On the 21st of May our Lieutenant Colonel Lantman died, and a number of our officers lay sick.

Instead of gaiety and dissipation, disease and mortality now began to rage amongst us; and the devastation increased from day to day among the private men, in a most alarming proportion. The remains of the deceased officer were interred with military honours, in the centre of the Fortress Zealandia, where all criminals are imprisoned, and all field officers buried. At this place I was not a little shocked, to see the captive rebel negroes and others clanking their chains, and roasting plantains and yams upon the sepulchres of the dead; they presented to my imagination, the image of a number of diabolical fiends in the shape of African slaves, tormenting the souls of their European persecutors. From these gloomy mansions of despair, on this day, seven captive negroes were selected, who being led by a few soldiers to the place of execution, which is in the Savannah, where the sailors and soldiers are interred, six were hanged, and one broken alive upon the rack, with an iron [108]bar; besides which a white man was scourged before the court house, by the public executioner, who is in this country always a black. The circumstance which led me to take particular notice of this affair, was the shameful injustice of shewing a partiality to the European, who ought to have been better informed, by letting him escape with only a slight corporal punishment; while the poor uneducated African for the same crime, viz. stealing money out of the Town Hall, lost his life under the most excruciating torments, which he supported without heaving a sigh or making a complaint; while one of his companions with the rope about his neck, and just on the point of being turned off, uttered a laugh of contempt at the magistrates who attended the execution. I ought not in this place to omit, that the negro who flogged the white man inflicted the punishment with the greatest marks of commiseration. These transactions almost induced me to decide between the Europeans and Africans in this colony, that the first were the greater barbarians of the two—a name which tarnishes Christianity, and is bestowed on them in too many corners of the globe, with what real degree of justice I will not take on me to determine.

Having testified how much I was hurt at the cruelty of the above execution, and surprized at the intrepidity with which the negroes bore their punishment, a decent looking man stepped up to me, “Sir, (said he) you are but a new-comer from Europe, and know very little [109]about the African slaves, or you would testify both less feeling and surprize. Not long ago, (continued he) I saw a black man suspended alive from a gallows, by the ribs, between which, with a knife, was first made an incision, and then clinched an iron hook with a chain; in this manner he kept alive three days, hanging with his head and feet downwards, and catching with his tongue the drops of water (it being in the rainy season) that were flowing down his bloated breast. Notwithstanding all this he never complained, and even upbraided a negro for crying while he was flogged below the gallows, by calling out to him—You man?—Da boy facy? Are you a man? you behave like a boy. Shortly after which he was knocked on the head by the commiserating sentry, who stood over him, with the butt end of his musket.”—“Another negro, (said he) I have seen quartered alive; who, after four strong horses were fastened to his legs and arms, and after having had iron sprigs driven home underneath a every one of his nails on hands and feet, without a motion, he first asked a dram, and then bid them pull away, without a groan; but what afforded us the greatest entertainment, (continued he) were the fellow’s jokes, by desiring the executioner to drink before him, in case there should chance to be poison in the glass, and bidding him take care of his horses, lest any of them should happen to strike backwards. As for old men being broken upon the rack, and young women roasted [110]alive chained to stakes, there can nothing be more common in this colony.”—I was petrified at the inhuman detail; and breaking away with execrations from this diabolical scene of laceration, made the best of my way home to my own lodgings.

On the 24th, having received a supply of provisions from Holland, and absolutely doing no service in the colony, it was universally resolved that we should proceed home; our regiment, notwithstanding its being partly paid by the United Provinces, still being exceedingly chargeable to the society and the inhabitants, who, in conjunction, paid all other expences; thus, in the hopes of sailing in the middle of June, the transports were ordered a second time to wood, water, and make all other necessary preparations.

I must say nothing of what I felt on this occasion; I continued, however, not long in this state of suspense; for the following day intelligence being brought that a plantation was demolished, and the overseers murdered by the rebels, our stay was prolonged a second time, at the request of the governor himself and inhabitants; and, in consequence, the three transports, which had since February the 9th been kept waiting at a great expence, were finally put out of commission, and the provisions stowed at the head-quarters in a temporary store-house erected for that purpose.

The minds of the people began now to be quieted, finding at last that the troops were in earnest preparing [111]for actual service, a circumstance greatly, indeed, to be lamented as to the occasion, but certainly much better for the colony, than to let the regiment linger away an idle life at Paramaribo.

Thus our warlike preparations for some days proceeded, and our marines appeared in excellent spirits; when again, on the 7th of June, to our unutterable surprize, we were for the third time officially acquainted, that things seeming quiet, and presuming that tranquillity was at last re-established, the colony of Surinam had no farther occasion for our services; these fluctating councils did not fail to produce much discontent among the military, as well as the inhabitants; and cabals were formed, which threatened to break out into a civil contest.

Some charged the governor with being jealous of the unlimited power which was vested in Colonel Fourgeoud, who was also by many others blamed as abusing that power, and as not treating the governor with that civility, which he might have evinced without lessening his own consequence. Thus, while one party acknowledged us to be the bulwark of the settlement, by keeping the rebels in awe, the opposition hesitated not to call us the locusts of Egypt, who were come to devour the fruits of the colony.

Without entering into the merits of the question, it is sufficient to say, that our life was rendered very uncomfortable, and a great number of us could not help thinking, [112]that between the two parties we were but ill treated. This same day, while at dinner on board a Dutch vessel in the roads, the company were alarmed by the most tremendous clap of thunder I ever heard in my life. On our side of the continent, several negroes and cattle were killed by lightning; while, on the other side, nearly at the same time, the city of Guatimala, in Old Mexico, was swallowed up by an earthquake, by which eight thousand families are said to have instantly perished.

On the 11th, the ships, being taken again into commission, were ordered with all possible expedition to prepare for our final departure, and every one was making himself ready for the voyage.

Being thus apparently disengaged from military service, I received a polite invitation from a Mr. Campbel, who was lodged with a Mr. Kerry at my friend Kennedy’s, to accompany him on a visit to the island of Tobago, where I might recruit my debilitated health and dejected spirits. His plan was to return with me by the Leeward Islands to Europe. It was, indeed, to me a most agreeable offer, all things considered, and I should certainly with pleasure have accepted it, had not my application to Colonel Fourgeoud been prevented by a fresh alarm, which was received on the 15th. The substance of this was no less, than that an officer of the Society troops had been shot dead by the rebels, and his whole party, consisting of about thirty men, entirely cut to pieces. So alarming a piece of intelligence could not fail to throw the whole [113]colony once more into the utmost confusion and consternation; the above gentleman, whose name was Lepper, and only a lieutenant, was in a great measure the cause of this misfortune, by his impetuosity and intrepidity, totally unregulated by temper or conduct1; but as this censure in general terms may appear severe, it becomes in some degree incumbent on me to relate the particulars.

The period when this unhappy event took place, was that which, in the language of the colony, is termed the short dry-season. During this, Mr. Lepper having been informed that between the rivers Patamaca and Upper Cormootibo, a village of negroes had been discovered by the rangers some time before; he determined with his small party, which was only a detachment from the Patamaca post, to sally through the woods and attack them. But the rebels being apprized of his intentions by their spies, which they constantly employ, immediately marched out to receive him; in his way they laid themselves in ambush, near the borders of a deep marsh, through which the soldiers were to pass to the rebel settlement. No sooner had the unfortunate men got into the swamp and up to their arm-pits, than their black enemies rushed out from under cover, and shot them dead at their leisure in the water, [114]while they were unable to return the fire more than once, their situation preventing them from re-loading their musquets. Their gallant commander, being imprudently distinguished by a gold-laced hat, was shot through the head in the first onset. The few that scrambled out of the marsh upon the banks were immediately put to death in the most barbarous manner, except five or six, who were taken prisoners and carried alive to the settlement of the rebels. The melancholy fate of these unfortunate men, I shall, in a proper place, describe, as I had it since from those that were eye-witnesses of it.

The intelligence had scarcely reached Paramaribo, than the whole town was in a tumult; some parties were so vehement that they were ready to tear the governor and council to pieces, for having dismissed Colonel Fourgeoud with his regiment; while others ingenuously declared, that if we were intended for no further use than we had hitherto been, our company might without regret be dispensed with. All this could not but be exceedingly galling to our officers, who wished nothing more than to be employed on actual service for the advantage of the colony. On the other side, most bitter lampoons were spread through the town against the governor and his council; libels of such a black and inflammatory nature, that no less than a thousand gold ducats were offered as a reward for the discovery of their author, with a promise of concealing the name of the informer if he required it: but the whole was to no purpose, and neither author nor [115]informer made their appearance; the general clamour however still continuing, the governor and council were forced a third time to petition us to remain in Surinam, and to protect the distracted colony. To this petition we once more condescended to listen, and the ships were actually a third time put out of commission.

We, however, still continued doing nothing, to the unspeakable surprize of every person concerned: the only part on duty, hitherto, having consisted of a subaltern’s guard at the head-quarters, to protect the chief, his colours, his store-houses, pigs and poultry, which guard regularly mounted every day at half past four o’clock, and another on board the transports, until the provisions had been stowed on shore in the magazines. This, a few field-days excepted, when the soldiers were drilled for pomp alone in a burning sun till they fainted, comprehended the whole of our military manœuvres. But I perceive the reader is already impatient for some information respecting these two extraordinary men, who, from their inveteracy and opposition to each other, as well as from other causes, were the authors of these unaccountable and fluctuating proceedings; and the outlines of these two characters may perhaps assist in unravelling the mystery.

As the ingredients of flattery or fear make but a small part of that man’s composition who presumes to give them, and who pretends perfectly to have known both, [116]the reader may depend on having them painted in their true original colours, however strong the shades.

Governor Nepveu was said to be rather a man of sense than of learning, and was wholly indebted to his art and address, for having risen to his present dignity from sweeping the hall of the court-house. By the same means he was enabled, from nothing, to accumulate a fortune, by some computed at no less than eight thousand pounds sterling annually, and to command respect from all ranks of people, no person ever daring to attack him but at a distance. His deportment was affable, but ironical, without ever losing the command of his temper, which gave him the appearance of a man of fashion, and rendered his influence almost unbounded. He was generally known by the appellation of Reynard, and was most certainly a fox of too much artifice to be run down by all the hounds in the colony.

Colonel Fourgeoud was almost exactly the reverse of this portrait. He was impetuous, passionate, self-sufficient, and revengeful: he was not cruel to individuals, but was a tyrant to the generality, and caused the death of hundreds by his sordid avarice and oppression. With all this he was partial, ungrateful, and confused; but a most indefatigable man in bearing hardships and in braving dangers, not exceeded by Columbus himself, which, like a true buccaneer, he sustained with the most heroic courage, patience, and perseverance. Though unconquerably [117]harsh and severe to his officers, he was however not wanting in affability to the private soldiers. He had read, but had no education to assist him in digesting what he read. In short, few men could talk better, but on most occasions few could act worse.

Such were the characters of our commanders, while the opposition of two such men to each other could not fail to produce unhappiness to the troops, and operated as a sufficient cause for the fluctuating state of political affairs in this dejected colony.

As we still continued totally inactive, I am necessarily deprived of the pleasure of relating any of our hero’s warlike atchievements.—To relieve the sameness of the narrative, I therefore take the liberty of describing one of his favourites.—This was no other than a bird called the toucan, and in Surinam banarabeck or cojacai, either from its bill having some resemblance to that fruit, or from its being accustomed to feed on it, and perhaps from both. This animal the colonel kept hopping tame amongst his poultry.

The toucan is not larger than a tame pigeon, and yet its beak is no less than six inches in length, if not more. It is shaped like a jackdaw, carrying its tail almost perpendicular, except when it flies: its colour is black, except a little white under the throat and breast, which is bordered with red in the form of a crescent reversed, and a few feathers above and under its tail, some white and some crimson. The head is large, with a blueish ring [118]round the eyes, of which the iris is yellow, and its ash-coloured toes are much like those of a parrot. Its remarkable beak deserves the most particular attention, which is serrated, and of a size utterly disproportioned to its body. This beak, however, which is arched, is as thin as parchment, and consequently very light; it is yellow on the top, and on the sides of a beautiful deep orange, inclosing a tongue which bears a strong resemblance to a feather. The toucan feeds on fruit, especially pepper, and is very domestic.

I shall here also take the opportunity to describe another tame bird, which I saw with pleasure at the house of Mr. Lolkens, and which I take to be what we call the fly-catcher; they denominate it in this country sun-fowlo, because when it extends its wings, which it frequently does, there appears, on the interior part of each wing, the most beautiful representation of a sun. This bird is about the size of a woodcock, and of a golden colour, but speckled; its legs are very long, and also its slender bill, which is perfectly strait, and very pointed. With this it darts at the flies while they creep, with such wonderful dexterity and quickness, that it never misses the object, which seems to constitute its principal food; and this property renders it both useful and entertaining. This bird might, with some degree of propriety, be styled the perpetual motion, its body making a continual movement, and its tail keeping time like the pendulum of a clock. [119]

Having described these two contrasts in appearance, I must add, that neither they, nor any of those birds in Guiana which are remarkable for their beautiful plumage, ever sing with any degree of melody, three or four perhaps excepted, whose notes are sweet, but not varied. Of these I shall speak at a proper opportunity.

One bird more I shall only mention in this place, which may be considered as the rival of the mock-bird, viz. the Caribbean wren. This bird, which is called by the Surinam colonists Gado fowlo, or the bird of God, probably from its familiarity, inoffensiveness, and its delightful music, is rather larger than the English wren, which in its plumage it much resembles; it frequently perches upon the window-shutters with the familiarity of the robin. From its enchanting warbling, it has been honoured by many with the name of the South American nightingale.—But to proceed with my narrative.

On the 21st died Mr. Renard, one of our best surgeons, who was buried the same afternoon, a process quite necessary in this hot country, where putrefaction so instantaneously takes place, and more especially when the [120]patient dies of a putrid fever, which is in this country extremely frequent. This dreadful disease first appears by bilious vomiting, lowness of spirits, and a yellowish cast of the countenance and eyes; and unless proper remedies be immediately applied, the distemper becomes fatal, and certain death in a few days is the consequence. The belly-hatty, or dry-gripes, by some compared to the Devonshire cholic, is also a common complaint in this country, and not only causes excruciating pains, but is exceedingly dangerous. This also had now attacked a great number of our people. As to the causes of this disorder I can give no account. The prevailing symptom is an obstinate costiveness, which they endeavour to remove by a quantity of castor oil taken internally, and also injected by the rectum.

It was, indeed, lamentable to observe the state to which we were already reduced, from a corps of the finest, healthiest young men that ever sailed from Europe, with blooming fresh complexions, now changed to the sallow colour of a drum-head. It was no alleviation of the calamity to reflect, that all this waste of life and health had been hitherto to no purpose; though some persons chose to report, that the whole was no more than a political scheme to have another regiment added to the war-establishment in Holland, as Colonel De Salve’s marines had been before: but to this others gave but very little credit.

Of the hospitality of the country at least we could not [121]complain, since this was actually one of the principal sources of our misfortunes, and we were likely in a few months to be caressed to death by the civilities of the men, and the kindness of the ladies: a circumstance which rendered Surinam a real Capua to these brave fellows.

On the 27th of June, the gentleman-like Lieutenant-Colonel Baron de Gersdorph died, much regretted indeed by every person; while the grim King of Terrors, conscientiously beginning at the head of the corps with the field officers, could not fail to afford some consolation to the inferior gentry who succeeded to their places, by the appointment of Colonel Fourgeoud, the commander in chief, who himself exhibited as yet no symptoms of mortality. Major Becquer was now made lieutenant-colonel, and a Captain Rockaph advanced to the rank of major.

The European animals that live in this country are no less debilitated and diminutive than the human species. The oxen, for instance, are very small2, and their beef not near so delicate as it is in Europe, owing probably to their perpetual perspiration, and the coarseness of the grass on which they feed, which is not so good as that of the salt marshes in Somersetshire. On the banks of the Oronoque the oxen run wild, and are sold by the Spaniards for two dollars per head. A single piece of ready-roasted [122]beef is often sent from Europe to Guiana as a most valuable and delicate present. The manner of preserving the meat for this long voyage, when roasted, is by putting it in a block-tin box or cannister; then filling up the empty space with gravy or dripping till it is perfectly covered over; after which the box must be made fast and soldered round about, so that neither air nor water can penetrate: by this means I was told it may be with safety carried round the globe.

The sheep in this country are so small that, when skinned, they seem not larger than young lambs in Whitechapel market; they have no horns nor wool, but strait hair, and are to an European but very indifferent eating: the more so, since all beef, mutton, &c. must be consumed the same day that it is killed, which causes it to eat tough, while keeping it longer exposes it to putrefaction. Neither of these animals are natural to Guiana: the breed has been imported from the Old Continent. So also was the breed of the hog, but with far better success; for these animals, in my opinion, thrive better in South America than in Europe. The hogs here are large, fat, good, and plentiful; as in England, they feed on almost every thing that is eatable, and on the estates are often fattened with green pineapples, a fruit which grows spontaneously in this climate, and of which they are exceedingly fond. As for the poultry, nothing can thrive better; the common fowls are here as good and as plenty as in any country, but [123]smaller, and their eggs differ in shape, being more sharp-pointed. A smaller species of the dunghill kind, with rumpled inverted feathers, seems natural to Guiana, being reared in the inland parts of the country by the Indians or natives. The turkeys are very fine, and so are the geese, but the ducks are excellent, being of the large Muscovy species, with crimson pearls betwixt the beak and the head: these are here juicy, fat, and in great plenty.

After the various delays we had experienced, the reader will be surprized to learn that the hour of action at last arrived, and all the officers and men were ordered to be ready at a minute’s warning to set out on actual service, though our little corps was already melted down from five hundred and thirty able men to about three-fourths of that number, by death and sickness, the hospital being crouded by invalids of every kind. The loss of so large a proportion of men was supplied in a manner that will appear extraordinary to a European.

There were two negroes, one called Okera, the other Gowsary, two desperadoes, who had both been rebel captains in the colony of Berbice, and who, for taking Atta their chief, and delivering him to the governor of that settlement, had received their pardon. By these two men the most inhuman murders had been committed on the Europeans in the year 1762, when the revolt was in the above colony. These were now admitted as private [124]soldiers in our regiment, and were Colonel Fourgeoud’s greatest favourites.

Before we left Paramaribo, I had an opportunity of seeing two very extraordinary animals of the aquatic kind; the one was in Mr. Roux’s cabinet of curiosities, and is called in the colony jackee, in Latin, rana piscatrix. This fish is about eight or ten inches long, without scales, exceeding fat and delicate, as I can testify by experience, and is found in all narrow creeks and marshy places. But what is extremely remarkable is, that this creature, however incredible it may appear, absolutely changes to a perfect frog, but not from a frog to a fish, as Merian, Zeba, and some random historians (among whom I am sorry to name Westley) have been pleased to assert; and of this truth I was at this time fully satisfied, by seeing the above animal dissected, and suspended in a bottle with spirits; when the two hinder legs of a very small frog made their appearance, growing inside from that part of the back to which usually the intestines are fixed. I nevertheless humbly presume to suppose, in this case, that the jackee is neither more nor less than a kind of tadpole, which grows to a large size before it undergoes the usual transformation.

The other animal I saw at the house of my friend Kennedy: this is what Dr. Bancroft calls the torporific, and others the electrical eel, and which Dr. Firmyn supposes to possess the same qualities with the torpedo. [125]This wonderful animal is of a lead-blue colour, formed in a great measure like an eel, with one large fin that runs below from head to tail, not unlike the keel of a ship. It lives only in fresh water: its length is called by some three feet, and by others is asserted to be not less than four or five times as much3. When this animal is touched by the hand, or any rod of metal or hard wood, it communicates a shock, the impulse of which produces the same effect as electricity; and Dr. Firmyn has even assured me, that the shock of this electrical eel has been communicated to him through the bodies of eight or ten people, who stood hand in hand for the purpose of trying the experiment.

For my own part, all that I can say concerning this animal is, that I saw it in a tub full of water, where it appeared to be about two feet long; that I threw off my coat, and having turned up my shirt-sleeves, tried about twenty different times to grasp it with my hand, but all without effect, receiving just as many electrical shocks, which I felt even to the top of my shoulder, to the great entertainment of Mr. Kennedy, to whom I lost a small wager on the occasion. The electrical eel swims forward or backward at pleasure, it may be eaten with the greatest safety, and is even by many people thought delicious.

It has been said, that this animal must be touched with both hands before it gives the shock, but this I must [126]take the liberty of contradicting, having experienced the contrary effect: it is also alledged, that they have been found in Surinam above twenty feet long, but one of that length never yet came within the scope of my observation; nor have I ever heard of any person being killed by them, according to the account which is given by the same author, Alexander Gardon, M. D. F. R. S. in a letter to John Ellis, Esq. dated Charlestown, South Carolina, August 14th, 1774.

It is a painful circumstance, that the narrative of my travels must so frequently prove the record of cruelty and barbarity: but once for all I must declare, that I state these facts merely in the hope that it may, in some mode or other, operate for their future prevention. Before my departure, I was informed of a most shocking instance of depravity, which had just occurred. A Jewess, impelled by a groundless jealousy, (for such her husband made it appear) put an end to the life of a young and beautiful Quadroon girl, by the infernal means of plunging into her body a red-hot poker. But what is most incredible, and what indeed will scarcely be believed in a civilized country, is, that for this most diabolical crime the murderess was only banished to the Jew-Savannah, a village which I shall afterwards describe, and condemned in a trifling fine to the fiscal or town-clerk of the colony.

Another young negro woman, having her ancles chained so close together that she could scarcely move her [127]feet, was knocked down with a cane by a Jew, and beaten till the blood streamed out of her head, her arms, and her naked sides. So accustomed, indeed, are the people of this country to tyranny and insolence, that a third Israelite had the impudence to strike one of my soldiers, for having made water against his garden-fence. On this miscreant I took revenge for the whole fraternity, by wresting the offending weapon out of his hand, which I instantly broke into a thousand pieces on his guilty naked pate.

I nevertheless was just enough to flog another man out of the regiment, for picking a Jew’s pocket: and, to their credit be it mentioned, that so jealous are the Dutch soldiers of what they call a point of honour, that were a thief to be known, and kept in the ranks, the whole regiment would lay down their arms. This etiquette is of great utility, and would be no bad practice to be introduced into some other armies, where a thief is too often accounted as good as another, if he is so fortunate as to be six feet high.

About this time Colonel Fourgeoud issued the following orders, viz. that in case it ever happened that two officers, or under-officers, of equal rank, the one of the European the other of the Society corps, should meet on any military duty, the first should always take the command, independent of seniority, unless the latter bore a higher commission. [128]

We now seriously prepared for victory or death, on board the wooden walls of the Colony, which consisted of half a dozen crazy old sugar barges, such as are used by the colliers in the Thames, being only roofed over with boards, which gave them the appearance of so many coffins; and how well they deserved this name, I am afraid will too soon appear by the number of men they buried.

On the first of July were dispatched for the river Comewina, one captain, two subalterns, one serjeant, two corporals, and eighteen men. Of this captain, I cannot help mentioning a very singular circumstance—the first day we landed in this colony, having entered the lodging on which he was billetted, his landlady declared she should ever pride herself in shewing all the civility in her power to either marines or naval officers, as she owed her life to one of them, who had some years before picked her up in an open boat with several others, after they had been tossed about sixteen days without either compass, sail, or provisions, a little sea-biscuit and water excepted, on the Atlantic ocean. To avoid circumlocution, this very gentleman, whose name was Tulling Van Older Barnevelt, proved to be the individual officer who had saved her from the jaws of death, as he at that time belonged to the navy, being a lieutenant of a Dutch man of war.

This same day we also dispatched another barge with two subalterns, one serjeant, one corporal, and fourteen [129]men, commanded by Lieutenant Count Randwyck, to the river Pirica; and in the evening, having entertained some select friends in my house, I bade farewell to my Joanna, to whose care I left my all; and herself to the protection of her mother and aunt, with my directions for putting her to school until my return: after which, I at last marched on board, with four subalterns, two serjeants, three corporals, and thirty-two men under my command, to be divided into two barges, and bound for the upper part of the river Cottica.—

The above barges were all armed with swivels, blunderbusses, &c. and provided with allowance for one month: their orders were (that which went to the Jews Savannah excepted) to cruize up and down the upper parts of the rivers, each barge having a pilot, and rowed by negro slaves, ten of which were on board of each for the purpose, and which made my complement, including my black boy Quaco, exactly sixty-five, thirty-five of which embarked with myself. With this ship’s company was I now stowed in my hen-coop; while on board of my lieutenant’s barge the crew consisted of twenty-nine only, and consequently were less crowded. [130]

I must take notice that from our first landing in Surinam till this time our private men were paid in silver coin, which the captains had proposed to exchange for card money, at the rate of ten per cent. gain for them; by which the poor fellows would have benefited between two and three hundred pounds sterling per annum, to buy refreshment: but Colonel Fourgeoud insisted they should continue to receive their little pittance in coin, which in small sums was of no more value than paper; and I thought unaccountably hard, since this was hurting the whole, without profit to one single individual. One thing more I must remark, which is, that all the officers who were now proceeding upon duty continued to pay at the mess, which cost each captain at the rate of forty pounds; but for which, in his barge, he was to receive in provisions after the rate of ten pounds (thus he lost thirty pounds; and these provisions were salt beef, pork, and pease) on an equal footing with the private soldiers, a few bottles of wine excepted. But certainly some greater indulgence was due, and I must say necessary, to officers, who were going to be stationed where absolutely no kind of refreshment was to be had, being surrounded by the most horrid and impenetrable woods, beyond the hearing of a cannon-shot from any port or plantation whatever. This was not the case with the other barges, who were stationed in the midst of peace and plenty, being within view of the most beautiful estates. We were indeed pitied [131]by all ranks without exception; who foreseeing our approaching calamities, crouded my barge with the best commodities they had to present, which they insisted upon my accepting. But the reader will have a better idea of the liberality of my benefactors from the following list, than from any encomiums which I could pass upon it:

From this specimen the reader will easily perceive, that if some of the inhabitants of the colony of Surinam shew themselves the disgrace of the creation, by their cruelties and brutality, others, by their hospitality and social feelings, approve themselves an ornament to the human species.—With this instance of virtue and generosity, I therefore conclude this chapter; and trust I shall ever be found more ready to record the good actions of my fellow-creatures, than to remark their defects. [132]