FOOTNOTES:

[53] Huy,—on the Meuse, 12 miles from Liege.

[54] Patars,—a low-country coin: five are equal to sixpence sterling.—Cotgrave.


CHAP. LIII.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AFTER THE DESTRUCTION OF DINANT, MAKES DISPOSITIONS TO MARCH HIS ARMY INTO THE TERRITORIES OF LIEGE.—SEVERAL TOWNS SURRENDER TO HIM.—A PEACE IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN THEM.

After the destruction of this proud city of Dinant, the duke of Burgundy departed from Bovines, on the first day of September, and returned by the river to Namur, attended by the embassy from Liege, who were pressing for a peace. The whole army passed through Namur, and the bastard of Burgundy quartered his division in the country of Hasbain, two leagues distant from St Tron. The count de Charolois was posted between Tillemont and St Tron. Soon after, the count de St Pol received the surrender of the town of Thuin[55], which had been given him by the duke as a recompence for his not having been at the plunder of Dinant; and this town was saved from pillage by means of a sum of money which the inhabitants had given to the count de St Pol,—and as this place and St Tron had demolished their walls and gates, they both escaped being plundered.

The count de Charolois next advanced to lay siege to Tongres; but as he was told that the inhabitants had all fled, he ordered the army to march for Liege, while his father, the duke, remained at Namur. The count advanced as far as Montenac, four leagues from Liege,—his army and artillery always in order of battle. There, having heard that the Liegeois had issued out, in great numbers, to give him battle, he made preparations to receive them, by forming his army into two wings and a center, and thus waited their coming upwards of three hours. They did come, but sent to demand a truce until ten o'clock the next day, when they promised to comply with whatever he should demand. This satisfied the count, and he consented to a truce for the day, which was the 6th of September.

When this had been settled, the count de St Pol, constable of France, and the bastard of Burgundy advanced, with their men, to observe the situation of the Liegeois, who had come out of their city. They found them posted on the river Gerre,—and intelligence was brought them, that those who had escorted the embassy from Liege were skirmishing with the count's foragers; on which they detached a party of their men, who forced the Liegeois to retreat to their army. Toward evening, the count's army were within sight of the Liegeois, and drew up in order of battle within less than a quarter of a league from them. The constable crossed the river Gerre, to surround them, and ordered a part of his men to dismount; and although it was five o'clock in the evening, they would willingly have attacked the Liegeois,—but the count would not permit it, on account of the truce which he had granted. The whole army was much displeased at his refusal, for they would easily have conquered the enemy without one being able to escape; for they were so surrounded that they could not fly, and they amounted to full two thousand horse, and more than ten thousand foot, as numbers were in an adjoining village, and could not be counted.

A division of the count's army was also posted in the large village of Varennes; and as they would not quit it to join their companions, the count ordered it to be set on fire, which forced them to issue forth, and join their main army, but not without losing their baggage by the fire.

The count's army remained drawn up in order of battle until ten o'clock at night, when each retired to his quarters. On Sunday, the 7th of September, the count formed his army in battle-array at the earliest dawn, and thus remained, without crossing the Gerre, until ten o'clock, when the ambassadors returned, and assured the count that the city of Liege and its dependances were ready to perform every thing the duke his father and himself had demanded.—They required, therefore, peace at his hands; and offered, for the due execution of the treaty, to deliver up to him fifty persons as hostages, whom it should please the duke to select,—namely, thirty-two men for the city of Liege, six for the town of Tongres, six for St Tron, and six for the town of Hessel.[56] This same day, part of the hostages were delivered to the count, who sent them to Judenge[57] to the duke, who had come thither from Namur to combat the Liegeois with his son. Peace was, therefore, again made between the duke and his son and the Liegeois.

By the treaty, they promised to pay six hundred thousand florins of the Rhine in the course of six years,—one hundred thousand annually,—and they delivered the fifty hostages, such as the duke demanded, who were to return home on the first annual payment being made, and were then to be replaced by fifty others. The duke of Burgundy as duke of Brabant, and his successors, the dukes of Brabant, were to be perpetual mainbrugs of Liege, and governors of the whole country, without whose advice and consent the Liegeois were not henceforward to undertake any measures of importance.

The Liegeois, in this treaty, made many other engagements, which I omit to note down, for within a very short time they broke every promise they had made.

At this time, provision was so scarce in the count's army that it was with the greatest difficulty that any could be procured.

On the 8th of September, the day this treaty was signed, the burgundian army arrived to reinforce the count de Charolois, consisting of about four hundred lances, under the command of the lord de Montagu and the marquis de Rothelin. There came also a body of Swiss, of about sixty men; and the city of Antwerp sent three hundred men to assist the duke in his war against the Liegeois.

On the ensuing day, a deputation from the city of Liege waited on the count, and delivered to him the treaty, sealed with the seals of Liege, Tongres, St Tron, Hessel, and the other towns under their jurisdiction. It was then discussed, and settled, that should any of the hostages die within the year, the Liegeois were to replace them with others; and in regard to the interest due to the duke from the sums that were to have been paid, according to the preceding treaty, they offered to pay whatever the duke should be pleased to demand. On the very day of signing this treaty, it was proclaimed throughout the army, that no one should forage or do any mischief to the territories of Liege.

When these things were completed, the count de Charolois issued orders for the return of his army. He came, on the Sunday, before a large village called Chasteler, belonging to the chapter of Liege, whither the inhabitants of Thuin came to solicit pardon, and begged for mercy humbly on their knees. One hundred men were ordered thither to demolish the gates and walls of their town, at the expense of its inhabitants.

At this place, the count disbanded his army, when each went to his home, and the count to Brussels, whither his father, the duke, was returned. They shortly after sent an embassy to England, to negotiate with king Edward: but the subject of their negotiations I do not mention, because I am ignorant of it.[58]

FOOTNOTES:

[55] Thuin,—fourteen miles from Mons.

[56] Hessel,—five miles from Bommel.

[57] Judenge, Judoigne,—an ancient town formerly belonging to the dukes of Brabant: it forms now part of France, in the department of the Dyle, 25 miles from Liege.

[58] This embassy probably respected the marriage of the count de Charolois with Margaret sister to Edward IV. or, perhaps, for the regulations regarding the tilt between the earl Rivers and sir Anthony of Burgundy.


[A.D. 1467.]

CHAP. LIV.

SIR ANTHONY, BASTARD OF BURGUNDY, GOES TO ENGLAND, TO TILT WITH THE LORD SCALES,[59] BROTHER TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND.

Soon after Easter, in the year 1467, sir Anthony, bastard of Burgundy, crossed over to England, to perform a deed of arms against the lord Scales, brother to the queen of England. He went thither handsomely attended by warriors and artillery; for there were reports, which proved true, that there were some pirates on the seas lying in wait to defeat him, under pretence of being Spaniards, although they were French. It happened, that the bastard's men took two of these vessels, richly laden and full of soldiers, which were plundered, and then he arrived safely in England.

He performed his deed of arms greatly to his credit; but it did not last long,—for, as it was done to please the king of England, he would not suffer the combat to continue any time, so that it was rather for amusement.[60]

This was a plentiful year in wine, corn, and fruits, which were all good, and the corn of a quality fit for preservation.

In this year also, the ladies and damsels laid aside their long trains to their gowns, and in lieu of them had deep borders of furs of minever, martin, and others, or of velvet, and various articles of a great breadth. They also wore hoods on their heads of a circular form, half an ell, or three quarters, high, gradually tapering to the top. Some had them not so high, with handkerchiefs wreathed round them, the corners hanging down to the ground. They wore silken girdles of a greater breadth than formerly, with the richest shoes, with golden necklaces much more trimly decked in divers fashions than they were accustomed to wear them.

At the same time, the men wore shorter dresses than usual, so that the form of their buttocks, and of their other parts, was visible, after the fashion in which people were wont to dress monkies, which was a very indecent and impudent thing. The sleeves of their outward dress and jackets were slashed, to show their wide white shirts. Their hair was so long that it covered their eyes and face,—and on their heads they had cloth bonnets of a quarter of an ell in height. Knights and esquires, indifferently, wore the most sumptuous golden chains. Even the varlets had jackets of silk, satin, or velvet; and almost all, especially at the courts of princes, wore peaks at their shoes of a quarter of an ell in length. They had also under their jackets large stuffings[61] at their shoulders, to make them appear broad, which is a very vanity, and, perchance, displeasing to God; and he who was short-dressed to-day, on the morrow had his robe training on the ground. These fashions were so universal that there was not any little gentleman but would ape the nobles and the rich, whether they dressed in long or short robes, never considering the great expense, nor how unbecoming it was to their situation.

FOOTNOTES:

[59] Anthony Widville earl Rivers, lord Scales and Newsels, and lord of the Isle of Wight. This accomplished nobleman, one of the first restorers of learning to this country, was son to sir Richard Widville, by Jacqueline of Luxembourg, widow to the regent duke of Bedford. Caxton printed several of his works.

For further particulars, see Walpole's Noble Authors, last edition, by Park.

[60] The following extract from Dr. Henry's Hist. of England, vol. v. pp. 536, 537, 4to. edit. will place the event of this tournament in a different light.

'The most magnificent of these tournaments was that performed by the bastard of Burgundy and Anthony lord Scales, brother to the queen of England, in Smithfield, A.D. 1467. The king and queen of England spared no expense to do honour to so near a relation,—and Philip duke of Burgundy, the most magnificent prince of that age, was no less profuse in equipping his favourite son. Several months were spent in adjusting the preliminaries of this famous combat, and in performing all the pompous ceremonies prescribed by the laws of chivalry.

'Edward IV. granted a safe conduct, October 29, A.D. 1466, to the bastard of Burgundy earl of La Roche, with a thousand persons in his company, to come into England to perform certain feats of arms with his dearly beloved brother Anthony Widville, lord Scales and Newsels; but so many punctilios were to be settled, by the intervention of heralds, that the tournament did not take place until June 11, A.D. 1467.

'Strong lists having been erected in Smithfield, 120 yards and 10 feet long, 80 yards and 10 feet broad, with fair and costly galleries all around for the accommodation of the king and queen, attended by the lords and ladies of the court, and a prodigious number of lords, knights, and ladies, of England, France, Scotland, and other countries, in their richest dresses.

'The two champions entered the lists, and were conducted to their pavilions. There they underwent the usual searches, and answered the usual questions, and then advanced into the middle of the lists. The first day they ran together with sharp spears, and departed with equal honour. The next day, they tourneyed on horseback. The lord Scales' horse had on his chaffron a long sharp pike of steel,—and as the two champions coped together, the said horse thrust his pike into the nostrils of the bastard's horse, so that, for very pain, he mounted so high that he fell on the one side with his master; and the lord Scales rode about him, with his sword drawn in his hand, till the king commanded the marshal to help up the bastard, who openly said, 'I cannot hold me by the clouds; for though my horse fail me, I will not fail my encounter, companion:' but the king would not suffer them to do any more that day. The next morrow, the two noblemen came into the field on foot, with two pole-axes, and fought valiantly; but, at the last, the point of the pole-axe of the lord Scales happened to enter into the sight of the bastard's helm, and, by fine force, might have plucked him on his knees; but the king suddenly cast down his warder, and then the marshal severed them. The bastard, not content with this chance, required the king, of justice, that he might perform his enterprise. The lord Scales refused not. But the king calling to him the constable and the marshal, with the officer of arms, after consultation had, it was declared, for a sentence definitive, by the duke of Clarence, then constable of England,' (John Tiptoft earl of Worcester was the constable, and not the duke of Clarence: see Rymer) 'and the duke of Norfolk marshal, that if he would go forward with his attempted challenge, he must, by the law of arms, be delivered to his adversary in the same state, and like condition, as he stood when he was taken from him.

'The bastard, hearing this judgment, doubted the sequel of the matter, and so relinquished his challenge.'

See Stowe, &c.

[61] Stuffings,—mahotoitres. See Du Cange. Supplement. 'Maheria.'


CHAP. LV.

THE DEATH AND INTERMENT OF THE NOBLE DUKE PHILIP OF BURGUNDY, AND THE GRAND OBSEQUIES PERFORMED FOR HIM IN THE CHURCH OF SAINT DONNAST IN BRUGES.

On the 12th day of June, in the year 1467, the noble duke Philip of Burgundy was seized with a grievous malady, which continued unabated until Monday, the 15th, when he rendered his soul to God, between nine and ten o'clock at night. When he perceived, on the preceding day, that he was growing worse, he sent for his son, the count de Charolois, then at Ghent, who hastened to him with all speed; and on his arrival, about mid-day of the Monday, at the duke's palace in Bruges, he went instantly to the chamber where the duke lay sick in bed, but found him speechless. He cast himself on his knees at the bedside, and, with many tears, begged his blessing, and that, if he had ever done any thing to offend him, he would pardon him. The confessor, who stood at the bedside, admonished the duke, if he could not speak, at least to show some sign of his good will. At this admonition, the good duke kindly opened his eyes, took his son's hand, and squeezed it tenderly, as a sign of his pardon and his blessing.

The count, like an affectionate child, never quitted the duke's bed until he had given up the ghost. May God, out of his mercy, receive his soul, pardon his transgressions, and admit him into paradise!

The corpse of the noble duke was left all that night on the bed, with a black bonnet on his head, and likewise remained there on the morrow until evening,—so that there was time enough for all who wished it to see him: it was marvellous the great crowds who went thither, and all prayed God to have mercy on his soul.

On Tuesday evening, the body was opened and embalmed, and his heart separated from it. His body and bowels were each put into a well-closed coffin of lead, and placed that night on a bier from five to six feet high, covered to the ground with black velvet, in the chapel of his household, over which bier was a cross of white damask cloth, and at the four corners four thick waxen tapers burning.

Masses were daily celebrated there until noon,—and, about four or five in the afternoon on the following Sunday, the body was carried to Saint Donnast's church in Bruges for interment, until preparations should be made to carry it elsewhere, according to the instructions which he had given when alive. The funeral procession to the church was preceded by sixteen hundred men, in black cloaks emblazoned with the arms of the duke, each with a lighted taper in his hand,—four hundred of whom were of the household, and at the expense of the new duke,—four hundred from the town of Bruges, four hundred from the different trades of that town, and four hundred from the country of the Franc, each at the expense of those who sent them. Between this line of torches walked full nine hundred men, as well nobles as officers and servants of the late duke: among those were the magistrates of Bruges and of the Franc,[62] twenty-two prelates: a bishop from Hybernie[63] was in the number, who chaunted the first mass on the ensuing day. Between the prelates and the body were four kings at arms, with their heads covered, and clothed in their tabards of arms.

The body was borne by twelve knights of name and renown, around whom were the archers of the body of the late duke. It was covered with a pall of black velvet, reaching to the ground, on which was a broad cross of white damask cloth. Over the body was borne a canopy of cloth of gold, on four lances, by the count de Nassau, the earl of Buchan, Baldwin bastard of Burgundy, and the lord de Châlons. Immediately before the body walked the first equerry of the late duke, bearing his sword with the point downward. The chief mourners who followed the body were the new duke Charles, and after him James de Bourbon and Adolphus of Cleves, his two cousins-german,—then the count de Marle, Jacques de Saint Pol, the lord de Roussy, and some others of the great lords of the court.

In the front of all, walked the four mendicant orders of friars, and the clergy of the different parishes in Bruges, in the churches of which the vigils for the dead were that day celebrated, and on the morrow a solemn service for the soul of the deceased.

The body was placed on a bier, in the middle of the choir of the cathedral. It had on it a cloth of gold bordered with damask, and a large cross of white velvet, with four large burning tapers, and was surrounded by upwards of fourteen hundred lesser ones, which caused so great a heat that the windows of the church were obliged to be thrown open.

The whole of the high altar, and the space above it, was hung with black cloth, the reading-desk, both within and without, with black velvet hanging down, emblazoned with the duke's arms: there were also his pennon of arms and his grand banner.

The nave was hung with black cloth, having the top and bottom of black camlet.

When the body was to be let down into the vault, no one can describe the groans, tears, and lamentations that filled the church from the duke's officers, and all present. Indeed all his subjects ought to have bewailed his death, for they had lost a prince, the most renowned for virtue and goodness that was in Christendom! full of honour, liberality, courage, and prudence, with a mind adorned with every generous virtue, who had preserved his countries in peace as well by his own good sense, and the prudence of his counsellors, as by the point of his sword, without personally sparing himself, against any one, however great he might be. He afforded an asylum to those who came to him to seek it, even though they were his enemies, doing good to all, and returning good for evil,—and he never had his equal for modesty. Even those who had never seen him, and who had disliked him for any cause, the moment they were acquainted with him, and knew his liberality, had an attachment and affection to him.

The heart and body of the duke were each put separately in a flat coffin, covered with a bier of irish oak.

On the morrow, the obsequies were performed, when the bishop of Tournay celebrated the mass; after which, he made a brief harangue in praise of the deceased, in order that all present might offer up their prayers for the salvation of his soul, which may God, out of his most gracious mercy, admit into his holy Paradise! Amen.

FOOTNOTES:

[62] The Franc—consists of a number of villages and hamlets separated from the quartier of Bruges, and has a separate jurisdiction.—See La Martiniere.

[63] Hybernie,—an ancient name for Ireland.


CHAP. LVI.

PROLOGUE TO THE CHRONICLES OF THE MOST CHRISTIAN, MOST MAGNIFICENT, MOST VICTORIOUS, AND MOST ILLUSTRIOUS KINGS OF FRANCE, LOUIS XI. OF THE NAME, AND HIS SON CHARLES VIII.[64]

Considering the saying of Seneca, that it is right to follow the ways of our elders and governors, provided they have acted properly,—and remembering the words of the sage, in his proverbs, that right foolish is he who follows Idleness, for, according to Ecclesiasticus, she leads to wickedness,—I have collected, with the utmost diligence, several facts relative to the reigns of those illustrious princes, Louis XI. and Charles VIII. his son, kings of France, that seemed to me worthy of remembrance; together with many marvellous events that happened during their reigns, as well in the kingdom of France as in the duchies of Brittany, Burgundy, Normandy, Savoy and Lorraine,—the counties of Flanders, Artois, and Burgundy; including likewise what may have passed extraordinary in the adjacent countries, and also in the kingdoms of England, Spain, and Sicily, at Rome, in Lombardy, and the duchy of Milan, according to that famous chronicler, eloquent orator, and excellent historian, the late Robert Gaguin,[65] during his lifetime doctor en decret, and general of the order of the Holy Trinity.

I have also collected materials from other sources, and have attentively perused and examined the works of those renowned chroniclers master Jean Froissart and Enguerrand de Monstrelet; which last I have followed in what he has written concerning the acts of some of our kings, to the reign of Louis XI. inclusively,—and, with reverence be it spoken, I have recapitulated some things omitted by him relative to the actions of king Louis, because, peradventure, he had not been truly informed of them, for it is very difficult to acquire a true knowledge of all the gallant and courageous deeds of such magnificent princes as the kings of France.

From these causes, I have deliberately determined (soliciting the aid of an all-powerful God, who can do every thing,) to write and publish several things worthy of remembrance, while I am now in this far-famed and populous town of Paris, not with a view to correct or amend the said Enguerrand de Monstrelet or others, for I do not undertake that charge, but like a faithful and loyal Frenchman, and as such I wish to remain, to avoid idleness, the parent and nurse of iniquity, and to exhibit the acts of our sovereign princes, which ought to be remembered, if done justly and rightly.

There are likewise many who take delight in hearing of the noble deeds, prowess, and marvels that have happened in different parts of the world, that they may take example from them, by following the good, and avoiding the bad, as precedents to be eschewed.

I have, therefore, composed this small work, trifling in regard to the author, but great in regard to the acts and triumphs of princes. I do not, however, wish that it may be styled a Chronicle,—for that would be unbecoming in me, for I have solely written it for an amusement and recreation to readers, praying them humbly to excuse and supply my ignorance by correcting whatever passage shall be found badly written.

Many strange events which I have described have happened in such distant countries that it is difficult for me or for any one else to know the exact truth of the facts I have related: however, without any partiality, I have endeavoured to describe the whole truly, according to the before mentioned authors, and shall begin where Enguerrand de Monstrelet left off, having first recapitulated some parts of his chronicle where there may have been any omissions, until the deaths of the aforesaid kings Louis and Charles.

FOOTNOTES:

[64] See the preface to the first volume, respecting these additions to the Chronicle of Monstrelet.

[65] Robert Gaguin—was born at Amiens, and died at Paris 1501, having been employed in divers embassies by Charles VIII. and Louis XII.—See Moreri, &c.


CHAP. LVII.

SOME RECAPITULATIONS OF THE DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE OF MONTLEHERY BY MONSTRELET,—WITH THE ADDITION OF FACTS WHICH HE HAD OMITTED.

That master chronicler Enguerrand de Monstrelet, having described in his third volume the acts of several kings and gallant knights, concludes his work by relating the death and magnificent funeral of Philip duke of Burgundy, father to duke Charles, lately deceased in the town of Nancy in Lorraine.

In the course of his chronicle, he has given an account of the pompous coronation of king Louis XI. at Rheims, and of his joyous entry into Paris, the capital of France. He afterward amply treated of the war and battle of Montlehery, which he has perhaps spoken of and described with partiality, according to his pleasure and feelings; for I have read, besides what he has related, that at this battle of Montlehery, which was fought on Tuesday the 6th day of July, in the year 1465, the king of France, coming with all haste from beyond Orleans to Paris, halted at early morn at Chastres, under Montlehery, and that having taken scarcely any refreshment, and without waiting for his escort, which was, for its number, the handsomest body of cavalry ever raised in France, he so valiantly attacked the army of the count de Charolois and his Burgundians that he put to the rout the van division. Many of them were slain, and numbers taken prisoners. News of this was speedily carried to Paris, whence issued forth upward of thirty thousand persons, part of whom were well mounted; and in scouring the country they fell in with parties of Burgundians who were flying, and made them prisoners. They defeated also those from the villages of Vanvres, Issi, Sevres, St Cloud, Arcueil, Surennes and others.

At this rencounter, great booty was gained from the Burgundians, so that their loss was estimated at two hundred thousand crowns of gold. After the van had been thus thrown into confusion, the king, not satisfied with this success, but desirous to put an end to the war, without taking any refreshments or repose, attacked the main body of the enemy with his guards and about four hundred lances: but the Burgundians had then rallied, and advanced their artillery, under the command of the count de St Pol, who did on that day the greatest service to the count de Charolois.

The king was hard pressed in his turn, insomuch that at times he was in the utmost personal danger, for he had but few with him, was without artillery, and was always foremost in the heat of the battle; and considering how few his numbers were, he maintained the fight valiantly and with great prowess. It was the common report of the time, that if he had had five hundred more archers on foot, he would have reduced the Burgundians to such a state that nothing more would have been heard of them for some time in war.

The count de Charolois, on this day, lost his whole guard,—and the king also lost the greater part of his. The count was twice made prisoner, by the noble Geoffroy de St Belin and Gilbert de Grassy, but was rescued each time. Towards evening, the Scots carried off the king, that he might take some refreshments; for he was tired and exhausted, having fought the whole of the day without eating or drinking, and led him away quietly, and without noise, to the castle of Montlehery.

Several of the king's army not having seen him thus led off the field, and missing him, thought he was either slain or taken, and took to flight. For this reason, the count du Maine, the lord admiral de Montaulban, the lord de la Barde, and other captains, with seven or eight hundred lances, abandoned the king in this state, and fled, without having struck a blow during the whole of the day. Hence it is notorious, that if all the royal army who were present at this battle had behaved as courageously as their king, they would have gained a lasting victory over the Burgundians,—for the greater part of them were defeated, and put to flight. Many indeed were killed on the king's side, as well as on that of the enemy,—for after the battle was ended, there were found dead on the field three thousand six hundred, whose souls may God receive!

I shall not say more respecting this battle of Montlehery, as related by Monstrelet; for it has been amply detailed by him, although he may have been silent as to the whole truth of it.

I have somewhere read, that, prior to this battle, the Burgundians arrived at the town of St Denis, on a Friday, the 5th day of July, in this same year, and attempted to cross the bridge of St Cloud (as Monstrelet says), but were this time repulsed by the gallant resistance of the nobles and other valiant French. The Burgundians then made an attempt on the following Sunday, the 7th of July, to alarm Paris,—but they gained nothing, for some of their men were slain by the artillery on the walls, and the rest returned in haste to St Denis. The next day they appeared again before the walls of Paris, and some with all their artillery; but before they displayed the whole of their force, they sent four heralds to the four different gates. Over the gate of St Denis, as commanders for the day, were master Pierre l'Orfevre, lord of Ermenonville, and master Jean de Poppincourt, lord of Cercelles, from whom the heralds required provision for their army, and permission for it to march through Paris. These demands they made with haughtiness and menaces; and while the captains were listening to them, and before they could give any answers, the Burgundians (thinking to surprise the parisian guard, and those who were posted at the gates and barriers,) advanced with a great body of men at arms as far as St Ladre and even farther, intending to gain the newly-erected barriers in the suburbs, and in front of that gate,—firing at the same cannons, serpentines, and other artillery; but they were so valiantly resisted by the inhabitants of Paris, and others resident therein, that they were repulsed. Joachim Rohault came in person with his men to this conflict, in which many of the Burgundians were slain and wounded, which caused them to make a precipitate retreat without attempting any thing more. They were afterward drawn up in battle-array before Paris, as has been already related by Enguerrand de Monstrelet.


CHAP. LVIII.

A TRUE ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL EVENTS THAT HAPPENED DURING THE REIGNS OF KING CHARLES VII. AND HIS SON LOUIS XI. WHICH HAVE BEEN OMITTED, OR SLIGHTLY MENTIONED, IN THE CHRONICLE OF ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

In order to make a regular report of many events that happened in France and in the adjoining countries, I shall begin at the year 1460, during the reign of king Charles VII. of France. At the commencement of this year, the rivers Seine and Marne were greatly swelled; and the Marne, near to St Maur des Fossés, rose in one night the height of a man, and did very great damage to all the country round.

This river caused such an inundation at the village of Claye[66] that it swept away a mansion of the bishop of Meaux, which had lately had two handsome towers added to it, with fair apartments, having glass windows and mats, and richly furnished with beds, tapestry, and wainscotting,—all of which the river destroyed and carried away.

An unfortunate accident happened at the same time to the steeple of the church of the abbey of Fêcamp, in Normandy, by lightning striking it and setting it on fire, so that all the bells were completely melted into one mass, which was a heavy loss to that abbey.

At this same time, all France was wondering at the intelligence of a young girl about eighteen years old, doing many wonderful things in the town of Mans. It was said, that she was tormented by the devil, and from this cause she leapt high in the air, screamed, and foamed at the mouth, with many other astonishing gestures, by which she deceived all who came to see her. At length, it was discovered to be a trick of a wicked mad girl, instigated to these follies and devilments by certain officers of the bishop of Mans, who maintained her, and did with her as they pleased, which they wished to conceal, by means of those tricks which they had induced her to play.

I have found, towards the latter end of the chronicle of king Charles VII. by the aforesaid Robert Gaguin, that in consequence of outrages offered to king Henry of England by Richard duke of York and the earl of Warwick, the duke of York was, shortly afterward, put to death on the plains of Saint Alban's, by the duke of Somerset, cousin and friend to the said king Henry, accompanied by others of his relatives and party, (as has been more fully related by Monstrelet) and for this cause the most victorious king Charles VII. had proclaimed, by sound of trumpet, on the 3d of February, in this same year, at Rouen, and throughout the towns on the seacoast of Normandy, his will and pleasure that all Englishmen, of whatever rank, dress, or numbers, of the party of king Henry of England and of queen Margaret, should be suffered to land without any molestation or hinderance, without the necessity of their having any passports from him, and that they should be allowed thenceforward to remain peaceably in his kingdom so long as they should please.

This conduct shows the great courtesy and liberality of Charles VII.; for he offered the free entrance into his kingdom to that king Henry, and to his adherents, who had oftentimes done all in his power to annoy him, as his most mortal enemy.

On Tuesday the 21st day of July, in the year 1461, and on the day preceding the death of king Charles VII. a very bright comet was seen traversing the firmament, which, according to some, was a sign of the death of so great a prince, and of other great events that were to happen.

Wednesday the 22d, the feast of the glorious virgin Mary, king Charles departed this life, about two hours after mid-day, at the town of Mehun sur Yevre. I pray, therefore, devoutly to God, that his soul may repose in the blessed regions of Heaven; for he had ever been a prudent and valiant prince, and left his kingdom, free from all external enemies, in peace, with justice restored to his subjects.

But his death, and noble interment in the church of St Denis, has been already described by Enguerrand de Monstrelet, who also speaks of the coronation of king Louis XI. at Rheims, and of his joyous entry into Paris, and the feasts celebrated on the occasion.

But I find in another chronicle of king Louis what has been omitted by Monstrelet, that the said king when making his entry, on the last day of August, passed over the Pont-aux-Changes, whereon were represented many pageants,—and it was hung all over. At the moment the king passed, two hundred dozen of birds, of all descriptions, were let fly, which the bird-catchers of Paris are bounden by charter to do on such occasions; for it is on this bridge that on feast-days they have their market for the sale of all sorts of singing birds, and others, according to their pleasure.

All the streets through which the new king passed were hung with tapestries. He went to the church of Nôtre Dame, to perform his devotions, and thence returned to sup and lodge at his royal palace, as is customary, and which has been before related.

On the morrow, the first of September, the king quitted the palace, and fixed his lodgings at his hôtel of the Tournelles, where he resided for some time. While there, he made many new regulations for the better government of his kingdom, and displaced several from their offices,—such as the chancellor Juvenal des Ursins, the marshal and admiral of France, the first president of the parliament of Paris, the provost of Paris, and many others,—and in their places appointed others. He also dismissed some of the masters of requests, secretaries, counsellors, and clerks of the treasury, of the court of parliament, of the chamber of accounts, and from the treasury and mint, replacing them with new ones.

The 3d of September in this year, king Louis, with some of his nobles and gentlemen of his household, supped at the hôtel of master William Corbie, then counsellor in his court of parliament, but whom he created first president of his parliament of Dauphiny. At this entertainment were present many notable damsels and citizens' wives of Paris.

During the king's stay at Paris, he partook of several entertainments, in divers hôtels of that city, with the utmost good humour. Having taken handsome leave of that town, he departed for Amboise, as has been already told in the chronicles of Monstrelet, who speaks at great length of the actions of Philip duke of Burgundy and of his son the count de Charolois.

In the year 1460, nothing memorable happened, that deserved being noticed in any of the chronicles. The ensuing year was, I find, very productive in wines of a good quality in different countries: as for other matters relating to princes, they have been fully detailed in the chronicles before mentioned.