I have already said that I was happy at the Hope; but how was my felicity augmented, when Mr. and Mrs. Lolkens came to visit me one evening, and not only gave me the address of Messrs. Passalage and Son at Amsterdam, the new proprietors of my Mulatto, but even desired me to take her to the Hope, where she would be more agreeably situated than either at Fauconberg or Paramaribo. This desire was unquestionably most readily complied with by me; and I immediately set my slaves to work, to build a house of manicole-trees for her reception.

In the mean time I wrote the following letter to Messrs. Passalage and Son.

“Gentlemen,

“Being informed by Mr. Lolkens, the administrator of the estate Fauconberg, that you are the present proprietors; and being under great obligations to one of your Mulatto slaves named Joanna, who is the daughter [312]of the late Mr. Kruythoff, particularly for having attended me during sickness; I in gratitude request of you, who are her masters, to let me purchase her liberty without delay: which favour shall be ever thankfully acknowledged, and the money for her ransom immediately paid, by

Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
John Gabriel Stedman,
Captain in Colonel Fourgeoud’s
Corps of Marines.”

This letter was accompanied by another from my friend Lolkens, who much cheared my prospects by the assurance of success.

Having dispatched these letters to Holland, I had now the opportunity of observing the whole process of a sugar-plantation; of which I shall endeavour to give an accurate description.

The buildings usually consist of an elegant dwelling-house for the planter, outhouses for the overseer and book-keeper, besides a carpenter’s lodge, kitchens, store-houses, and stables, if the sugar-mills be wrought by horses or mules; but on the Hope these are not requisite, as the wheels move by water, stored in canals during the spring-tide by means of sluices, which being opened at low water pour out like a deluge, and set the machinery in motion. A sugar-mill is built at the expence [313]of four thousand, nay sometimes seven or eight thousand pounds.

A particular description of its construction might be too tedious. I shall only observe, that the large water-wheel moves perpendicularly, and corresponds with another large wheel placed in an horizontal direction, and this again acts upon three cylinders or rollers of cast-iron, supported underneath by a strong beam, so close together that when the whole is in motion, they draw in and squeeze as thin as paper, whatever comes between them. In this manner the sugar-cane is bruised, to separate the juice or liquor from the trash.

Those mills that are wrought by cattle are constructed, upon the same principles, only the horses or mules answer the purpose of the horizontal wheel, by dragging round a large lever. If the water-mills work the fastest, and be the cheapest, yet as they must wait for the tides, they can only work part of the day; whereas the cattle-mills are always ready whenever the proprietor finds it convenient to use them. Adjoining to the mill-house is a large apartment, also built of brick, in which are fixed the coppers or large cauldrons to boil the liquid sugar. These are usually five in number; opposite to these are the coolers, which are large square flat-bottomed wooden vessels, into which the sugar is put from the cauldrons to cool before it is put into hogsheads, which are placed near the coolers upon strong channeled rafters, that receive [314]the melasses as it drops from the sugar, and convey it into a square cistern placed underneath to receive it. The distillery joins this apartment, where the dross or scum of the boiling sugar is converted into a kind of rum, mentioned before, and known by the name of kill-devil. Every estate in Surinam keeps a tent-boat and several other craft, for the conveyance of their produce; they have also a covered dock, to keep them dry and repair them.

The sugar estates in this colony contain five or six hundred acres; the parts for cultivation being divided into squares, where pieces of cane, about one foot long, are stuck into the ground in an oblique position, in rows straight and parallel. They usually plant them in the rainy season, when the earth is well soaked and rich. The shoots that spring from these joints are about twelve or sixteen months in arriving at maturity, when they become yellow, and of the thickness of a German flute, and from six to ten feet in height, and jointed, forming a very beautiful appearance, with pale green leaves like those of a leek, but longer and denticulated, and which hang down as the crop becomes ready for cutting. The principal business of the slaves during the growth of the canes is pulling up the weeds, which would otherwise impoverish them.

Some sugar estates have above four hundred slaves. The expence of purchasing these, and erecting the buildings, [315]frequently amounts to twenty or five-and-twenty thousand pounds sterling, exclusive of the value of the ground.

But to give the reader a clearer idea of the sugar-cane, which is supposed to be a native of Guiana, I refer him to the annexed plate, where he may view it in the different stages, though on a smaller scale than nature; A being its first appearance above the ground; B the cane come to half maturity; C the same with drooping leaves, when fully ripe; D a piece cut off at one end, and broken off at the other.

We shall now examine its progress through the mill: here it is bruised between the three cylinders or rollers through which it passes twice, once it enters, and once it returns, when it is changed to trash, and its pithy substance into liquid, which is conducted as extracted, through a grooved beam, from the mill to the boiling-house, where it is received into a kind of wooden cistern.

So very dangerous is the work of those negroes who attend the rollers, that should one of their fingers be caught between them, which frequently happens through inadvertency, the whole arm is instantly shattered to pieces, if not part of the body. A hatchet is generally kept ready to chop off the limb, before the working of the mill can be stopped. Another danger is, that should a poor slave dare to taste that sugar which he produces by the sweat of his brow, he runs the risk of receiving [316]some hundred lashes, or having all his teeth knocked out by the overseer.—Such are the hardships and dangers to which the sugar-making negroes are exposed.

From the above wooden cistern the liquor is let into the first copper cauldron, filtering through a grating to keep back the trash that may have escaped from the mill; here, having boiled some time, and been scummed, it is put into the next cauldron, and so on till in the fifth or last it is brought to a proper thickness or consistency to be admitted into the coolers: a few pounds of lime and allum are thrown into the cauldrons to make it granulate; thus it is boiled gradually stronger and stronger, until it reaches the last cauldron. When it is put into the wooden coolers the sugar is well stirred, and scattered equally throughout the vessels; when cold it has a frozen appearance, being candied, of a brown glazed consistency, not unlike pieces of high polished walnut-tree. From the coolers it is put into the hogsheads, which, upon an average, will hold one thousand pounds weight of sugar; there it settles, and through the crevices and small holes made in the bottoms it is purged of all its liquid contents, which are called melasses, and, as I have said, are received in an under-ground cistern. This is the last operation, after which the sugar is fit for exportation to Europe, where it is refined and cast into loaves. I shall only farther observe, that the larger the grain the better the sugar, and that no soil can be more proper for its cultivation than Guiana, the richness of which is inexhaustible, [317]and produces upon an average three or four hogsheads per acre. In 1771, no less than twenty-four thousand hogsheads were exported to Amsterdam and Rotterdam only, which, valued at six pounds per hogshead, though it has sometimes sold for double, returned a sum of near one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, besides the vast quantity of melasses and kill-devil; the first computed at seven thousand hogsheads, and sold to the North Americans for twenty-five thousand pounds; the second, which is distilled in Surinam, and used chiefly by the negroes, valued at as much more, which produces no less than two hundred thousand pounds per annum1.

The kill-devil is also drank by some of the planters, but too much by the common soldiers and sailors, and, when new, acts as a slow pernicious poison upon an European constitution. On the contrary, it never hurts the negroes, but is even necessary and wholesome, especially in the rainy seasons, when they are sometimes indulged with a single dram per day by their masters, though this custom is far from being general. There is no part of this salutary plant useless; the chaff refuse, and leaves of the cane, being used for manure and fuel. All the estates are closely surrounded by the uncultivated forest, whence the herds of wild deer often commit very great ravages, when the pieces being surrounded by [318]armed negroes, and dogs set in to disperse them, they are frequently shot. From what I have said upon this subject alone, the reader may form an idea of the riches with which this country abounds; which, nevertheless, did not seem to stimulate its enemies during the late war to attempt the possession of it: but I must say, I doubt whether Surinam, in the hands of any other nation than the Dutch, would not cease to be of its present consequence, the Hollanders being indisputably the most patient, persevering, industrious people that inhabit the globe.

Notwithstanding, however, the immense wealth that the West Indies in general afford, it will ever be my opinion that the Europeans might live as comfortably, if not more healthily, without them; the want of sugar, coffee, cotton, cacao, indigo, rum, and Brazil wood, might be amply supplied by honey, milk, wool, Geneva, ale, English herbs, British oak, &c.

And now once more to resume my narrative:—I have already mentioned that my slaves were employed in preparing an house for the reception of my best friend, which was about six days in completing. It consisted of a parlour, which also served for a dining-room; a bed-chamber, where I also stowed my baggage; a piazza or shed to sit under before the door; a small kitchen detached from the house, and a poultry-house, the whole situated on a spot by itself, commanding an enchanting prospect on every side, and surrounded with paling to keep off the [319]cattle. My tables, stools, and benches, being all composed of manicole boards, the doors and windows were guarded with ingenious wooden locks and keys, that were presented me by a negro, and were the work of his own hands. My house being thus far finished and furnished, my next care was to lay in a stock of provisions from Paramaribo, viz. a barrel of flour, another of salted mackarel, which in this country are delicious, they are imported from North America; hams, pickled sausages, Boston biscuit; also wine, Jamaica rum, tea, sugar, a box of spermaceti candles; also two charming foreign sheep and a hog, sent me by Mr. Kennedy from his estate Vriedyk, besides two dozen of fine fowls and ducks presented me by Lucretia, my Joanna’s aunt; while fruit, vegetables, fish, and venison, flowed upon me from every quarter as usual.

On the 1st of April 1774, Joanna came down the river in the Fauconberg tent-boat, rowed by eight negroes, and arrived at the Hope: I communicated to her immediately the contents of my letter to Holland, which she received with that gratitude and modesty in her looks which spoke more forcibly than any reply. I introduced her to her new habitation, where the plantation slaves, in token of respect, immediately brought her presents of casada, yams, bananas, and plantains, and never two people were more completely happy. Free like the roes in the forest, and disencumbered of every care and ceremony, we breathed the purest ether in our walks, and refreshed [320]our limbs in the limpid stream: health and good spirits were now again my portion, while my partner flourished in youth and beauty, the envy and admiration of all the colony.

Colonel Fourgeoud now intending to quit the woods, and encamp at Magdenberg, a post near the source of the Comewina, I sent a large barge with provisions, escorted by an officer and twenty men, to that place; and upon reviewing my remaining marines, they did not amount to twenty men, besides a small detachment at Calis, near the mouth of Cassivinica Creek. Higher up the same creek, at an estate called Cupy, were also posted an officer and a few soldiers.

On the morning of the 4th, I was witness to a very wonderful battle between two snakes, the one about three feet long, the other no more than fourteen inches; when, after a severe contest of near half an hour, during which time the many wreathings and twistings were truly curious, the largest gradually shifting his gripe, at length caught the smallest by the head, and absolutely swallowed him alive.

My negro boy about this time throwing out some red-hot embers, I was surprized to see the frogs eat them with avidity, without receiving any visible damage from the fire, which most probably they had mistaken for the fire-fly. I saw another frog in the sugar-mill, feasting upon a regiment of ants, which are here very numerous, licking them up with his tongue as they marched before [321]him. Another of these animals slept every day upon one of the beams of my cottage, which it regularly left every night; this was called yombo-yombo by the negroes, from its great power in leaping: it is very small, almost flat, a fine yellow, with black and scarlet specks; it is frequently found in the upper stories of houses, where it arrives by climbing up the walls. We thought it a pretty little animal, and would allow nobody to hurt it.

On the morning of the 8th, between six and seven o’clock, whilst we were interring one of my serjeants, we heard the report of several minute guns towards the river Pirica; in consequence of which, I immediately detached an officer and twelve men to give assistance. They returned next day with an account that the rebels had attacked the estate of Kortenduur, where, having pillaged some powder, the plantation slaves being armed by their master, had bravely beaten them back before my assistance could be of use.

A small detachment from Colonel Fourgeoud at Wana Creek arrived at the Hope on the 11th, with September, the negro prisoner, who related that the rebels had spoken to Fourgeoud, and even laughed at him, having overheard him giving his orders, viz. not to fire on them, but to take them alive: and that amongst those lost in the woods was the unlucky Schmidt, who had lately been so unmercifully beaten, and of which he had never yet recovered.

About the 13th, the spring floods broke down the [322]dams, and laid our whole post under water, except the spot where I had pitched my cabin, which remained dry, but unfortunately by this accident the officers and men were up to the knees in water. My worthy friend Mr. Heneman, the volunteer, arrived at this time from Colonel Fourgeoud’s camp at Wana Creek, with a barge full of men and ammunition; he was now entered a lieutenant in my company: he informed us, that the remaining troops were marching for Magdenberg in Upper Comewina, there to go into quarters. This poor young man was much emaciated with misery and fatigue, I therefore introduced him at his first landing to the care of Joanna, who was a most incomparable nurse, and under whose care he felt himself extremely happy.

On the 14th, Colonel Fourgeoud with his troops being arrived at Magdenberg, the officers and privates of the Society, and the rangers to the amount of near two hundred men, were sent down in barges to be stationed on different parts of the river Pirica. Some landed at the Hope to refresh, and behaved so very disorderly, as to oblige me and my officers to knock them down by half dozens, to keep the peace till they departed the same day, after which I dispatched a tent-boat and eight oars to row the commander in chief with some of his favourites to Paramaribo, from which place he at last permitted the much-injured Count Rantwick to sail for Holland.

On the 16th, the greatest part of the sheep belonging to this estate were unfortunately poisoned by eating duncane, but mine, amongst some others, luckily escaped. [323]I am sorry to say I have not particularly examined the duncane, as it is called by the negroes. All that I can say is, that it is a shrub with a large green leaf, something like that of the English dock; it grows spontaneously in low and marshy places, and is instant death to whatever animal eats of its leaves; the slaves therefore should be obliged carefully to root it out from the grass savannas or meadows where cattle graze, since sheep and bullocks are said to be remarkably fond of it, though contrary to nature, as most animals know, it is said, instinctively how to distinguish their food from their poison. But the sheep in question not being the natural inhabitants of Guiana, may for that reason be admitted as an exception to this general rule. This baneful plant had inadvertently been permitted to grow in a negro’s garden, to which the sheep got access by breaking down the fence, which occasioned this unpleasant catastrophe.

In this garden I saw several other roots and plants that deserve to be noticed. The yamesy, or yam, a well-known root in the West Indies, delights in a fat soil; this grows in Surinam sometimes to the weight of two or three score pounds, and an acre will produce an astonishing quantity2; its taste is very agreeable, either boiled or roasted, easy of digestion, and very wholesome. The inside is of a whitish colour, without it is of a deep purple approaching towards black; its shape is very irregular. [324]The yams are cultivated by cutting them in pieces like potatoes; they are planted a few feet distant from each other, and in about six or eight months they arrive at maturity; they are known to be fit for use when the top or leaves begin to lose their verdure, till then they are of a deep green colour, and creep along the ground like ivy, with ligneous shoots. The yam is amongst the principal food of the slaves throughout the West Indies, and is alone sufficient to supply the want of bread; also being capable of preservation for almost a year, it is often transported, and used upon long voyages, and frequently brought to England. Another small root I found here, known in Surinam by the name of naapjes, and which is eaten in the same manner as the yams, but is infinitely more delicious; both the one and the other serve here for food, as potatoes, carrots, or parsnips do in England.

The maize or Indian corn, which I also saw in this garden, grows on high perpendicular stalks, with long pale green leaves; the grain is of a shining yellow colour, as large as marrow-peas, and closely set together, round ears that are the size of the largest European carrot. This grain is cultivated in great quantities in Surinam; it is not only used for their poultry and cattle of every species, but is also ground into meal, of which the Creoles make excellent puddings and cakes, which are of a nourishing quality. With this they sometimes eat the young pods of the ocro, or althea plant, which grows upon a very small [325]shrub, with oblong leaves, and which when boiled, as Dr. Bancroft expresses it, are of a mucilaginous, slimy, and lubricative texture, which ropy or glutinous quality, however disgusting in appearance, makes a very rich sauce when properly seasoned with Cayenne pepper.

The same evening that proved so fatal to the sheep, as I was walking out with my gun, as usual, I shot a bird called here the subacoo; it is a species of the grey-heron, its bill and legs of a greenish black, and very long, the last appearing as if jointed by large scales of a hard and horny substance, and the claws on each middle toe are denticulated. This bird, though apparently the size of a common fowl, was so very light, that an English house-pigeon would have easily counterbalanced it; when dressed we found it to have a fishy flavour.

I have for some time been happily silent upon the subject of cruelty; and sorry I am, at a time when all appeared harmonious and peaceable, to be under the necessity of relating some instances, which I am confident must inspire the most unfeeling reader with horror and resentment. The first object which attracted my compassion during a visit to a neighbouring estate, was a beautiful Samboe girl of about eighteen, tied up by both arms to a tree, as naked as she came into the world, and lacerated in such a shocking manner by the whips of two negro-drivers, that she was from her neck to her ancles literally dyed over with blood. It was after she had received two hundred lashes that I perceived her, with her [326]head hanging downwards, a most affecting spectacle. When, turning to the overseer, I implored that she might be immediately unbound, since she had undergone the whole of so severe a punishment; but the short answer which I obtained was, that to prevent all strangers from interfering with his government, he had made an unalterable rule, in that case, always to double the punishment, which he instantaneously began to put in execution: I endeavoured to stop him, but in vain, he declaring the delay should not alter his determination, but make him take vengeance with double interest. Thus I had no other remedy but to run to my boat, and leave the detestable monster, like a beast of prey, to enjoy his bloody feast, till he was glutted. From that day I determined to break off all communication with overseers, and could not refrain from bitter imprecations against the whole relentless fraternity. Upon investigating the cause of this matchless barbarity, I was credibly informed, that her only crime consisted in firmly refusing to submit to the loathsome embraces of her detestable executioner. Prompted by his jealousy and revenge, he called this the punishment of disobedience, and she was thus flead alive. Not having hitherto introduced the Samboe cast, I take this opportunity, by here representing the miserable young woman as I found her to the attention of the sympathizing reader.

A Samboe is between a mulatto and a black, being of a deep copper-coloured complexion, with dark hair, that [327]curls in large ringlets. These slaves, both male and female, are generally handsome, and chiefly employed as menial servants in the planters’ houses.

At my return to the Hope, I was accosted by Mr. Ebber, the overseer of that estate, who with a woeful countenance informed me he had just been fined in the sum of twelve hundred florins, about one hundred guineas, for having exercised the like cruelty on a male slave; with this difference, that the victim had died during the execution. In answer to his complaint, so far from giving him consolation, I told him his distress gave me inexpressible satisfaction.

The particulars of this murder were as follow: during the time that Captain Tulling commanded here, which was a little time before I came to the Hope, it happened that a fugitive negro belonging to this estate had been taken upon an adjoining plantation, and sent home, guarded by two armed slaves, to Mr. Ebber; which fugitive, during the time Ebber was reading the letter that accompanied him, found means to spring aside, and again escaped into the forest. This incensed the overseer so much, that he instantly took revenge upon the two poor slaves that had brought him, tying them up in the carpenter’s lodge. He continued flogging them so unmercifully, that Captain Tulling thought proper to interfere, and beg for mercy; but, as in my case, his interference produced the opposite effect: the clang of the whip, mixed with their dismal cries, were heard to continue [328]for above an hour after, until one of them expired under the cruel lash, which put an end to the inhuman catastrophe. A law-suit was instantly commenced against Ebber for assassination. He was convicted, but condemned to no other punishment than to pay the afore-mentioned hundred guineas, which price of blood is always divided between the fiscal and the proprietor of the deceased slave; it being a rule in Surinam, that by paying a fine of five hundred florins, not quite fifty pounds per head, any proprietor is at liberty to kill as many of his own negroes as he pleases; but if he kills those of his neighbour, he is also to pay him for the loss of his slave, the crime being first substantiated, which is very difficult in this country, where no slave’s evidence can be admitted. Such is the legislature of Dutch Guiana, in regard to negroes. The above-mentioned Ebber was peculiarly tyrannical; he tormented a boy of about fourteen called Cadetty, for the space of a whole year, by flogging him every day for one month; tying him down flat on his back, with his feet in the stocks, for another; putting an iron triangle3 or pot-hook round his neck for a third, which prevented him from running away among the woods, or even from sleeping, except in an upright or sitting posture; chaining him to the landing-place, night and day, to a dog’s kennel, with orders to bark at every boat or canoe that passed for a fourth month; and so [329]on, varying his punishment monthly, until the youth became insensible, walking crooked, and almost degenerated into a brute. This wretch was, however, very proud of his handsomest slaves, and for fear of disfiguring their skins, he has sometimes let them off with twenty lashes, when, for their robberies and crimes, they had deserved the gallows. Such is the state of public and private justice in Surinam. The wretch Ebber left the Hope upon this occasion; and his humane successor, a Mr. Blenderman, commenced his reign by flogging every slave belonging to the estate, male and female, for having over-slept their time in the morning about fifteen minutes.

The reader will, no doubt, imagine, that such cruelties were unparalleled; but this is not the case, they were even exceeded, and by a female too.

A Mrs. S—lk—r going to her estate in a tent-barge, a negro woman, with her sucking infant, happened to be passengers, and were seated on the bow or fore-part of the boat. The child crying, from pain perhaps, or some other reason, could not be hushed; Mrs. S—lk—r, offended with the cries of this innocent little creature, ordered the mother to bring it aft, and deliver it into her hands; then, in the presence of the distracted parent, she immediately thrust it out at one of the tilt-windows, where she held it under water until it was drowned, and then let it go. The fond mother, in a state of desperation, [330]instantly leapt overboard into the stream, where floated her beloved offspring, in conjunction with which she was determined to finish her miserable existence. In this, however, she was prevented by the exertions of the negroes who rowed the boat, and was punished by her mistress with three or four hundred lashes for her daring temerity.

Colonel Fourgeoud moved on the 20th, with all his troops, from Magdenberg, in order to establish his head-quarters nearer the infirmary. His army being in a very sickly condition, he fixed upon the estate called New Rosenback, situated between the Hope and the hospital, for his encampment. Thither I immediately repaired, to pay my respects to the chief; when I saw the remainder of his miserable army landed, and received a further detail of the campaign. I have already mentioned Captain Fredericy’s being wounded; one man lost by neglect, and another cut and disarmed; the captives running away, chains and all; the hero scoffed at, and ridiculed by his sable enemies:—I shall now add, that a sick marine was left to die or recover by himself; and that one of the slaves, by bad usage, had his arm broke. The captive negro woman was also gone, never more to return to her conqueror, considerably increased in size from her connection with the troops, and likely to present a new recruit to her dusky monarch. These were the particulars of the last campaign. But I must mention [331]the humanity of a poor slave, who, at every hazard, deserted Fourgeoud to attend the dying marine; and having performed the last sad office of friendship, returned to receive his punishment, but to his infinite surprize was pardoned.

In justice to Colonel Fourgeoud I must say, that upon such expeditions, and in such a climate, many of these accidents cannot be prevented; and that while he killed his troops by scores, without making captures on the enemy, he nevertheless did the colony considerable service, by disturbing, hunting, and harassing the rebels, and destroying their fields and provisions. For, it is certain, no negro will ever return to settle in those haunts from which he has been once expelled. Colonel Fourgeoud’s partaking personally in every danger and fatigue at his age, must make some amends for the other faults that stained his character, and may even serve, in some measure, to establish his reputation as a man of patience and fortitude. It would give me infinitely more pleasure to write nothing but in his praise; but truth, and the general benefit of mankind, requires, that whilst I display his good qualities I also point out his failings, as they may serve to correct others, and by these means even his vices may be rendered useful. What could be more ridiculous, than paying his troops with silver at Paramaribo, where paper was just as good? and now, while in the rivers, giving them cards, for which they [332]could not procure a yam or a bunch of plantains, while he had whole chests of specie in his possession? But his object was to gain a profit of ten per cent. on the pay of the whole regiment, and for this he was justly blamed by the corps in general.

On the 21st, several officers came to visit me at the Hope, whom I entertained with a fish dinner—amongst which were the kawiry, the lamper, and macrely-fisy, all which I shall briefly describe. The kawiry is a small fish without scales, the head is large, with two long antennæ or whiskers projecting from the upper jaw, and is very plentiful in the rivers. The lamper is a species of the lampern, that are caught in the Thames: those of Surinam are not large, but very fat, of a round shape, slimy or glutinous; its colour a blueish green with yellow spots, except the belly, which is white; this fish, like the salmon, frequents both the sea and the rivers. The macrely-fisy resembles a mackarel, whence it has its name, only its colour is more blueish and not near so splendid.

We were very happy, and my guests perfectly satisfied with their entertainment. But on the morning of the 22d my poor Joanna, who had been our cook, was attacked with a violent fever; she desired to be removed to Fauconberg, there to be attended by one of her female relations, which I complied with. But on the evening of the 25th she was so extremely ill, that I determined to [333]visit her myself, but as privately as possible, as Fourgeoud was to visit me at the Hope the next day; for his satirical jokes upon such an occasion I could very well dispense with; and I knew the most laudable motives were no protection against the ungovernable sallies of his temper.

However difficult the undertaking, as I had to pass close to his post, I like another Leander was determined to cross the Hellespont; of which having informed my friend Heneman, I set out about eleven at night in my own barge, when coming opposite New Rosenback, I heard Fourgeoud’s voice very distinctly, as he walked on the beach with some other officers, and immediately the boat was hailed by a sentinel, and ordered to come ashore. I now thought all was over; but, persisting to the last, I told the negroes to answer Killestyn Nova, the name of an adjoining plantation, and thus got leave to proceed unmolested. Soon after I arrived safe at Fauconberg, and found my dearest friend much better.

But on the 26th, in the morning, mistaking the daylight for moon-shine, I overslept myself, and knew not how to return to the Hope, as my barge and negroes could now not pass without being well known to the Colonel. Delay was useless; so out I set, trusting entirely to the ingenuity of my slaves, who put me ashore just before we came in sight of the head-quarters; when one of them escorted me through the woods, and I arrived [334]safe at the Hope. But here my barge soon followed under a guard, and all my poor slaves prisoners, with an order from Fourgeoud for me to flog every one of them, as they had been apprehended without a pass, while their excuse was that they had been out a fishing for their Massera.

Their fidelity to me upon this occasion was truly astonishing, as they all declared they would have preferred being cut in pieces, rather than betray the secrets of so good a master. However, the danger was soon over, as I confirmed what they had said, and added, that the fish were intended to regale the hero; after which I made a donation of two gallons of rum among my sable privy-counsellors. This passage, however trifling, may serve as a sample not only of European weakness, but of African firmness and resolution.

Notwithstanding my preparation, still Colonel Fourgeoud did not visit me on the 27th, but the next morning Joanna arrived, accompanied by a stout black, who was her uncle, and whose arm was decorated with a silver band, on which were engraved these words: “True to the Europeans.” This man, who was named Cojo, having voluntarily fought against the rebels, before his companions, by the inhuman treatment of Mr. D. B. and his overseer, had been forced to join them. From these he related to us the following remarkable story, having a little girl, called Tamera, by the hand:—“This child’s father,” said he, “is one whose name is Jolly [335]Cœur, the first captain belonging to Baron’s men, and, not without cause, one of the fiercest rebels in the forest, which he has lately shewn on the neighbouring estate of New Rosenback, where your colonel now commands. On that estate one Schults, a Jew, being the manager at that time, who formerly was the manager of Fauconberg, the rebels suddenly appeared, and took possession of the whole plantation. Having tied the hands of Schults, and plundered the house, they next began to feasting and dancing, before they thought proper to end his miserable existence. In this deplorable situation now lay the victim, only waiting Baron’s signal for death, when his eyes chancing to catch the above captain’s, Jolly Cœur, he addressed him nearly in the following words:—‘O Jolly Cœur, now remember Mr. Schults, who was once your deputy-master; remember the dainties I gave you from my own table, when you were only a child, and my favourite, my darling, among so many others: remember this, and now spare my life by your powerful intercession.’—The reply of Jolly Cœur was memorable:—I remember it perfectly well: ‘But you, O tyrant, recollect how you ravished my poor mother, and flogged my father for coming to her assistance. Recollect, that the shameful act was perpetrated in my infant presence—Recollect this—then die by my hands, and next be damn’d.’—Saying this, he severed his head from his body with a hatchet at one blow; with which having played [336]at bowls upon the beach, he next cut the skin with a knife from his back, which he spread over one of the cannon to keep the priming dry.”—Thus ended the history of Mr. Schults; when Cojo, with young Tamera, departed, and left me to go, with an increased impatience, to receive the news, that I soon was to expect from Amsterdam, viz. when the deserving Joanna should be free from the villainy of such pests of human nature.

On the 28th, Colonel Fourgeoud arrived about ten o’clock with one of his officers, and with the very devil painted in his countenance, which alarmed me much. I, however, instantly introduced him to my cottage, where he no sooner saw my mate, than the clouds (like a vapour by the sun) were dispelled from his gloomy forehead: and I must confess, that I never saw him behave with more civility.

Milton. [337]

Having entertained him in the best manner we were able, and now related the story of the Hellespont, he laughed heartily at the stratagem, and giving us both a shake by the hand departed to New Rosenback, in good-humour and perfectly contented.—From all the preceding circumstances, the above Chapter may be stiled the golden age of my West India expedition. [338]