful courser, with housings covered over with plates of silver: under each hung a large bell of silver gilt. In front of this company rode the trumpet of Salazart mounted on a grey horse; and as the troop advanced along the side of the walls, from the gate of St Antoine to the tower de Billy, the trumpeter's horse fell so heavily with him that he broke the trumpeter's neck.

The ensuing Monday, news was brought to Paris that the lords de Hautbourdin and de Saveuses had taken Peronne, and made the count de Nevers prisoner, who was in the castle. This same day, three prisoners escaped from the prison of Tizon,[87] one of whom had been an accomplice with Louis Forbier in the giving up Pontoise to the Bretons, and was of the company of Joachim Rohault. This day, a house took fire at Paris in Champ-gaillart,[88] which a little alarmed the king,—and, in consequence, he ordered fires to be continued during the nights, in all the squares, and the guards to be reinforced.

During this month of October, some of the party of the duke of Burgundy came before the town of Beauvais, and summoned the bishop and the inhabitants to surrender themselves to the said duke. The bishop demanded to have the summons in writing, which he sent instantly to the king, who transmitted it to the count de Charolois, with whom he had concluded a peace.

The count replied, that this summons was not authorised by him, and that he wished the devil would take those who had made it, for having done more than they were ordered. The king told the count, that since peace had been made between them, such things should not be done,—for that, if he were desirous of having the town of Beauvais, he would give it to him.

On Wednesday, the 9th of October, the provost and sheriffs of Paris ordered the head of each ward to have fires lighted at the usual places, all the chains extended across the streets, and a good watch kept constantly patroling.

The Thursday following, the lord de Saveuses arrived at the burgundian camp with a large escort, having with him a great sum of money for the count de Charolois to pay his troops. And on this day the duke of Brittany had a meeting with the king to arrange the payment of his expenses for the army he had raised in the support of the confederated princes. In settling this account, he regained his county of Montfort, besides receiving a very large sum in ready money.

On the Friday, master John Boulengier, president of the parliament, came to the town-house, to acquaint the magistrates, from the king, that the populace must not be alarmed on seeing the whole of the count de Charolois' force drawn up before the walls, for that it was only to form a muster and review before the king. They did not, however, appear on that day,—but on the following it took place, and the burgundian troops appeared in great force, extending from the bridge of Charenton to the bois de Vincennes. The king was present, having only three persons with him, namely, the duke of Calabria, the count de Charolois, and the count de St Pol. This has been described by Monstrelet, but not exactly as I relate it.

When the review was over, the king returned to Paris by water; but before his departure, the count de Charolois, addressing his troops, said, 'Gentlemen, you and I belong to the king, my sovereign lord, who is here present, to serve him whenever he shall have occasion for us.'

On Saturday, the 12th, intelligence arrived that the town of Evreux had been given up to the Bretons by sir John le Bœuf, who had admitted them into the town on the preceding Wednesday, the feast of St Denis, while the inhabitants were engaged in a religious procession,—and as the procession went out at one gate, the Bretons entered by the other.

The king received information on the 16th, that there was a plot formed at Paris, by some of his enemies, to make him prisoner, or put him to death. In consequence, the guards were doubled on the walls and in the streets,—and great fires were lighted every night in the squares. News now came, that the town of Caen and the whole of Normandy had submitted to the duke of Berry: the king, nevertheless, sent great numbers of men at arms and franc-archers to the town of Mante.

On the ensuing Wednesday, the last day but one of October, the treaty of peace that had been concluded between the king and the princes was publicly read in the court of parliament, and there enregistered. This day, the king went to the princes, in the bois de Vincennes, where the duke of Berry did homage for the duchy of Normandy, that had been given him for his appanage. The walls and gates of Paris were this day strictly guarded until the king returned, as he had gone to Vincennes with very few attendants. The king wanted to sleep there that night, and sent to Paris for his bed: but the provost and sheriffs sent an humble remonstrance, to request that he would not sleep out of Paris, for many reasons. This request he complied with, and returned to Paris.

On the Thursday following, the duke of Berry, the count de Charolois, and others, broke up their encampments near Paris, and departed divers ways. The count went toward Normandy, and was accompanied a long way by the king on the road to Pontoise, when they went for Villiers-le-bel, where they remained two or three days; and thence the count marched for Picardy, in his way to make war on the Liegeois, as has been told by Monstrelet.

END OF VOL. X.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.

NOTES AND EMENDATIONS.

Page 3. last line. Burgundy.] Brittany is right; Mary, eldest daughter of John V. and sister of John VI. and Arthur, dukes of Brittany, was married to John I. duke of Alençon, father of the duke here mentioned. I can find no alliance between the houses of Alençon and Burgundy.

Page 12. line 3. Duke of Orleans.] A mistake. He was succeeded by Francis II. son of his younger brother, Richard, count of Etampes. See the table in note to vol. v. p. 390. Richard, count of Estampes, who died in 1438, married Margaret, daughter of Lewis, duke of Orleans, and Francis II. was the only son by that marriage.

Page 13. line 1. from the bottom. CHAP. IV. This chapter and the following afford a further instance of that want of connection and repetition which is before noticed to be so frequent in this latter part of the history. It is evident that Monstrelet set down his details respecting these transactions as they appear in Vol. IX. chapter 76. and Vol. X. chapter 1. from the information he had then acquired. The original documents themselves afterwards came to his hands, and these he transcribed in haste, without reference to his former accounts. It seems reasonable to conclude that death prevented him from arranging these different statements, and striking out all that appears superfluous in them.

Page 48. line 13. Fell.] Those of most note, on the king's side, were Humphry Stafford, duke of Buckingham, who was succeeded by his son Henry; and John, earl of Shrewsbury, lord treasurer of England, grandson to the great Talbot. The battle was fought at two o'clock in the afternoon on the 10th of July, and is said to have lasted only half an hour. Stow.

Page 49. line 9. from the bottom. Attempt.] Together with the queen and the prince of Wales, the dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the earls of Devon and Wiltshire, the lord Clifford and many other great lords, were on the king's side this day. The young duke of Rutland was murdered in cold blood by the barbarous Clifford. The duke of York himself was killed in the field, not made prisoner as in the text. The earl of Salisbury was made prisoner and carried to the castle of Pomfret, where "he had grant of life for a great ransome, but the common people of the country, who loved him not, tooke him out of the castle by violence, and smote off his head." The earl of March, now duke of York by his father's death, and afterwards king of England, was at Gloucester when this event happened.

Page 54. line 5. Uncle.] Probably Ralph Nevil, earl of Westmoreland, who is named among the slain at this battle.

Page 55. line 2. from the bottom. Earl of Northumberland.] Henry Percy, the second earl of that name and family who fell in this long conflict. The former was killed at the first battle of St. Alban's, mentioned before, vol. ix. p. 360. I believe that no earl of Shrewsbury fell on this occasion, and that the continuator of Croyland in this point confounds the battle of Towton with that of Northampton mentioned before, p. 48.

Page 58. last line. Towton.] He was created earl of Northumberland in 1463, and marquis of Montacute, or Montague, a short time after; but in 1466 he resigned the earldom in favour of Henry Percy, son of the earl who was killed at Towton.

Page 64. line 13. Lord de la Roche-Bourguignon.] Not de la Roche-Bourguignon, but de la Roche, a Burgundian. This Philip lord de la Roche, was afterwards in high favour with king Louis, and advanced him to the dignity of count of St Pol, on the attainder and confiscation of the constable.

Page 73. line 13. from the bottom. Counts of Angoulême.] John count of Angoulesme, brother to the duke of Orleans;—Charles of Artois, last count of Eu;—John of Bourbon, count of Vendôme.

Page 73. line 12. from the bottom. Grand-Prè.] Henry de Borselle, a nobleman of Holland, who purchased the county of Grand-Pré from Raoul le Bouteiller. He was father to Wolfhard de Borselle, marshal of France.

Page 73. line 11. from the bottom. Sir Philip de Savoye.] Philip of Savoy, lord of Bauge, younger brother to the prince of Piedmont, who married a daughter of the duke of Bourbon, and became duke of Savoy on the death of his grand nephew, Charles II. in 1496; John the elder, count of Nassau.

Page 74. line 10. Duke of Bourbon.] Peter de Bourbon, lord of Beaujeu, who married Anne of Valois, daughter of Louis XI. and became duke of Bourbon on the death of his elder brother without lawful issue in 1488. James de Bourbon, a younger brother of these, died young and unmarried.

Page 77. line 19. Lord de la Roche.] Philip Pot, mentioned before in p. 64.

Page 78. last line. Perdriac.] Pardiac. See notes to vols. vii. viii. and ix. Qu. If the count de la Marche and de Pardiac was not one and the same person?

Page 81. line 9. Count du Perche.] René, duke of Alençon, after the death of his father in 1476. His mother was Joanna, daughter to the duke of Orleans.

Page 82. line 7. from the bottom. Sister.] Mary of Anjou, queen of France, who survived her husband only two years, dying in 1463.

Page 93. line 7. Relative.] I do not understand what relationship could possibly have existed between the count de Charolois and the duke of Somerset, and must therefore set this down under the head of mistake.

Page 95. line 18. Master Nicholas Raullin.] Or Rollin. He was father of the lord d'Aymeries, mentioned before in chap. lxviii. of volume, ix. and, by merit, had raised his family from a middling station of life to the honours of nobility. Heuterus.

Page 98. line 7. Deceased.] Joan de Bar only daughter and heir of Robert, count of Marle and Soissons. Her children are said by Moreri to have been John, count of Marle and Soissons, who was killed in 1476 at the battle of Morat; Peter II. count of St. Pol; Anthony, count of Brienne, and Charles, bishop and duke of Laon.

Page 98. line 19. Duchess of Orleans.] Mary, daughter of Adolph, duke of Cleves, third wife of Charles, duke of Orleans. The infant of whom she is now delivered was afterwards king of France by the name of Louis XII.

Page 107. line 6. Accuser.] Heuterus relates the subject of this chapter with some varieties which deserve to be noticed. "Coustain," he says, "is reported to have sent his accomplice (whose name is latinized to Ingiëus) into Savoy to a famous witch, from whom he received certain waxen images of the man whom they designed to destroy, over which various and admirable forms of incantation had been practised." Arquembart the informer, should be Hacquenbach—"Petrus Haquenbachius, vir nobilis." Heuterus adds that, in making his confession, Coustain did not accuse any of the family of Croy, or other great nobles of Burgundy who were most suspected on the occasion by the count of having instigated the crime; but he says, "The wiser sort, however, had their suspicions with regard to king Louis; and the opinion which they now secretly entertained seemed to be afterwards confirmed, when they learned that he had procured the death of his own brother, merely to avoid giving up to him a small portion of his dominions." This is a very curious passage, for although the alledged murder of the duke of Guienne, Louis's brother, is at least a very doubtful point of history, and although, if manifestly proved, it would be a strange piece of sophistry to urge that the perpetration of one crime ought to be admitted as evidence of the intention to perpetrate another, wholly unconnected with it either in time or circumstances, yet it sufficiently shows what must even at the commencement of his reign have been the character of the king, and the opinion generally entertained of his dissimulation, perfidy, and inhumanity. I imagine however, that Heuterus is hardly to be credited when he adds that the suspicion entertained by the duke of Burgundy on this occasion was the immediate cause of his quarrel with the king whom he suspected; unless it be conjectured that among the secret confessions mentioned in this chapter to have been made by the villain Coustain previous to his execution, he actually accused the king and supported his accusation by some very pregnant reasons. If this be admitted, it may justify in a great degree the assertion of Heuterus just mentioned.

Page 110. line 12. Lord de Goux.] Qu. Joux? Peter de Beaujeu du Columbier, lord of Joux, Montcoquier, Asnois, &c. died after 1469 leaving Blain, lord of Joux, his son and successor.

Page 116. line 11. Duty.] Heuterus adds that it was the purpose of the king, with the profits of the Gabelle to have redeemed the lands on both sides of the Somme which were assigned to the duke by the treaty of Arras.

Page 116. line 4. from the bottom. Stamp.] The question, as stated by Heuterus, was "solidiori è materia Boni ne corpus coagimentatum foret, quam ceterorum principum?" To which Chimay is made to answer, "Imò: nam nisi id ita foret, quomodo te patris iram fugientem recipere, &c. &c. ausus fuisset?" The king was greatly confounded, and from this time said no more about the gabelle; but the duke of Burgundy, by the advice of the lords of the house of Croy, and to the great displeasure of his son, shortly after gave up the towns on the river Somme, as is mentioned in chapter 23.

Page 118. line 3. from the bottom. Duke of Orleans.] Qu. Peter, lord of Beaujeu, was married to Anne daughter of Louis XI. This might be a second marriage; but I do not find it so in the genealogical tables which I have consulted.

Page 119. line 8. Lord d'Arquel.] Here is a double mistake in the genealogy. Catherine, third daughter of the duke of Bourbon, married Adolphus, son of Arnold duke of Gueldres, who was himself duke of Gueldres after his father's death in 1473, and might, during his father's life time, have been sometimes stiled the lord of Arckeln, which lordship came into his family by the marriage of his grandfather John count of Egmond with the heiress of Arckeln and Gelders. The connection of the families of Gueldres and Cleves with each other and with the house of Burgundy will be better understood by the following table, which will also explain at one view the mode by which the duchy of Gueldres passed successively by marriages into the families of Juliers, Arckeln, and Egmont, and the county of Cleves into that of Marck, and how the younger branch of Cleves came into possession of the county of Nevers.

Page 125. line 2. Lord de Montigny.] Simon de Lalain, lord of Montigny, who died in 1478, was the father of Jodocus, lord of Lalain and Montigny, governor of Holland, who was killed at the siege of Utrecht in 1483.

Page 129. line 5. Navarre.] By the terms of the marriage-contract between John of Arragon and Blanche queen of Navarre, Charles prince of Viana, the eldest son of that marriage, ought to have succeeded to the kingdom immediately on the death of his mother. This was, however, delayed from time to time and at last effectually prevented through the intrigues of Johanna Henriques the second wife of king John. A civil war was the consequence of these acts of injustice, and the prince sought the protection of a stronger power by an alliance with Isabella sister of Henry IV. of Castile. This treaty also was rendered abortive by the intrigues of his step-mother. He was then inveigled to Lerida under colour of a pacification, and treacherously made prisoner. Being at last liberated from his confinement to appease the dangerous indignation of his adherents, he ended his life in a few days, being, as some say, poisoned while in prison, but more probably from the effects of ill-treatment and sorrow.

Mean-while, Blanche, his eldest sister was divorced by her husband Henry the fourth, for no fault of her own; and the count of Foix (the husband of Leonora her sister) in order to possess himself of her right to the crown of Navarre, gained possession of her person and is reported, by connivance with his own wife, to have put an end to her days. After this, he turned his views toward the protection of France, which he hoped to secure by the marriage of his son Gaston to Magdalen daughter of Charles the seventh, and by a further union of interests between the crowns of France and Arragon. The advantage of these skilful manoeuvres soon displayed itself, when the Catalans, enraged at the death of the prince of Viana, which they attributed whether justly or unjustly to the king his father, revolted, and their example was followed by almost all the states of Arragon. King John, upon this, mortgaged the counties of Cerdagne and Roussillon to France, in order to obtain supplies to carry on the war, and the count de Foix obtained the principal command in the conduct of it. The rebels finding themselves too weak, naturally applied for assistance to Castille, and the war soon assumed a new face, the principals on each side being the king of Arragon and the count of Foix, and the king of Castille. The treaty here alluded to, at which the king of France assisted, was made in an island of the river Bidassoa which separates France from Spain. Its articles were such as to offend all parties concerned, and in particular to sow the seeds of future dissention between the French and Spanish nations. Those historians, however, may be thought rather too refined who attribute to this celebrated interview the foundation for that enmity between the two countries for which they have been remarkable in modern times. The connexion between the different crowns of Spain, and succession to the crown of Navarre will be best seen from the following table.

Page 131. line 2. Crown.] The principal crime of this nobleman, in the eyes of Louis, was his high favour with Charles VII. He afterwards escaped from prison during the war of the public good, and was at last restored to his offices about the court, and taken into the peculiar confidence of the king. One act of justice resulted from his temporary disgrace, the restitution to the heirs of Jacques Coeur of great part of the plunder made from the wreck of that unfortunate merchant's affairs. The count de Dammartin is said to have been one of the seven persons whom Louis excepted out of the amnesty which he granted to the duke of Burgundy's intercession on ascending the throne. Others were, as is reported the mareschal de Brézé, the lords de Loheac and de Chatillon, and the chancellor des Ursins. Duclos.

Page 135. line 5. from the bottom. Lord de Launoy.] This name should be always spelt Lannoy. John lord of Lannoy was son of another John lord of Lannoy by Joanna sister of Anthony lord de Croy and John lord of Chimay. See notes to the third volume.

Page 139. line 2. Duchess of Bourbon.] The table to p. 119. will explain these alliances.

Page 139. line 15. Cardinal of Arras.] Jean Joffredy; not bishop of Alby and cardinal of Arras, but bishop of Arras and cardinal of Alby. He was the son of a merchant at Luxeuil in Franche Comté. His ecclesiastical ambition displayed itself very early in life and pushed him on to the episcopal dignity through the patronage of the duke of Burgundy. He then found means to persuade his sovereign that it was for his dignity to have one of his own subjects promoted to a cardinal's hat and appointed papal legate in his dominions. Solicitations were accordingly made at Rome both by the duke and by Louis (then dauphin) to have this high honour bestowed upon Joffredy; and when Louis succeeded to the crown, Joffredy was given to understand that there would be no difficulty in his attaining the dignity provided he would use his best endeavours with the king for the abolition of the pragmatic sanction. Joffredy readily undertook the pious office enjoined him, and was rewarded with the red hat very shortly after. [Du Clos.

Page. 141. line 6. from the bottom. Reconciliation.] Ever since the war with the people of Ghent in 1452, the count de Charolois had seldom resided at the court of his father, and was chiefly at the castle of Gorcum which he had fortified so as to render it almost impregnable and ornamented for his residence at a great expence and with royal magnificence. See Heuterus.

Page 154. line 9. Duke of Berry.] Charles, duke of Berry, afterwards of Normandy, and of Guienne, the only brother of the king then alive.

Page 158. last line. Arms.] The unpopularity of the old duke of Savoy, and Amadeus, his eldest son, was principally owing to their unwarlike and devotional temper so adverse to the notions and habits of a martial nobility. Lewis, the second son, had married the heiress of Cyprus after the death of her first husband, the duke of Coimbra; and possibly the adventurous spirit of the times anticipated the glory of an expedition for the recovery of a kingdom which had been snatched from a female sovereign by an illegitimate usurper, aided by the forces of the infidels. Another and more just ground of discontent was the manifest subjection in which both father and son held themselves enthralled to the pleasure of the king of France. On the other hand, Philip count of Bresse, (a younger son of the duke of Savoy, not the third as here stated, but the eighth of his numerous male issue) was a prince of the greatest promise, of high military spirit, and a commanding person; and the duke his father (who, in the course of his religious exercises, had probably paid great attention to the history of David and Absalom) was so afraid of the popularity which these endowments ensured him, that he actually abandoned his dominions to seek the protection of Louis XI. against this imaginary danger. He was at this time very infirm in body; and Amadeus, his eldest son, who followed the steps of his father in all things, was no less so from his cradle.

Page 159. line 3. from the bottom. Bastard.] Baldwin the eighth son of this numerous family of bastards, was lord of Falaise and Somergheim, and had several children by his marriage with a lady of the house of la Cerda.

Page 161. line 10. from the bottom. Duke.] The historians of Savoy relate that this act of violence and injustice was committed at the suit of the duke of Savoy, his father. He was not released till after the old duke's death in 1465.

Page 161. line 3. from the bottom. John.] Before called the count of Estampes. His only daughter and heir conveyed the counties of Nevers, &c. into the house of Cleves, by marriage with John duke of Cleves.

Page 163. line 1. Earl of Warwick.] Stowe says that the lord Montacute, Warwick's brother, commanded in this engagement, and that he was rewarded by Edward with the earldom of Northumberland.

Page 168. line 3. from the bottom. Pope Pius.] This is the celebrated Æneas Sylvius, perhaps the most able as well as the most learned, in the catalogue of Roman pontiffs. The object which he had principally at heart was the expulsion of the Turks from Europe by a coalition of the princes of Christendom; and, had he lived, it is not improbable that he might have seen the accomplishment of his wishes by the gradual operation of his influence over the European governments. He earnestly recommended the prosecution of the enterprize to the cardinals who attended him, even with his latest breath. He died of a fever at Ancona where he had resided for some months in order to inspect the equipment of the fleet and armies destined for this important expedition. See afterwards, p. 378.

Page 169. line 14. from the bottom. Whom.] Monstrelet, here speaks very guardedly, and Comines does not hazard an explicit opinion. Heuterus says positively, that the king sent Rubempré on this mission with orders to take the count either dead or alive, and he adds, that it was in consequence of a conspiracy in which he knew him to be already engaged with the dukes of Brittany and Berry. But this authority, if unsupported, is of little weight since he wrote more than a century afterwards. I have not seen Olivier de la Marche. This bastard de Rubempré was, I believe, the son of the count de Vendôme, who married the daughter and heir of Charles lord of Rubempré, and assumed the title of that lordship.

Page 173. line 5. Lord de Crequi.] John V. lord of Crequy, who died very old in 1474 leaving John VI. his son and successor who married Frances de Rubempré daughter of the lord de Bievres. His other sons were James lord de Pontdormi, killed at the battle of Nancy. Francis lord of Douriers, &c.

Page 175. line 8. Holland.] This circumstance, as far as it goes, gives some weight to Heuterus. What could the vice-chancellor of Brittany have to do in Holland, in his way from England, unless charged with some commissions of a secret nature from the duke his master to the count de Charolois?

Page 185. line 1. Lord de Torcy.] John d'Estouteville, master of the cross-bows, captain of Rouen, and knight of St Michel.

Page 187. line 5. from the bottom. Old.] The duke of Orleans, being present at this assembly held at Tours, ventured to defend the duke of Bretagne against some of the charges instituted by the king; and his remonstrances offended Louis so highly that he fell into a passion and called him a rebel, or the favourer of a rebel. The duke, being then very old and infirm took this conduct so much to heart that it hastened his death which happened a few days afterwards. This prince, after the battle of Agincourt, had sustained 25 years of captivity with exemplary fortitude, applying his mind to study and reflexion; and he derived so much benefit from the lessons of calamity that at his death he was universally regretted as one of the most virtuous princes that France had ever known. He left by his duchess Mary of Cleves (whom he married after his return to France) one son, afterwards king of France; and two daughters, one the abbess of Fontevrauld, the other the wife of John de Foix viscount of Narbonne. Du Clos.

Page 225. line 5. from the bottom. Sir Anthony de Baudoin.] Qu. Anthony and Baldwyn? These were the names of the two bastards.

Page 226. line 12. from the bottom. Toulongeon.] John IV. lord of Toulongeon and Senecey, died in 1462, without issue. He was son of John III. marshal of Burgundy mentioned in a former volume. Upon his death Claude de Toulongeon lord of Trave, of a younger branch became head of the family; and it is he who is here mentioned. He died in 1495.

Page 234. line 12. Lord de Boullencourt.] Hué de Mailly, lord of Lorsignol and Bouillencourt, governor of Montdidier; fifth son of Colart de Mailly, celebrated for his crusade in Prussia, and brother of Colart de Mailly, who was killed at Agincourt together with his father.

Page 245. line 16. Lord de Barbasan.] Beraud de Faudoas was instituted heir by the valiant Barbasan, who died 1432.

Page 245. line 16. Flocquet Salzart.] A mistake. It should be "Floquet Salazar, and other captains." Robert Floquet was bailiff of Evreux, and is mentioned before in page 396 of this volume.

John de Salazar, surnamed "le grand chevalier," lord of St Just, &c. &c. chamberlain to Charles the seventh, and further recompensed for his great services by the lordship of Issoudun, died in 1479 at Troyes in Champagne. He married Margaret de la Trimouille, daughter of George count of Guisnes, and had by her, Hector lord of St Just, Galeas lord of Lez, Lancelot lord of Marcilly, all celebrated warriors, and Tristan bishop of Meaux, who in 1471 was promoted to the archbishoprick of Sens.

Page 252. line 12. Victory.] There has seldom been a battle fought with so much loss on both sides and so indecisive in the result. The count de Charolois was so far from carrying off the undisputed honours of victory that many writers of the time ascribe it to the king; and even between the relations of two who were present during the engagement, and both in the count's army, there is so wide a difference in this respect as would be unaccountable were it not for the peculiar circumstances that attended this engagement. The cause of this uncertainty and contradiction is to be found in the frequent changes of fortune which took place during the important struggle. Victory had no sooner appeared to declare herself in one part of the field but in another part all was terror, dismay, and rout on the victorious side. "Both parties believed or affected to believe that the victory rested with them, but disorder and confusion reigned on every side; and this is the reason of the difference to be found in the various relations of the affair." However, as the business turned out ultimately to be of some advantage to the king's affairs, and the count could not possibly lay claim to any benefit whatever from the event of the day, the former seems upon the whole to have had the best right to boast of success. See Du Clos.

Page 256. line 2. Lord de Harnes.] The lord de Hames. See before.

Page 256. line 8. from the bottom. Admiral of France.] A mistake. The count du Maine was never admiral of France. It should be thus; "the count du Maine, the admiral of France, and his other captains." Upon the death of Pregent de Coetivy in 1450, John de Bueil count of Sancerre was advanced to this dignity. After the accession of Louis XI. he was displaced, and John lord of Montauban and Landale appointed to succeed him. This is the nobleman here mentioned. He died in 1466 much regretted by the king, and was succeeded in his high office by Louis bastard of Bourbon, count of Rousillon. [Morery's list of the admirals of France.

Page 259. line 4 from the bottom. Count de Charny.] Peter de Bauffremont count of Charny.

Page 262. line 4. Nemours.] James, son of Bernard d'Armagnac count of la Marche, Castries, Pardiac, &c. a younger son of the constable, was soon after the accession of Louis XI. rewarded for his services in the wars of Spain by advancement to the dignity of duc et pair de France. This was, at that time, an unprecedent mark of the royal favour, and greatly offended the princes of the blood as well as the noblemen of the same rank with himself. The policy of Louis, was evidently twofold; first, to lessen the supposed dignity of those of his own family by extending it to the families of vassals unconnected with the blood-royal; secondly, to divide the interests of the powerful house of Armagnac by exciting a subject of jealousy between the elder and the younger branch.

Page 263. line 3. Sir Simon de Lalain.] Not, I believe, the lord of Montigny mentioned before in p. 76, but another Simon de Lalain lord of Chevrain and Descaussins.

Page 270. line 7. Marquis of Rothelin.] The marquis de Rothelin is said by Commines, however, to have been with the confederated princes in the army of the duke of Calabria. Rodolph IV. marquis of Hockberg rotelin and count of Neufchatel in Switzerland, died in 1486 leaving his son and successor Philip; upon whose death in 1503 without issue male, the county of Neufchatel passed by marriage into the house of Dunois Longueville and the marquisate of Hockberg-rotelin reverted (by virtue of a prior contract) to the house of Baden.

Page 270. line 8. Count of Horne.] James the first, son of William the ninth, lord of Hornes, was advanced to the dignity of a count of the empire by Frederic the third. He died a monk in 1488. His son James the second, succeeded him, whose son John the second, dying without issue, bequeathed the county of Hornes to Philip de Montmorency, lord of Neville, son of his wife by a former marriage. Floris, the son of Philip, was the count of Hornes so celebrated in the history of the Netherlands, who, together with the count of Egmont, perished on the scaffold in 1570.

Page 275. line 9 from the bottom. Lord de Haisenberghe.] John de Hynsberg, or Heinsberg, the 52nd bishop of Liege, who had some years before been compelled to resign his bishopric in favour of Louis de Bourbon, nephew of the duke of Burgundy.

Page 279. line 20. Thither.] There must be some mistake in this passage which I am unable to set right, not having Monstrelet before me. The widow of Brézé was already in Rouen, where her husband had been accustomed to reside as seneschal of Normandy; and the duke of Bourbon obtained entrance by means of a conspiracy entered into between this lady and Louis de Harcourt, bishop of Bayeux and patriarch of Jerusalem. See Du Clos. See also, afterwards, page 429.

Page 281. last line. Montenac,—a village of Messin, near Metz.] A mistake. The Montenac here mentioned must be the same with the Montenac which is mentioned at page 333 and there said to be but four leagues distant from Liege.

Page 284. line 13 from the bottom. De Gasebecque.] Philip de Hornes lord of Gaesbeck and Baussignies, grand chamberlain to the duke of Burgundy, died in 1488 leaving issue Arnold lord of Gaesbeck, and John lord of Baussignies.

Page 284. line 17. Grand bailiff of Hainault.] John, son of Anthony de Rubempré and Jaqueline de Croy, dame de Bievres. He was a great favourite of duke Charles and fell by his side at the battle of Nancy. His son was Charles lord of Riviéres.

Page 304. line 5. Count de Harcourt.] John V, de Rieux, son of Francis, and grandson of John III. lord of Rieux who acquired the county of Harcourt by marriage with Joan, daughter and heir of John VII. last count de Harcourt of the original line. He was made mareschal of Bretagne by Francis II., and advanced to the dignity of a mareschal of France in 1504.

But Anthony count de Vaudemont laid claim also to the county of Harcourt in right of his wife Mary, another daughter of John VII. who brought the county of Aumale into his house; and John of Lorraine, his second son, bore the title of count de Harcourt. From the subsequent passage to which I have referred it seems probable that it is this nobleman and not the lord de Rieux who is here mentioned.

Page 323. line 10. Lord de Cohen.] John de Berghes, lord of Cohan.

Page 354. last line. Amen.] The death of the duke of Burgundy was, in respect to his corporal suffering, as fortunate as the whole course of his life had been. He had at that time reigned forty-eight years, for the most part in peace, and during the whole with unvarying prosperity over the ample dominions left him by his father, to which, by conquest and alliances he added very considerably himself; and at last he yielded up his soul to God, not, (in the words of Pontus Heuterus) "e morbo continua intemperantia ascito, sed corpore justæ ætatis pleno decursu confecto, hoc a Deo magno, inter multa alia, ornatus munere, ut non diu mortis vitæque conflictum senserit, sed paucis diebus decumbens, extincto levi continuaque febri, calore naturali, quasi somno oppressus invictus expirarit." He lost the use of his speech for some time before his dissolution, but his reason did not forsake him to the last. When his son Charles threw himself upon his knees before the bed and submissively asked forgiveness of all his offences, the duke looked upon him with the most affectionate kindness possible and pressed his hand most tenderly, but was then unable to speak. He was first buried at Bruges where he died, but upon the death of his widow Isabella a few years afterwards, his body was removed to be interred by the side of hers at the Carthusians of Dijon, where those of both his predecessors lay. His character, as given by Pontus Heuterus, is too long for this place; but all historians bear witness to the justice of the following, as drawn by Du Clos in his life of Louis the eleventh. "La crainte que les princes inspirent, ne marque que leur puissance, les respects s'addressent a leur dignité: leur gloire veritable nait de l'estime et de la considération personnelles que l'on a pour eux. Philippe jouissoit de ces précieux avantages: il fut surnommé le bon, titre plus glorieux que tous ceux qui ne sont fondés que sur l'orgueil des princes et le malheur des Hommes. Il aimoit ses peuples autant qu'il en étoit aimè, et satisfaisoit egalement son inclination et son devoir, en faisant leur bonheur: on rendoit à ses vertus les respects dûs à son rang. Son commerce étoit aimable, il étoit sensible au plaisir, aimoit extremement les femmes, et sa cour étoit la plus galante de l'Europe. En rendant justice à la vertu de ce prince, on ne doit pas dissimuler, qu'il s'en écarta quelquefois. Il porta trop loin sa vengeance contre ceux de Dinant; et son ambition, soutenue d'une conduite prudente, lui fit faire plusieurs usurpations." The count de Charolois was the only legitimate offspring that survived him. His illegitimate children were very numerous, and many of the principal families in the low countries were descended from them. Though very munificent and splendid on proper occasions, duke Philip had, by his wise administration, without in the least impoverishing his states, amassed a treasure amounting to 400,000 crowns of gold in money, and 62,000 marks of silver in plate, all which was soon dissipated by his son in his extravagant and unnecessary wars.

Page 361. line 3 from the bottom. Geoffroy de St Belin.] Geoffry de St Belin, Bailli de Chaumont. He was killed in the battle.

Page 362. line 12. Lord de la Barde.] Jean Stuyer, lord de la Barde.

Page 370. line 5. Chancellor Juvenal des Ursins.] The chancellor, succeeded by Pierre de Morvillier who held the seals to the year 1465.

Page 370. line 6. Marshal.] The marshal who was thus displaced appears by Morery's tables to be the famous Saintrailles, and there are two creations of marshals in the same year; 1st John bastard of Armagnac, lord of Gourdon, and count of Cominges, and 2nd Joachim Rouault, lord of Boismenard.

Page 370. line 6. Admiral.] The admiral, the count de Sancerre, succeeded by the lord de Montauban. See before.

Page 370. line 8. Provost of Paris.] John d'Estouteville, lord of Beyne, succeeded by Jacques de Villiers, lord of l'Isle Adam. See afterwards, p. 2. Vol. XI.

Page 376. line 2. Pierre d'Oriole.] Pierre d'Oriole afterwards lord of Loire and chancellor of France in 1472. He was at first mayor of Rochelle and being sent on frequent deputations to king Charles VII. attached himself to the court where he rose through the offices of maitre des Comptes and general des finances to the high dignity of chancellor. He was reckoned the best lawyer in France, and till age impaired his powers, was remarkable for his laboriousness and exactness. But upon his growing remiss with the increase of years, Louis deprived him of his chancellorship and gave him the post of first president of the chamber of accounts which he held with honour till his death in 1483. Du Clos.

Page 376. line 7. Sir Charles de Melun.] Charles de Melun, lord of Nantouillet, lieutenant-general of the kingdom of France, and, in 1465, appointed grand master. He was at first high in his master's confidence and esteem but afterwards became suspected, and was accused by his enemies of treasonable practices and ended his days on a scaffold.

Page 376. line 9. John Balue.] This extraordinary person was born at Angle in Poitou and is reported to have been the son of a miller. Entering into the church he attached himself to the service of Jacques Juvenal des Ursins, bishop of Poitiers, who had so much confidence in him that he made him his executor, an office in which it is suspected he found means to enrich himself considerably. He afterwards dealt very largely in simoniacal contracts while under the patronage of Jean de Beauveau bishop of Angers whom he followed to Rome in 1462. On his return, he attached himself to the court, where the penetration of the king soon found out his uncommon abilities and advanced him to the rank of a counsellor of parliament. He had also the administration of the royal charities, and is called by historians, but improperly, grand almoner of France, an office which was first created by Charles the 8th. Of his subsequent life several particulars will appear in the course of this history and many more may be seen in Du Clos.