The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, by Enguerrand de Monstrelet

FOOTNOTES:

[35] Ballenier,—a corsair—privateer. Du Cange, Gloss.

The king, on his arrival at Rouen, summoned those of Tournay, and of all the towns regained on the Somme, to appear before him; and all of them sent deputies, excepting Cambray. He harangued them, by the mouth of his chancellor, on the reports that were current every where, through the territories of Burgundy, and which had vexed him exceedingly, that he had sent the bastard de Reubempré to Holland, to seize the count de Charolois and bring him to him, for which there was not any foundation. True it was, that the duke of Brittany was not so obedient to him as he ought to have been, and had sent his vice-chancellor to England, to form an alliance with his ancient enemies the English, which he should not have done without his permission; and for this reason he had sent the bastard de Reubempré into Holland, to seize the vice-chancellor of Brittany (if it could be done) as he was returning from England through Holland.

He added, that a preacher had publicly declared from the pulpit at Bruges, where Christians assemble from all parts of the world, that he had purposely sent the said bastard to lay hands on the said count, a thing he had never once thought of, and it was his intention to punish most severely all who should spread tales so disgraceful to his honour.

The chancellor concluded by telling them, that the king had thus called them together, to inform them, that he had appointed the count de Nevers his lieutenant and captain-general of all the lately-regained countries, as far as the river Loire, to oppose his ancient enemies, should they make any attempts to invade his kingdom, commanding them, at the same time, to yield obedience to the count de Nevers, as to his own proper person. After this harangue, the deputies returned home again.

The count de Charolois, accompanied by four score or a hundred knights and gentlemen, and fully six hundred horse, arrived at Lille on the 4th of November, which caused great joy throughout that town, and the children sang carols in all the streets. On dismounting, he waited on his father, who received him with much pleasure. The next day came to Lille, the count d'Eu, the chancellor of France, and the archbishop of Narbonne, as ambassadors from the king of France, with a noble company of attendants.[36]

The day following, they had an audience of the duke, to whom, in the presence of the count de Charolois, the chancellor displayed their commission from the king, to remonstrate with the duke on three subjects:

First, the king demanded to have the bastard de Reubempré, then a prisoner in Holland, given up to him.

Secondly, the king demanded satisfaction for the words that had been uttered to his dishonour, as to the cause of the imprisonment of the said bastard.

Thirdly, that the duke of Burgundy should send to the king a gentleman of the household of the count de Charolois, called Olivier de la Marche, by whom the words aforesaid were first published,—and also the preacher who had uttered the same from his pulpit at Bruges, for him to inflict on them such punishments as their crimes were deserving of.

The chancellor, by way of excusing the king of France for sending the said bastard to Holland, declared that it was done to arrest the vice-chancellor of Brittany on his return from England; and added, that the count de Charolois had greatly offended the king by imprisoning the said bastard, and thus preventing him from fulfilling his orders.

At these words, the count de Charolois fell on his knees before the duke, and besought him to permit him to answer what had been just said, for that it greatly affected his honour; observing, that if it pleased God to keep him in his (the duke's) good favour, there was not a man on earth he feared but him, who was his father and lord, and that he marvelled much why the king was thus pressing him. The chancellor of France then said, that they were not charged by the king to make any reply to the count de Charolois; and the duke told his son to desist from saying more until another time. This command the count obeyed, like a good son, but sore against his will.

The chancellor, continuing his harangue, said, that the king had been greatly surprised that the duke so suddenly left Hêdin, as he had said he would not depart thence until he had spoken with the king, nor without his leave,—and he was wont to be punctual to his word.

The duke allowed the chancellor to finish all he had to say, without further interruption, and then replied, article by article: first, then, as to what was said of his son being suspicious, he said, that, if he was suspicious, he had it not from him, for he had never in his life been doubtful of man or prince whatever; and if he had that character, he had it from his mother, who was ever jealous lest he should love any other woman but her. With regard to giving up the bastard of Reubempré, he would not do it, as he was arrested in Holland, of which he, the duke, was sovereign by sea and land, without acknowledging other lord but God, and in or on that country the king has not the smallest right or claim. The bastard had been imprisoned there for crimes which would be judged in that country, and punished according to its laws. He had been always esteemed of a wicked and loose character, and guilty of murder and other crimes.

Respecting Olivier de la Marche, whom the king would have sent to him, for having first uttered the words the king complains of and the preacher who published them from the pulpit at Bruges,—the duke replied, that the preacher was a churchman whom he would not touch, as it was unbecoming him so to do; and that there be preachers who are neither wise nor prudent, and who go from place to place, so that no one knows where to find them; 'but for my part,' he continued, 'I do not believe that any preacher has preached such language. As to Olivier de la Marche, he is of the household of my son; and I do not think that he has done any thing but what he ought to have done or said: should it be otherwise, I shall make proper inquiries, and punish him according to his deserts.

'With regard to not keeping my word, I will that all the world know that I have never promised any thing by my mouth to any one alive, but what I have kept to the very utmost of my power.' This he said rather in a passion; and then, smiling, he said, 'I never failed in my promises but to the ladies, and wish that you may know it; and tell my lord your king, that when I last took leave of him, I indeed said, that if affairs, or any other matters, did not require my presence elsewhere, I should not quit Hêdin until I saw him again, if he wished it; this, and nothing else, did I promise him. Now at the moment of my setting out, news was brought me of the arrest of the bastard de Reubempré, and of other affairs, that made my departure necessary; but I made no very great haste,—for I only travelled four leagues a day until I came to Lille.'

The chancellor of France then said, that considering the great respect and affection he had always borne to the crown of France, and the marked attention the king had shown by selecting for this embassy his relative, the count d'Eu, and himself, who was chancellor of France, he hoped the bastard of Reubempré would be given up, and begged of the duke to weigh this in his mind.

The duke instantly replied, that, in truth, he had ever exerted himself to pay the king every honour and love; 'but of all the things I have asked,' added he, 'he has not only never granted one, but he has failed to keep the promises he made me. Of the lands which he has regained, he promised me the enjoyment during my life; but no sooner were the payments made than he forgot what he had promised, and deprived me of the enjoyment of them, for which I am not the better.'

At these words, master Pierre de Goux, knight and doctor of laws, advanced, and said aloud to the ambassadors, that all might hear him, 'My lords, the duke, my lord, does not hold all his territories from the king of France: he holds from him, indeed, the duchy of Burgundy, the counties of Flanders and of Artois; but he has many fine dominions out of the kingdom of France,—such as the duchies of Brabant, of Luxembourg, of Lembourg, of Austria, together with the counties of Burgundy, Hainault, Holland, Zealand and Namur, and other countries, which he holds from God alone, although he be not a king.'

The duke interrupted him, and said, 'I will that all who hear may know, that if I had wished it, I might have been a king!' without declaring how, or by what means, and then simply added, that before three days were passed, he would give a more ample answer to the ambassadors. They then departed to their lodgings; but on this day, the duke wrote a letter to the king, and sent it by a pursuivant, who delivered it in person, and brought the duke an answer from the king. The pursuivant was not more than ten days in going and returning,—but what the contents of these letters were I am ignorant.

FOOTNOTES:

[36] This embassy consisted of the count d'Eu, Charles d'Artois, a prince of the blood, who had been twenty-three years prisoner of war in England, Pierre de Morvillier, chancellor of France,—and Anthony du Bec-Crespin, archbishop of Narbonne.

The count de Charolois was only restrained by the presence of his father from using severe language; but when the ambassadors took their leave, he said to the archbishop, who went out the last, 'Recommend me most humbly to the good graces of the king, and tell him that he has had me well dressed by his chancellor,—but that, before a year pass, he shall repent of it!'

It was probably from these intemperate speeches of the chancellor that the war of the public good had its origin.

On the 8th day of November, the French ambassadors were summoned to come into the presence of the duke of Burgundy,—when the count de Charolois, before a great company, coolly replied to the different charges that had been made against him, article by article, without showing the smallest sign of passion or trouble, to the great astonishment of all who heard him,—more particularly to the surprise of the duke, who, on the assembly's breaking up, said to some of his confidential attendants, that he did not imagine his son was so able and so prudent.

The ambassadors returned to France, without having obtained any of the articles they had demanded. They passed through Tournay, Arras, and Amiens,—and in these and all the other towns on their road, they assembled the magistracy, and told them, that the king was much angered at the rumours which had been spread abroad of his intending to seize the count de Charolois, which they affirmed the king had never even thought of, and would have disdained to do it, and that he had assured them of this from his own mouth. If, therefore, those who had industriously circulated such reports should continue their calumnies, the ambassadors ordered the magistrates to lay hands on them, that they might be punished according to the pleasure of the king.

The lords de Torcy and de Moy came, on the 15th November, to Crevecœur, near Cambray, and took possession of the town and castle, by virtue of letters-patent which they produced from king Louis, although, a short time before, he had given it and its dependances to sir Anthony of Burgundy, as an inheritance for himself and his heirs. The captain of the castle made some show of resistance, and collected from sixteen to twenty soldiers,—but he was so talked to by one and the other that he agreed to surrender it. He was, however, carried away a prisoner to the king, and, for some time, was in danger of his life,—but at length he was sent back safe.

About the festival of Christmas, the duke of Burgundy sent a notable embassy to the king of France, consisting of the bishop of Tournay, the lord de Crequy, and other nobles, who waited on the king at Tours in Touraine, where he had assembled the princes and great lords of his realm: the principal of them were the king of Sicily duke of Anjou, the duke of Orleans, the counts de Nevers and de St Pol, with numbers of others.

When they were all met in the king's presence, the king addressed them himself, and said, that he had not assembled them to hurt or distress the duke of Burgundy, which many persons had affected to believe; for he was under greater obligations to the duke than he could express,—and so far from doing him any harm, he wished him all happiness and honour. He had called them to his presence to consider of the conduct of the duke of Brittany, who had told, or written, to the count de Charolois, to the duke of Orleans, to the duke of Bourbon, to the king of Sicily, and to other princes of his realm, that the reason why he, the king, remained so much in Picardy, was to conclude a peace with his ancient enemies the English; and to obtain this he had promised to give them the duchies of Normandy and Guienne, that by their assistance he might conquer and destroy the country of Burgundy, of Brittany, of the Bourbonnois, of the Orleannois, and the other territories of the princes of his blood and of his kingdom.

The king affirmed on his oath, that he never thought of such things,—and that if he had, he was unworthy to wear a crown, or to be a king. The reason of his remaining in Picardy was because the duke of Burgundy had an intention to undertake an expedition against the Turk; and on that account he had indeed attempted to conclude a peace with England, that the duke's territories, during his absence, might continue in peace.

The king then demanded of the princes present, if they believed what the duke of Brittany had written to them: when they unanimously replied, they did not. He then demanded, that they would all assist him with their services against the duke of Brittany, who had so grossly injured him; and they assured him they would do so to the utmost of their power.

On the 3d of January, in this year 1464, died Charles duke of Orleans, about seventy years old, who left a son about three years of age, and a daughter of seven or eight years old. He it was who commenced the civil war in France against John duke of Burgundy, in revenge for the murder of his father, which lasted upward of thirty years, to such great loss and destruction of the kingdom that it would be pitiless to relate it, as it may be seen in the Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet.[37]

This duke of Orleans was made prisoner at the battle of Agincourt, and carried to England, where he remained twenty-five years; and it is supposed that he would never have obtained his liberty, if duke Philip of Burgundy had not ransomed him; he also gave him in marriage his niece, a daughter of the duke of Cleves, by whom he had the two children above mentioned.

On his return to France, he led an exemplary and devout life; and on every Friday throughout the year, he gave thirteen poor persons their dinner, in honour of God: he served them in person at table, before he ate any thing himself, and then washed their feet, in imitation of our Saviour, who washed the feet of his disciples on the day of the Passover.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] 'Il semble par la que Monstrelet nie son auteur de la plûpart de ce qui est contenue au 3me volume.'

MS. note in M. du Cangé's copy.

This proves, however, what has been said in the preface, of nearly all the last volume being by another writer than Monstrelet.

In this year, between Christmas and Easter, Edward king of England, surnamed Long Shanks, one of the handsomest knights of his kingdom, took to wife the daughter of lord Rivers, an English knight of middling rank, who, in his youth, had been sent to France to serve the duchess of Bedford. The duke of Bedford was then regent of France for his nephew king Henry VI. an infant; and his duchess was his second wife, and sister to the count Louis de St Pol,—an exceedingly handsome lady.

After the death of the duke, his widow, following her own inclinations, which were contrary to the wishes of her family, particularly to those of her uncle, the cardinal of Rouen, married the said lord Rivers, reputed the handsomest man that could be seen, who shortly after carried her to England, and never after could return to France for fear of the relatives of this lady. She had several children by lord Rivers,—and among them was a daughter of prodigious beauty, who, by her charms, so captivated king Edward that he married her, to the great discontent of several of the higher nobility, who would, if possible, have prevented the marriage from taking place. But, to satisfy them that the lady's birth was not inferior to theirs, king Edward sent letters to the count de Charolois, to entreat that he would send him some lord of the family of the lady to be present at her wedding.—The count sent him sir James de St Pol, her uncle, grandly accompanied by knights and gentlemen, to the number of more than one hundred horse, who, on their arrival at London, put an end to the murmurings on this marriage, and gave great satisfaction to the king. After the feasts, when they were about to return home, the king presented sir James de St Pol with three hundred nobles; and to each knight and gentleman of his company he gave fifty nobles, beside most handsome entertainment.

It was commonly said at the time, that the count de Charolois had sent so handsome a company of nobles to England to please king Edward, and gain him over to his interests, knowing that the king of France was anxious to form an alliance with Edward to his prejudice, and that the lord de Launoy had been sent by Louis to negotiate a treaty with England. King Edward would not, however, listen to it, and even sent the letters which the lord de Launoy had brought from the king of France to the duke of Burgundy, for his perusal, and likewise wrote to him every thing the lord de Launoy had told him from Louis, which greatly astonished the duke, who from that time became suspicious of the king of France's designs, and of those by whom he was surrounded.

It was also said, that king Edward had charged sir James de St Pol to tell the count de Charolois, that if he wanted men at arms, he would send him as many as he pleased.

In this year, the frost was so severe that wine was not only frozen in the cellars but at table: even some wells were frozen,—and this weather lasted from the 10th of December to the 15th of February. The frost was so sharp for seven or eight days that many persons died in the fields; and the old people said that there had not been so very severe a winter since the year 1407. Much snow also fell; and the rivers Seine and Oise were frozen so that waggons passed over them.

Toward the end of February, sir Anthony and sir Baldwin, bastards of Burgundy, returned from their intended expedition to Turkey. Though there were more than two thousand combatants embarked at Sluys, from four to five hundred died at sea of an epidemical distemper that raged in the fleet. They left their fleet and arms at Marseilles and travelled through Avignon to Burgundy, and thence to Brussels. At this time, also, the bishop of Tournay and the other ambassadors returned from their embassy to France. It was then said, that had they not gone thither, the king was determined to invade the territories of the duke of Burgundy, thinking to have the support of the count de St Pol and the duke of Brittany, but in which he failed.

The duke of Burgundy was now attacked by so severe an illness that every one despaired of his life. The count de Charolois was then at Brussels, but without hope of his father's recovery; and knowing that the lord de Croy and his friends had in their hands the government of the country, and of all its strongest places, and that the lord de Croy had been absent fifteen days with the king of France, he suddenly sent his most confidential friends to Luxembourg, Namur, the Boulonois, Beaumont, Hainault, and other parts, to take instant possession of them, and appoint other governors on whom he could depend. As the physicians gave no hope of the duke's amendment, his son sent orders to all the abbeys and monasteries dependant on him, to offer up their most devout prayers for his restoration to health; and he was so much beloved by his people that their prayers were heard, and he recovered his health. On his recovery, he made his son governor of all his dominions, who instantly dismissed the lord de Quievrain, the duke's second chamberlain, the lord d'Auxi being the first, and appointed the lord d'Aymeries in his room, which displeased the duke so much that he immediately revoked the appointment he had given his son.

The count de Charolois, upon this, called together the great lords of the court, namely, the count de St Pol, sir Anthony his bastard-brother, and the majority of the duke's council, and said to them, 'I will not hide my mind from you,—but wish to tell you now, what I had intended doing before, that you and all my other friends may know that I consider the lord de Croy, his friends and allies, as my mortal enemies.' He then declared his reasons for this opinion, and had the same published throughout all the towns under his father's subjection, by letters, the contents of which shall be hereafter related.

The count, having thus explained himself to his friends, instantly sent three or four knights of his household to the lord de Quievrain, who was first chamberlain in the absence of his uncle, the lord de Croy, ordering him to quit the service of the duke his father as quietly as he could, that his father might not hear of it, nor be troubled thereat. The lord de Quievrain, perplexed at such orders, unwilling to quit so good a situation, and fearing to offend the count de Charolois, followed his own counsel, and went on the morrow morning to the duke, and, throwing himself on his knees, thanked him for all his bounties for the trifling services he had done, and requested his permission to depart, for that the count his son had ordered him to leave the court,—and he was afraid he would not be contented until he was put to death.

The duke, hearing these words, was in a mighty passion, and forbade him to quit his service: then, snatching up a club, he sallied out of his apartment in the greatest rage, saying to his attendants, that he would go and see whether his son would put to death any of his servants. Some of them, however, dreading the consequences of his passion, had the doors closed, and the porter hidden with the keys, so that the duke could not go out, but was forced to wait until the porter was found.

At this moment, his sister, the duchess of Bourbon, accompanied by sir Anthony of Burgundy, and many ladies and damsels, came to him, and remonstrated with him so prudently, that they moderated his anger, and he returned to his apartments. In the mean time, the lord de Quievrain left his house, with only one attendant, as secretly as he could.

The count de Charolois, hearing of his father's anger against him, held daily councils with the duke's chief ministers, to seek the means of appeasing it; and it was concluded, that the count should write letters to all the great towns under the duke's dominion, stating to them his grievances, and the reasons he had for dismissing the lord de Croy and his friends from all the places they had holden under the duke. Similar letters were likewise dispatched to the principal nobles,—and they were ordered to be publicly read, that every one might know the true state of the matter.

'Very dear and well beloved, you know, thanks to God, how long and grandly our lord and father, by the noble virtues inherent in his nature, has exalted the house of Burgundy, of which he is the head, in a much higher degree than it ever was in the memory of man. And although from his great age he has of late been afflicted with illness, to the weakening of his faculties, he has, nevertheless, always endeavoured to preserve his possessions untouched, to maintain his subjects in peace, and to rule them with equity and justice; and we have seen nothing to counteract such happy effects but the fraud and damnable deceptions of the lord de Croy and his friends, who, through an inordinate ambition and insatiable avarice, have attempted to gain to themselves the whole government and the possession of all the strong places so long as our said lord and father should live, and, like ungrateful people, after his decease to ruin and destroy the county, from hatred to us; for ever since we have arrived at years of discretion, they have laboured, to the utmost of their power, by false and wicked reports, that we might incur the anger of our said lord and father, as you and the three estates have been before duly informed, knowing that by such means alone they could succeed in their attempts. They have, likewise, sought other means of destroying us, had it been in their power; for while my lord the king, when dauphin, was in this country, they endeavoured to lay hands on us, and make us their prisoner. This we have been told by the king's own mouth since his coronation, from his love to us,—for which singular affection we hold ourself, and ever shall hold ourself, under the greatest obligations to him.

'Since his majesty's coronation, they have been so much vexed at the favour the king showed us that they have never ceased to intrigue until they had found means to deprive us of his majesty's good graces, and to keep us at a distance from him. By their machinations, the french ambassadors lately, in the presence of our lord and father, made heavy and public accusations against us in the town of Lille, as you may have heard; and the said de Croys have offered their services to the king after the decease of our lord and father, in case he should intend making war on us, which I cannot believe his majesty will do,—for we have not done any thing, nor, please God, will we do any thing, that may induce him to it.

'They have boasted that they would make war on us from the strong places of Bologne, Namur, Luxembourg, and others in their hands, and that they would deliver them up to the power of others than the said duke our father or ourself. These de Croys have, beside, by wicked reports to our great prejudice, incited the king to repurchase the towns and country our said lord had in pledge; and because our said lord made some difficulty in acceding to this plan, because the king required an acquittance for a very large sum, which ought to have been paid at the time of this repurchase, the lord de Croy told him, and caused him to be told, as from the king, that, notwithstanding the repurchase of these said lands, he should remain in the enjoyment of them during his life, which the lord de Croy knew at the same time to be void of foundation, and notoriously contrary to truth.

'The lord de Croy, still further to do mischief to the territories of our said lord and father, has, by himself and friends, strongly aided and supported the pretensions of the count de Nevers, our cousin, against us; and in consequence, the said count has boasted that the king had promised to assist him with four hundred lances, in conjunction with the men of Liege, to invade Brabant after the decease of our said lord and father, and to deprive us of our rights therein.

'To be enabled to do greater harm to us, by giving the count de Nevers further powers, the lord de Croy had made an exchange of the government of the regained country and towns, which had been given him by the king as a reward for his services in that business with our said cousin of Nevers, for a barony in the Rethelois, called Rosay; and it is said that they and their friends had mutually promised, on oath, to assist each other against whoever intended to injure them. Notwithstanding that, very lately, some persons attached to the service of our said lord and father, anxious to make up all the differences between us and the lord de Croy, had waited on us to this purpose, whom we, from our reverence to God our Creator and Author of all peace, and respect to our said lord and father, condescended to grant their desires, without remembering the many injuries and persecutions we had suffered from the said lord de Croy and his friends, and gave them a paper, signed by our own hand, containing in substance, that when the lord de Croy should do us any services, we would hold them for agreeable, and not be ungrateful to him for them,—and that, if, in the performance of such services, he should incur any loss or inconvenience, we would support him against all, in so far as we should be bounden in reason and justice to do,—the lord de Croy, however, paid not any attention to this said paper, but has acted in regard to us, from badly to worse; and when it has been remonstrated to him, that he ought to act differently from what he has done toward us, and that the places he holds under our said lord and father were not his inheritance, he has boldly replied, that they were given to him by my said lord and father, not only for his life, but for the life of his children after him, and it was his intention that they should enjoy them after his decease, even the governments of Namur, Boulogne, and Luxembourg. In fact, he had done all in his power to obtain from our said lord and father a gift of these places, and would have succeeded, had not some of our said father's more faithful counsellors remonstrated with him on the impropriety of such a gift.

'The said lord de Croy, further to trouble the dominions of our said lord and father, has lately attempted to introduce into the castle of Namur a large body of men at arms, under the pretence of defending the place against the men of Liege; but, thanks to God, he failed,—for the good people of Namur, knowing his real intentions, would not suffer it to be done. On finding such opposition to his designs, he went thence to Beaumont in Hainault, where he attempted the same; but the inhabitants behaved in the same loyal manner, and would not permit it to take place.

'On the other hand, he had, a little time before, instigated duke Louis of Bavaria, the count de Valence his son-in-law, and other dependants of the said duke, to appear before the town of Luxembourg with a great army, with a view of becoming masters of that town and castle, and would have succeeded had not proper precautions been taken before their arrival.

'In short, the lord de Croy and his family, forgetful of, and ungrateful for, all the extraordinary honours and wealth they have received from our said lord and father, their lord and sovereign, have done every thing in their power, and still continue their intrigues, to ruin and destroy his country, by causing it and its peaceful and loyal inhabitants to be involved in the calamities of war.

'Having considered all these wicked machinations, and having a sincere love for the loyal people of our said lord, we have provided the surest remedy against the future attempts of the lord de Croy and his family, by taking possession of the towns and castles of Namur, Luxembourg, and Boulogne, which we have intrusted to the guard of valiant and faithful captains, in the name of our said lord, and solely to preserve the poorer ranks from the miseries of war, and for no other purpose whatever. We have, for some days past, supplicated, with the utmost humility, an audience of our said lord and father, that we might declare the aforesaid matters to him, and assure him of our upright intentions in what we have done; but as we have not hitherto been able to obtain an audience, we have assembled before us those of his blood, the knights, esquires, and members of his council, of his household, and of our own, that are at present in this town, to whom we have most fully detailed the matters above mentioned, and our determination to provide, with the aid of God, such remedies as the various cases may require, so that our said lord may enjoy in peace the whole of his dominions, and that they may descend to us unimpaired after his decease. For the preservation of which we are willing to expose our life and fortune, and remain his most loyal and obedient subject, without taking any greater part in the government of his country than he shall be willing to allow us.

'We declared also to this assembly, that to enable us the better to serve our said lord and father as an obedient son should, it was our intention to remain at his palace, and near to his person, without permitting the lord de Croy or any of his family, whom we hold and repute our enemies, to have any longer the government of his household or country, which they have formerly enjoyed: that in regard to the other loyal officers, counsellors, and subjects of our said lord, we consider them as our true and trusty friends, and cherish them as such; and we hope that as they have for some time past displayed their loyal services, they will continue so to do, both in regard to our said lord and father, and to the welfare of his dominions,—and on our part, we intend steadily, and with all our heart, to obey and execute whatsoever our said lord and father shall, after due consideration and counsel, command us, for the good of his country, without, in future, showing any favours to the lord de Croy or to his family, whom, as I have before said, we repute our mortal enemies; and we further requested the said assembly to assist us in the preservation and defence of the dominions of our said lord from the smallest depredation or infringement; which request the whole assembly liberally and unanimously complied with and granted.

'Since these things took place, the lord de Quievrain, nephew to the lord de Croy, has quitted this town, which has much displeased our said lord and father, and greatly angered him against us; but by the good pleasure of God, and the prudent remonstrances of his good and loyal counsellors, we hope that his anger will soon be appeased.

'Of all these matters, very dear and well beloved, we inform you by these presents, as our true and loyal friends, to whom we wish to lay open the secrets of our heart; and that you may be truly informed how things have happened, most earnestly requesting of you that you do not afford any assistance to, or receive, the said lord de Croy, his family or friends, but treat them as the enemies of our said lord and father and of ourself. We beg that you will not give ear to reports or letters that may be made or delivered contrary to the above statement, for we are most desirous of serving, honouring, and obeying, with our whole heart, our said lord and father, in every possible way, as we are bounden to do, and as we have hitherto done,—nor shall he ever have, if it so please God, any cause of reasonable complaint against us. Therefore, without the smallest attempt against his person, or to encroach on his government, we shall employ our whole life, honour, and fortune, for his safety, security, and prosperity, and for the welfare of his country and subjects, against all who shall, at any time, presume to molest, or any way aggrieve, him or them. We therefore entreat and request you most cordially to join in aiding and supporting us in these measures, should there be occasion, for we have the fullest confidence in you. Very dear and well beloved, may the Holy Spirit have you in his good keeping.

'Written at Brussels the 22d day of March, in the year 1464,' and signed 'Charolois.'

'The superscription on these letters was, 'By order of the count de Charolois, lord of Château Belin and of Bethune.'

In the beginning of March, in the year 1464, Charles duke of Berry, only brother to the king, and about twenty-eight years old, whom the king kept near his person in a simpler estate than he wished, and much inferior to what he had enjoyed during the life of their father, pretended one day to go to hunt, while his brother was absent on a pilgrimage near Poitiers: instead of which, the duke rose very early in the morning, and, attended by only nine or ten persons, set out with all possible speed to seek an asylum with the duke of Brittany. They broke down all the bridges they crossed, that, if they should be pursued, they might not be overtaken.

It was said at the time, that the two dukes of Berry and Brittany had formed an alliance with the dukes of Bourbon and Calabria, the count de Charolois, and other princes of France, against the king, should he attempt to molest any of them,—for the king was obstinately bent upon executing his own designs, which appeared to many strange and unreasonable.

The king was extremely mortified to find that his brother had so suddenly departed, and sent in haste to all the principal towns and castles, to put them on their guard, and commanding them to keep a good look-out. In addition to this, he took off certain tolls and taxes which the regained towns on the Somme were accustomed to pay, the more effectually to obtain their loves and services.

In this week, which was the first of March, the count de Dammartin, whom the king detained prisoner in the bastile at Paris, found means to make a hole in the wall of one of the towers, through which he escaped to a boat that was waiting for him in the moat, and rowed to the opposite bank, where were horses ready, and, having instantly mounted, made all possible haste to escape into Brittany.

In this same week, the lord de Roubais, by orders from the count de Charolois, went with a body of men at arms to seize the town and castle of Launoy, thinking to take the lord thereof at the same time. The lord de Launoy was then governor of Lille, bailiff of Amiens, and nephew to the lord de Croy; but they neither found him, nor his wife or children,—for having had information of what was intended, he had quitted the place with his family and most valuable effects, and saved himself in the city of Tournay, two leagues distant from his house.

At the same time, the abbot of Havons was arrested, by orders from the count de Charolois, together with one called Pierrechon, the servant and master of the wardrobe to the lord de Croy, and one in whom he had the greatest confidence: they were detained prisoners a long time.

Soon afterward, the count de Charolois made a present of the town and castle of Launoy to James de St Pol, brother to the count de St Pol: in which castle were provisions for the garrison, consisting of six score salted bacons, great abundance of flour, corn and oats, and also a new mill for the grinding of them.

In the month of March, the duke of Berry sent a letter from Nantes to the duke of Burgundy, dated the 15th of that month, of the following tenour:

'Very dear and most beloved uncle, I commend myself to you by all possible means; and may it please you to know that, for some time past, I have, with sorrow, heard the clamours of the greater part of the princes of our blood, and of the nobles of the kingdom, on the wretched state of the government of France, owing to the advice and counsels of those wicked persons by whom my lord and sovereign is surrounded, who, for their own profit, and disorderly ambition, have not only caused a hatred and coolness between my lord and you and me, but also have estranged him from the friendship of the kings of Scotland and Castille, whose alliance with the crown of France has been of so long a date, as is well known to every one.

'I shall not here mention how the affairs of the church, and of justice, have been administered, nor how the nobles have been maintained in their rights and usages, or the poorer ranks guarded from oppression, as I know that you are well informed as to such matters, and as they are so very disagreeable for me to dwell upon, from the nearness of my connexion with my said lord. Wishing, however, to profit from your counsel, and that of those other princes and nobles who have offered me their fullest support in providing a remedy for such crying abuses, and also to escape from personal danger, for I had daily heard such conversations between my lord and his ministers as gave me cause of suspicion, I departed from my lord's court, and have taken refuge with my fair cousin of Brittany, who has given me a reception for which I never can enough praise him, and has promised to support me personally, and with all his powers, for the welfare of the kingdom, and the public good.

'It is, therefore, very dear and beloved uncle, my intention to act with you and the other lords my relatives, whose counsels I shall follow, and none others, for the restoring of this desolated kingdom; for I know you are one of the greatest of its princes,—and in its welfare you are more concerned, as the dean of the peerage, and a prince of such high renown, and who has been so highly displeased with the present disorders in the government. I wish, therefore, that you and my other relatives would assemble to consult on the surest means of bringing about a reformation of the abuses and grievances that exist in every branch of the government, to the relief of the poor people, who are unable longer to bear their burdens, and of restoring order in the better administration of justice and the finances, to the great happiness of the realm, and to the eternal honour of those who shall, with God's pleasure, so usefully employ themselves.

'I, therefore, very dear and beloved uncle, entreat, that, for so good a purpose, you would give me your support and assistance, and employ also my fair brother Charolois, your son, in my aid, as I have been always confident in your friendship,—and that we may speedily meet is my most earnest wish. It is my meaning shortly to enter France, and take the field accompanied by the other princes and nobles who have promised me their assistance: I shall, therefore, beg, that you would, as speedily as may be, raise as large a force as possible to enter France on your side; and should you be unable personally to accompany it, I shall hope that you will send it under the command of the count de Charolois. At the same time, you will depute to me some of your most confidential counsellors, with whom I may advise, in conjunction with the other princes, as to what may be done for the public welfare, and by whom you may have information of my good and just intentions; for I am determined to regulate my conduct after the advice of yourself and the other princes and lords.

'Whatever the count de Charolois shall recommend, in your absence, for the general good, you may be assured that I will support him in, and maintain to my latest breath.

'Very dear and beloved, let me know at all times whatever you may wish to have done, and it shall be accomplished with my whole heart.—I pray God that he may grant you a long life, and accomplish all your desires.

'Written at Nantes, the 15th day of March.' Signed, 'Your nephew, Charles.' The address was, 'To my uncle the duke of Burgundy.'

About this time, James de St Pol returned from England, whither he had been sent by the count de Charolois, as well to do honour to king Edward's marriage as to negotiate for his assistance against the king of France, should there be occasion, or at least to prevent him from being engaged against him; for the king of France had before sent the lord de Launoy to conclude a treaty with king Edward, to the prejudice of the count de Charolois. The king of England, however, would not listen to it, and had even transmitted to the duke of Burgundy the king of France's proposals, which greatly astonished the duke, as well in regard to their contents as that the lord de Launoy had been the bearer of them.

On the 8th day of April, in this year, was a conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter, whence the learned foretold that great miseries would befal the world.

In the month of March, of this year, the king of France sent letters, signed with his hand, to the duke of Bourbon, containing in substance, that his brother, the duke of Berry, had left him, and gone to Brittany without his consent or knowledge. He then added, that, all excuses being laid aside, he commanded him to come to his presence instantly after his letter had been read, and to put faith in whatever Josselin du Boys should tell him now on his part, and to collect immediately one hundred lances, ready to march at a moment's notice.

The duke of Bourbon having read this letter, and heard what Josselin du Boys had to say, wrote an answer to the king, in which he repeated what the king had written to him, and thanked him for the great confidence he had placed in him. He then adverted to the grievances and unjust acts the princes of his blood had witnessed throughout the realm, concerning which the king had received many complaints and remonstrances, as they were nearly affected by them, but without obtaining any redress, by reason of the obstructions of those who surrounded his majesty.

The princes, therefore, seeing that their complaints and remonstrances were not attended to, and that no remedy was thought of for the redress of grievances, had formed a strict alliance by oaths and written agreements, mutually exchanged with each other, to provide such a remedy for these grievances as had not taken place since his majesty's coming to the throne, so that it should redound to the honour of the crown, the utility of the public welfare, and to the eternal glory of them who undertook such wholesome measures.

The duke added, that, after what he had said, it was unnecessary for him to wait on him, as he was engaged, with the other princes of the blood, in promoting the redress of the grievances they had so repeatedly complained of, since he had neglected to do it himself,—begging to be held excused for not coming to him, and expressly declaring that he was of the union with the princes, for the welfare of his majesty and of his kingdom. He besought him, for the honour of God, that he would himself redress these grievances, to avoid the great evils that might otherwise ensue to his kingdom. He concluded by saying, that this union had not been formed against his person, or against the good of the realm, but solely to restore the government to order, for his honour, the welfare of the kingdom, and for the relief of the poor people, which are objects of great praise, and which require immediate attention. This letter was dated Moulins, the 14th day of March.

When the king had received and read this letter, which fully explained the intentions of the confederated princes, he caused letters to be published throughout his realm, containing, in substance, that some persons, excited by wicked hopes and damnable purposes, and not having any regard to the honour of God, or the feelings of a loyal conscience, had formed a conspiracy against him and against the welfare of his realm, being desirous of interrupting the present peace and harmony. For this end they had incited and suborned his brother, the duke of Berry, who was but young in years, and not aware of their evil designs, to separate himself from his care and government; and, the better to succeed, they have most industriously spread abroad reports that he intended to lay hands on, and imprison, his said brother, even the thought of which had never entered his mind. They have formed an alliance under pretext of the public welfare, although they are endeavouring, by every sort of perjury and seduction, to throw the whole kingdom into confusion and trouble, and are to afford an opportunity for our ancient enemies the English to invade our realm, and recommence, by a ruinous warfare, mischiefs similar to those which we have so lately seen put an end to.

These rebels to the king and his crown suspecting that, from their outrageous acts, the king would never pardon them, although they have not required it, prepare for war to maintain their damnable projects by force of arms. The king, nevertheless, assures, by these presents, that all princes, prelates, nobles, or others forming part of this said confederation, who shall quit the same, and return to the king within one month or six weeks from the date hereof, shall be most kindly received, and fully pardoned for all their offences; and their effects shall be restored to such as may, for the above cause, have had them confiscated. The king orders, by these presents, all his governors, judges, officers, and others, to cause this his gracious intention of pardon to be publicly proclaimed within their jurisdictions, and to receive all to favour who shall return and demand it within the aforesaid specified period of one month or six weeks from the date hereof. This letter was given at Thouars, under the great seal of the king, the 16th day of March, in the year 1464.

On this same day, the count de Nevers, lieutenant for the king of all the country between the Somme and the Oise, issued a proclamation throughout those parts, containing the same in substance as the letter of the king, ordering them to keep up a good guard, as otherwise they would answer for it at their peril. He also assembled the vassals of the crown, and put them in a situation to serve the king, under arms, when called upon: he likewise caused proclamation to be made, that all persons who had usually borne arms should keep themselves in readiness for the king's service when ordered, under the accustomed penalties. These proclamations were dated at Mezieres on the Meuse, the 16th day of March, in the year aforesaid.

The count de Charolois also wrote letters to the governor, mayor, and sheriffs of Arras, to say, that he had heard the lord de Croy and his friends were collecting a considerable force, and intended marching it away from the territories of the duke his father, and that they were united with his cousin, the count de Nevers, in their plans to invade and lay waste the said country: to both of which schemes he was determined to apply a remedy, and for this purpose now ordered them to have it publicly proclaimed within their districts, that no persons whatever should join or assist the said lord de Croy, or his said cousin of Nevers, without the express permission of himself, or of the said duke his father, under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of effects. These letters were dated the 25th of March, in the above-mentioned year.

On Good Friday, a learned friar preached an excellent sermon before the duke of Burgundy and his household, at Brussels, on the blessings of mercy and pity, in order to induce the duke to pardon his son, the count de Charolois, for having offended him, which hitherto he had not been inclined to do. When the sermon was ended, several knights of the Golden Fleece approached the duke, and humbly entreated him, that, in consequence of the able discourse and reasoning of the preacher, he would pardon his son for having offended him,—so that on the morrow, Easter-eve, the count de Charolois came to his father about noon, and, falling on his knee, said in substance as follows: 'My most redoubted lord and father, I beseech you, in honour of the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you would be pleased to forgive my having displeased you. What I did was for the preservation of my life, and of your dominions, as I will more fully detail hereafter.' Much more he said, to the edification and satisfaction of all who heard him.

The duke took hold of him by the elbow, and, looking him full in the face, said, 'Charles, my son, for all that you may have done to displease me to this day, I freely forgive you: be my good son, and I will be to you a good father.' In saying these words, the duke's eyes filled with tears,—and those of the company present were in a like situation, notwithstanding that there were there hardy knights, lords, and others out of number.

When the feasts of Easter were over, which commenced the year 1465, the duke ordered the three estates of his country to assemble at Brussels the 24th of April; and when they were met, he bade the bishop of Tournay read to them the letter he had received from the duke of Berry. He then told them, that it was his intention to raise the largest army he had ever done, to assist the duke of Berry, and that he should give the command of it to the count de Charolois, his son, who would require that it should be in readiness to march on the 8th day of May. This could not be done without a great expense; and for this purpose he demanded from the county of Artois eighteen thousand francs, and from his other territories sums in proportion to their abilities. The 12th of May was fixed on for the payments, when the county of Artois granted the eighteen thousand francs, and the other countries each according to its extent and wealth.

During this time, the count Louis de St Pol, his three sons, James de St Pol his brother, the lord de Ravenstein, nephew to the duke of Burgundy, the two bastards of Burgundy, sir Anthony de Baudoin, and almost all the knights and nobles, vassals to the duke in Artois, the Boulonnois, Hainault, Flanders, Brabant, Holland and Zealand, made their preparations to accompany the count de Charolois, and were in such numbers that they were estimated at four thousand combatants, consisting of fourteen hundred lances, eight thousand archers, and cross-bowmen, carbineers, and other warriors, not including those who attended the baggage, who were very numerous, each being armed with a leaden mace. In this army were none from Burgundy, as they were to form a separate body until they joined the count. They amounted to upward of six hundred lances, and other troops, under the command of the marshal of Burgundy, the prince of Orange, the lord d'Arqueil, the lords de Chargny, de Toulongeon, and other great barons of that country.

While these preparations were making, John de Longueval, captain of the archers of sir Anthony de Burgundy, having with him a body of troops, went and took possession of the towns of Arleux and Crevecoeur, which the king had formerly given to the bastard, but had since wrested from him.—He summoned the governor of the castle of Crevecoeur to surrender it amicably, or he would take it by storm; and the governor yielded it up, on having his life and fortune spared, and returned to his own country of Normandy. John de Longueval, having performed this exploit, left a sufficient garrison in each for its defence, and then returned to his other companions with the main army.

When the king of France was assured of this great force which the count de Charolois had raised, he dispatched his chancellor to Amiens, and to Abbeville, where he met the counts d'Eu and de Nevers,—and they issued a proclamation, in the king's name, for all who had been accustomed to bear arms to be in readiness to serve him; and every one was forbidden to bear arms, or to serve any other lord than the king, on pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of effects. Notwithstanding this, many of the knights and nobles of that country, who had always been attached to the house of Burgundy, joined the count de Charolois, leaving it to chance how they were to be treated for what they held under the king. There were others who served the king.

The count de Nevers, knowing that he was in the ill graces of the count de Charolois, sent divers messengers to bring about a reconciliation, but to no effect, for they were not admitted to an audience,—which caused many who served the count de Nevers, and were among the principal of his household, to abandon his service, and to withdraw themselves to the count de Charolois, to preserve his favour.

The count de Nevers, seeing himself thus abandoned, sent to entreat the lord de Saveuses to come and speak with him; but he would not comply, although he was requested by the count several times. But the count, having received information that the lord de Saveuses was to pass through Bray sur Somme, went himself to Bray, where he met him, and entered into a long conversation, to prevail on him to think of some means of making up the quarrel between the count de Charolois and him.

This good lord promised willingly to undertake the business, provided that he, the count de Nevers, would not bear arms for either of the parties, and that he would not introduce any men at arms, as a garrison, into Peronne,—and this he promised to perform. Now it happened, that while the count de Nevers was returning from Bray to Amiens, he received intimation from the inhabitants of Peronne, that the count de St Pol had drawn up his forces before that town, and had summoned them to surrender the place to the duke of Burgundy, or to his son, and that they had demanded three days' delay to give their answer. On receiving this intelligence, the count instantly departed from Amiens, in company with Joachim Rohault, marshal of France. These two noblemen had with them one hundred lances and two hundred of the king's archers,—and they entered Peronne, the 15th day of May, with five or six hundred horse.

It was the common report at that time, that the duke of Burgundy had given to his nephew, the count de Nevers, on his marriage, the lands and castlewicks of Peronne, Mondidier, and Roye, to enjoy during his life, or until they were redeemed for thirty-two thousand crowns of gold, or till he should have other lordships of, equal value to these castlewicks. The count maintained, that he held them in perpetuity, by grants from the king and the duke of Burgundy within a short time after he had entered upon them. But the count de Charolois said, that they now no longer belonged to the count de Nevers, he having since then received other and more valuable lordships, namely, the counties of Rethel and Nevers, with other lordships; from which he concluded that the duke, his father, was entitled to have the three before-mentioned castlewicks restored to him,—since, moreover, when his father had given them to the count de Nevers, it was without his consent, who was his only son and heir. The duke of Burgundy maintained, that he had only given these lands until they were redeemed, or until superior or equal lands should fall to the count de Nevers,—and that, if the count had deeds containing different terms, they were drawn up without his signature or seal.

The lord de Saveuses had exerted himself so effectually with the count de Charolois that it was generally believed that the quarrel between him and the count de Nevers would speedily be accommodated; but the intelligence that he had thrown into Peronne a large body of men at arms broke off the whole negotiation.

On the 15th of May, the count de Charolois, hearing that his armies in Flanders and in Burgundy were quite ready to march, took leave of the duke his father at Brussels, who is reported to have thus addressed him: 'My son, act well your part in the business you are going upon, and take care of your health: prefer death to flight; and should you be in danger, you shall not long remain therein, if one hundred thousand more warriors can relieve you.'

The count, on taking his leave, went to lie at Quênoy in Hainault, where two embassies were waiting for him: one from Brittany, and one from the king of France. Of this last, the bishop of Mans, brother to the count de St Pol, was the chief; but they had not any great success,—and that from Brittany was soon dismissed.

On the morrow, the count advanced to Honnecourt, between Crevecœur and St Quentin, where he waited for his artillery, which was astonishingly numerous; for two hundred and twenty-six carriages had passed through Arras, from the castle of Lille, full of bombards, serpentines, crapaudeaux, mortars, and other artillery, besides other carriages with military stores from Brabant and Namur, that passed through Cambray. From Honnecourt, the count went to Roseil, two leagues from Peronne, where he staid some days, with all his army and artillery, from which conduct those in Peronne expected to be besieged,—but he had formed different plans. On the 4th of June, the count moved with his army from Roseil toward Bray sur Somme, when the inhabitants came out to offer him the keys of their town. The count de St Pol and the bastard of Burgundy then crossed the river with their men, and advanced to Neelle in the Vermandois, and made pretence of an instant assault, when it was surrendered, on condition that eight men at arms, who were within it, should depart in safety, with their horses and arms, and that the archers, amounting to about six score, should march away in their doublets or jackets, each with a wand in his hand. The lord de Neelle, however, who was found therein, was detained a prisoner.

The lord de Hautbourdin, bastard to the count de St Pol, marched a body of men at arms and archers to the town of Roye, which they made a similar pretence of attacking; but the inhabitants, fearful of the event, surrendered the place to him for the count de Charolois. On their entrance, they found there the countess of Nevers, to whom they offered neither insult nor injury, but afforded her every facility to retire whither she pleased. A few days after, she went to Compiègne, under the escort of the lord de Ravenstein and five or six hundred combatants.

Those of Mondidier surrendered their town, two or three days after, to the count de Charolois, in which was Hugh de Mailly lord de Boullencourt, a valiant and hardy knight, who had always been attached to the house of Burgundy, and he remained governor of the place with the approbation of the inhabitants,—for this town had ever been of the Burgundy-party.

While these towns were surrendering to the count de Charolois, the count de Nevers, fearing he should be besieged in Peronne, departed thence with Joachim Rohault marshal of France, the lord de Moy, and about two thousand combatants, thinking to enter the city of Noyon; but that was not so soon effected, nor until they had promised that their whole troop should not enter, and that they would not do, or suffer any mischief to be done to the inhabitants. Nevertheless, they all entered, and did mischief enough. It happened, that as some of the townsmen were lowering down the portcullis of the gate, it fell on a man at arms and killed him.

About the 15th of June, the count de Charolois left Roye, to besiege the castle of Beaulieu, a strong place belonging to the lord de Neelle. In the castle was a good garrison, who burnt the best part of the town round the castle, which was a pity, for the castle was afterward so battered by cannon that the garrison were glad to surrender on St John Baptist's day, on having their lives and baggage spared. During this siege, the lord de Hautbourdin found means to cross the Oise with a body of men in boats, and entered the town of Pont St Maixence before the inhabitants knew any thing of his coming. This body was part of the van of the count's army, under the command of the count de St Pol. The count de Charolois was with the main body,—and the bastard of Burgundy commanded the rear.