As had been foreseen, consternation spread through the Gothic camp before Rome the moment the news arrived that their families and homesteads to the north were being looted by the Byzantines; and Vitigis, himself in great concern at the malevolence of his wife, decided at once to raise the siege. With the least delay possible the barbarian host, having fired their encampment, put themselves in motion and marched northwards on their return to Ravenna. The unusual activity was soon observed by the Romans, whereupon Belisarius discharged all his available forces through the Pincian gate to assault the retreating enemy. A sharply contested battle ensued, but the Goths shortly took to flight and made all haste to cross the Milvian bridge. There the crush became excessive, with the result that numbers were drowned in their armour as they attempted the narrow passage, whilst those in the rear were falling under the weapons of their adversaries. Thus ended the siege, having lasted for one year and nine days, during which time sixty-nine battles were fought between the besieged and the besiegers.

Belisarius was now free to undertake the conquest of central and northern Italy, and the next eighteen months were occupied by his efforts in that direction. While he was still pent up within the walls of Rome the Bishop of Milan and several of the chief citizens had waited on him with a request that he would send a small garrison to take possession of their city, and relieve them from the dominion of the Goths. One of his first cares was to act in accordance with their suggestion; and thus the greatest city of the West, after Rome, surrendered voluntarily to the Byzantines. Subsequently many other fortified towns, including Ancona, Urbinum, Faesulae, Civita Vecchia and Auximum were captured or submitted as a matter of choice. The Goths, on their side, were continually active and not always without success; but they failed in their efforts to recapture Ariminum, the beleaguering force having fled precipitately at the simultaneous appearance of Belisarius on land and of a Roman fleet in the bay. Throughout this war the Romans had the command of the sea, sometimes with much inconvenience to the Goths, who were thus liable to have their supplies cut off, but no naval battle was fought.

One of the most notable occurrences of this year (538) was the advent into Italy of Narses, Count of the Sacred Largesses, with a command of seven thousand men. The Illustrious rank of this official, and his brilliant position at Court, seemed to unfit him for a subordinate post; and immediately on his arrival doubts arose in the minds of many as to whether he should not be regarded as the commander-in-chief. Although a eunuch, he had proved himself to be a man of exceptional energy, and had won a reputation for sagacity which placed him in the foremost rank among the statesmen of his time. The two leaders met at Firmum, and Narses at once adopted an attitude of independence by pronouncing an opinion which was in conflict with that of the Master of Soldiers on a vital question. Ariminum was hard pressed by the enemy, and appeals had been sent out for succour. But the intervening country was held in force by the Goths, and Belisarius thought a march to the place too risky to be undertaken. In addition, his scheme for the defence of the town had been nullified by John's refusal to follow his instructions, and he was inclined to mark his sense of the infraction of discipline by leaving him to his own resources. But the eunuch pointed out that the loss of such an important stronghold, defended by a general of the first rank, might be an irreparable blow to the Imperial prestige, whilst it might be considered that John had been sufficiently punished by having been reduced to such a strait. Belisarius yielded, and the town was relieved successfully, as stated above; but John, on his release, declined to express any thanks to his chief, declaring that to Narses only was his gratitude due. After this incident the army was split into two factions, one of which adhered to Belisarius, whilst the others ranged themselves around Narses. Being anxious for unity, the former convoked a meeting of the staff, and, having presented his plan of campaign, called upon the eunuch to second his efforts with loyal consistency. Narses, however, dissented from his views, and expressed his intention of leading the forces which were at his disposal to a different part of the country. Thereupon Belisarius produced a rescript from the Emperor, in which all were enjoined to obey him as sole commander-in-chief, whilst Narses was excluded by a special clause from having any claim to exercise such authority. Nevertheless the dissident party, distorting a formal expression of the rescript by a verbal quibble into permission to do as they liked, seceded from the Master of Soldiers, and decamped with the Imperial treasurer to wage war according to their own judgment in the province of Aemilia.[558]

The greatest calamity which befell Italy during this war was the recapture of Milan by the Goths, a disaster which appeared to be a direct result of the counsels of Belisarius having been rendered inoperative by Narses. As soon as the dedition of that city was announced to Vitigis, he detached one of his generals to beset it with a large force of Goths and ten thousand Burgundians sent to his aid clandestinely by Theodebert, King of the Franks. Belisarius wished to despatch one half of the Byzantine army at once to its relief, but Narses disputed the necessity, so that his proposal fell to the ground. A small force which was sent feared to advance beyond the Po because of its manifest insufficiency, and when at last Narses had complied with an earnest request of Belisarius to supplement it effectively, it was too late to avert the capture. The city had been ill provided to stand a siege, and, while the inhabitants were reduced to feed on dogs and mice, the garrison, being at the last extremity, were induced to accept terms as to their own safety from the Goths. Thus Milan was delivered up, and the barbarians, being incensed beyond measure with the Milanese for their defection, massacred them revengefully to the number of three hundred thousand. When Justinian heard of this catastrophe, he recalled Narses to Constantinople, recognizing that an injurious division of authority was an inevitable consequence of his presence at the seat of war.[559]

Early in the next year (439) Theodebert launched himself on a remarkable enterprise, and, having crossed the Alps, appeared suddenly in Northern Italy at the head of one hundred thousand men. With the exception of the King and his staff, all these warriors consisted of infantry, their only arms being a sword, a short-handled axe, and a shield. Their method of fighting was to project the axe with the utmost force against their opponent's shield, which was thus rendered useless by fracture, and then to attack impetuously with the sword. This formidable host crossed the Po, and soon came in sight of the Gothic camp, from which joyful acclamations were forthwith sent up in anticipation of the splendid assistance which was about to be rendered them by their ally. Soon, however, they found themselves involved in a deadly tumult, myriads of axes were flung, and their disabled comrades were slaughtered on every side, until the whole Gothic army was routed and hurried with headlong speed towards Ravenna. Shortly the disordered bands of Goths were noticed flying across the country by the Roman forces engaged in that district, among them being the redoubtable John, and they immediately concluded that Belisarius had fought a successful battle, and was in hot pursuit of the beaten enemy. All rose expectantly and advanced in the direction of the impulse, when they also found themselves in collision with the invading host, which bore down on them in an irresistible mass. Overwhelmed by the immensely superior numbers, they turned and, abandoning all their positions, hurried by forced marches to join Belisarius in Tuscany. The reason of this extraordinary incursion was now clearly apprehended; believing that the Romans and Goths had reduced each other to a state of inanition, the King of the most faithless of nations (the Franks are so characterized) thought the moment opportune to possess himself of a large tract of Italian territory. A remonstrance was at once addressed to him by Belisarius, who appealed to the obligations of probity, and the compelling nature of his previous engagements to divert him from his purpose. But a better argument was at hand: bivouacked in an exhausted country, with a deficient commissariat and no water supply but the tainted stream of the Po, an epidemic of dysentery soon pervaded the teeming multitude, and they hastened to regain their own habitations after losing a third of their number.[560]

Before the summer of this, the fifth year of the war, the Goths had been driven from nearly all their principal strongholds, and Vitigis, with the bulk of his troops, had been obliged to take refuge in Ravenna. But the outposts of the Gothic capital, Faesulae and Auximum, both strong by nature, and munitioned with especial care, had to be reduced before the blockade of the regal seat could be safely undertaken.[561] Several months were consumed in these operations, and the Byzantine army was so distressed by the protracted defence of Auximum, which was attacked by the Master of Soldiers in person, that the troops were on the verge of mutiny. At length the garrison was induced to capitulate with the honours of war, and Belisarius was free to devote all his strategy to the capture of Ravenna. That city was built in a swamp near the sea-shore, about forty miles below the estuaries of the Po, and was unapproachable on all sides by an army in force.[562] It was necessary, therefore, to produce a famine within the walls in order to bring about its surrender. Under the circumstances, however, the Byzantine general possessed every facility for achieving this object. The Goths had neither an army nor a fleet which could succour them from without, and hence the Romans were unhampered while making their dispositions for cutting off supplies from every direction. The environs were hemmed in by their land forces, whilst their fleet rode at anchor off the harbour. At the same time the transit of provision boats down the Po from the fields of the north and west was blocked by guards stationed on the river banks.

Directly Theodebert heard that Vitigis was in a critical position, he made a diplomatic attempt to encompass the subjugation of Italy. A legation arrived with the proposal that the two kings should reign as joint sovereigns, and contingently an army of fifty thousand Franks, which had already surmounted the Alps, should at the first onset annihilate the Byzantines with their axes. A companion embassy from Belisarius, who had been apprized of the intended debate, was received in audience at the same time. By them the Gothic king was warned not to put his trust in numbers, but to believe that the Imperial army would find means to deal with a multitude of Franks as effectively as it had already done with his own very numerous forces. Moreover, he urged, the perfidy displayed by the recent invasion proved that no compact would be binding on the Franks. After consultation with his nobles Vitigis decided that he would open peace negotiations with Justinian, and dismissed the envoys of Theodebert with a negative reply. Legates were then despatched to Constantinople, ready to accept any terms of peace which should be granted by the Byzantine Court.

Belisarius now became intent on reducing the Goths to the direst necessity through shortage of foodstuffs. Externally the exclusion of supplies had been carried to perfection, but he had been informed that the granaries of Ravenna were well stocked. Bribery of miscreants, effected through the agency of Matasuentha, the vindictive queen, removed this obstacle to the speedy capitulation of the city. Incendiaries were set to work, and the public storehouses were suddenly consumed by fire. At this juncture plenipotentiaries arrived bringing the Emperor's answer to the peace proposals, which afforded complete satisfaction to the Goths. Vitigis was to reign beyond the Po, and to retain one half of the regal treasures, while the rest of Italy, and the other half were in future to be subject to Justinian. It was essential, however, that the Master of Soldiers should ratify this treaty, but when the legates presented themselves in his camp for the purpose he refused to be a party to it, feeling assured that he would soon be master of Ravenna, and of the person of the Gothic king with everything appertaining to him.

The Goths now became filled with distrust, and despaired altogether of their fortunes. Vitigis, as an unfortunate leader, had lost their confidence, and they feared that surrender would result in their all being deported to some unwelcome habitation in the East. To their anxious cogitations one way out of the impass at length presented itself: Belisarius should be their King, and under his strenuous rule prosperity would be restored to the Goths in Italy. Acting on the impulse, they made the proposition formally to the general, and at the same time a private intimation was conveyed to him from Vitigis that he was ready to abdicate in his favour. But his ambition was not of the autocratic order, and subservience to authority was one of the main features of his character. The promise he had given ingenuously he intended loyally to keep; and in the offer of kingship he saw no more than an incident which enabled him to serve more promptly his Imperial master. He prepared then to profit by the obsequious mood of the Goths towards himself, and to gain his end by an astute policy of compliance instead of by a protracted struggle in arms. His assurances, couched in somewhat ambiguous language, were deemed by the Goths to be tantamount to an acceptance, believing, as they did, their offer to be so tempting as to constitute in itself a guarantee of his good faith. Belisarius now removed from the vicinity of Ravenna on various commissions, all officers with their commands, whom recent events had taught him to distrust, retaining only those troops in whose attachment to himself he had full confidence. With the latter he entered the city and at once proceeded to arrange everything apparently in the sole interest of the inhabitants. He was cordially received, but the Gothic women were disappointed at the appearance of the Byzantines, and were inclined to rate their own male relatives for allowing themselves to be beaten by men of inferior physique to themselves. A plentiful market was introduced by sea, and all the surplus Gothic forces were dismissed with a safe conduct to their respective homes. Having thus equalized the Roman and Gothic troops in the town, Belisarius repudiated his supposed sovereignty, and declared himself to be merely the faithful vicegerent of Justinian. He completed his measures by placing Vitigis amicably in nominal custody, and took possession of the palace with all its valuable contents.

As soon as the proceedings of Belisarius were disclosed to the Gothic nation in general, they immediately elected a new King, choosing Ildibad, a man of the first rank, for promotion to that dignity. At the same time the Master of Soldiers was being criminated at the Byzantine Court, the worst motives being attributed to him by his adversaries; and his recall was shortly issued, but ostensibly merely that he might be at hand in view of the threatening activity of the Persian monarch. When this news was brought to the Goths, they assumed his imminent disgrace, and made another determined effort to induce him to accept the kingship. In him they saw the potential saviour of their race, and even Ildibad was moved to declare that he was ready to deposit the crown and purple at his feet. But Belisarius remained firm in his resolution: they reminded him of his late breach of faith, even taunted him with preferring servitude to independence, all to no purpose. Nothing could shake his conviction that while Justinian lived, he was in honour bound to shun any semblance of rivalry with his authority.

For the second time Belisarius returned to Constantinople with a captive king and all the precious externals of majesty in his train. On this occasion, however, no public spectacle was decreed to celebrate the extension of the Empire, and the success of its arms. Perhaps that event was now considered as merely normal by the Court; perhaps the Emperor had felt insignificant in the popular eye when compared with the victorious general who piled the spoils of victory before his throne. The Senators were gratified with a sight of the treasures of Theodoric heaped up within the palace, but the multitude were excluded from contemplation of the exhilarating display. Yet the name of Belisarius was on every tongue; and in his daily progresses through the capital he was gazed on with admiration by the inhabitants. He moved about on horseback amid a concourse of his personal guards, all mounted like himself, whom he maintained to the number of seven thousand. Vandals, Moors, and Goths swelled their ranks, and indicated by their distinctive visages with what a variety of nations he had fought. Belisarius was tall and handsome, with a countenance of singular dignity, equalled only by the modesty and affability of his address. In war he was determined and resourceful, but never oblivious of humanity, and always mindful of the interests of those dependent on him. His soldiers were known to him severally and constantly observed, their valour richly rewarded, their losses repaired, whilst they were firmly restrained from all excess. Hence he was adored by the rural population who came in contact with him, since the grain crops and fruit trees were preserved from damage under his generalship. He was not less distinguished for temperance than for his other virtues; and, although the camp was often thronged with beautiful female captives, he never even bestowed a concupiscent glance on them; nor in the use of wine did he ever exceed the strictest moderation.[563]