[383] Sahagun, Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva
España, p. xviii, tom. i, Mexico, 1829.
[384] Hist. Gen., tom. iii, lib. x, p. 139 et
seq. A translation and summary of facts is also given by Bancroft,
Native Races, vol. v, p. 189 et seq.
[385] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. v, p. 211, in a note
has summarized the dates of departure from Hue hue Tlapalan, as given
by different authors, with the following result: Date of departure
according to Veytia (tom. i, p. 208), 596 A.D.; Clavigero
(tom. iv, p. 46), 544 A.D.; but in the 1st tom., p. 126, he
gives 596, agreeing with Veytia; Müller (Reisen, tom. iii, p.
94 et seq., 439 A.D.; Brasseur de Bourbourg (Popol
Vuh, p. clv), last of the fourth century; Cabrera (Teatro,
pp. 90–1), 181 B. C. The commonly accepted date is that of
Clavigero—544 A.D. But after comparing these authors and
considering the grounds upon which they base their calculations, we are
convinced that it is useless to attempt to arrive at the true date,
just as it is impossible to determine any date with certainty in all
the ancient American chronology. We will not go so far as Mr. Bancroft,
who says that “the departure from Hue hue Tlapalan seems to have
taken place in the fifth or sixth century.” The claims for the fourth
century, we think, are just as good as for the others, if not better.
[386] On the migration see Ixtlilxochitl’s Relacions,
in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 321–4; Brasseur de
Bourbourg’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i, p. 100, 136, and Popol
Vuh, p. clv, clix–xi: Veytia’s Hist. Ant. Mej. Tom. 1st
passim; Clavigero’s Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, p. 426;
tom. iv, pp. 46, 51; Müller’s Reisen in den Vereinigten-Staaten,
Canada and Mexico, Bd. iii, ss. 91–7, Leipzig, 1864; Bancroft’s
Native Races, vol. v, pp. 192–223.
[387] See Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico, the
Carta ethnografica affixed, and the text, pp. 1–76.
[388] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, cap. ii.
Kingsborough, Mex. Ant., vol. ix, p. 206. On page 450 see also
another and different account.
[390] See Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 214–15;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. lxiv, cxii, cxxvi–viii,
clix; Ixtlilxocbitl in Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, p 446;
Alvarado in Ternaux-Compans Voy., série i, tom. x, p. 147.
[392] See E. Q. Squier, Nicaragua, its People, Scenery,
etc. Archæology and Ethnology of Nicaragua, part i, vol.
iii, Trans. of Am. Ethnol. Soc., and Notes on Cent. Am., chap. xvi.
[393] Buschmann (Johann Carl Ed.), especially his Die
Spuren der Aztekischen Sprachen im Nördlichen Mexico und Höhern
Amerikanischen Norden. Berlin, 1859. Quarto.
[394] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 688 et seq.;
vol. v, p. 215, and numerous places.
[395] “All around the lakes of Mexico there are traces
of ancient potteries, and I noticed that the bits of broken red
earthenware scattered about them are identical in composition and color
with those I have picked up in the valley of the Mississippi, and
supposed to be relics of the ancient Mound-builders.”—Evens (A. S.),
Our Sister Republic, p. 330. Hartford, 1870. Octavo.
[396] Ixtlilxochitl’s Relaciones, Kingsborough’s
Mexican Antiquities, vol. ix, p. 322.
[398] Relaciones, in many places, and in Hist.
Chichimecs, cap. 13.
[399] Relacion, MS. written 1582 in Sr. Icazbalceta’s
collection.
[400] Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico, tom. i, p. 154.
[401] Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España, MS., p.
45, Library at Washington.
[402] Duran’s Historia Antigua, tom. i, cap. i, p. 9,
MS.
[403] Duran’s Historia Antigua, MS., tom. i, cap.
27; also cited in the Spanish by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306. Aztlan,
translated “whiteness” above, may be rendered “colorless” with equal
propriety. Hue hue Tlapalan, on the contrary, is translated ancient
red-land, or land of color, just the opposite of Aztlan, a fact which
may serve to prove that they were two quite different localities.
[404] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, pp.
156–9 (north of Colorado River); Humboldt, Vues, ii, p. 179, and
Essai Pol., tom. i, p. 53 (north of 42° north latitude); Orozco
y Berra, Geografia, pp. 81–2, and 136–7; Prichard’s Nat. Hist
of Man, vol. ii, pp. 514–16 (Arazonia); Pimentel, Lenguas Indig.
Mex., tom. i, p. 158. Most writers indefinitely assign the name to
a region in the North, without attempting to designate the locality.
[405] Acosta, Hist. de las Ind., p. 454; Schoolcraft’s
Archives of Ab. Knowledge, vol. i, p. 68; M. Aubin places it in
Lower California; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii, p. 292; Pickering’s Races in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix, p. 41.
[406] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 144 (Xalisco);
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej. (Sonora); Möllhausen, Reisen in d.
Felsengebirge N. Am., tom. ii, p. 143 et seq.
[407] Chief among these we may cite: Squier’s Notes on
Central Amer., p. 349; Waldeck’s Voy. Pitt., p. 45, and
Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, pp. 221, 305–6, 322–5; Müller,
Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, pp. 530–4, the
latter, though inclined to assign Aztlan to a southern locality, still
recognizes the fact that the Nahua family was originally a northern people.
[408] Historia Antigua, MS., tom. i, cap. i, p. 9.
[410] Chief among whom are Gallatin, Gama and Veytia, who
suppose that the adjustment of the calendar took place in 1090
A.D., and that the year Ce Tochtli corresponds with that date.
[411] Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v, p. 324, and
seems to be the opinion of Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii,
pp. 292–5.
[412] Garcia Cubas’ Republic of Mexico in 1876 (Eng.
trans.), p. 58.
[413] Veytia, tom. ii, pp. 91–8, and as summarized by
Bancroft, vol. v, p. 323.
[414] Kingsborough’s Mex. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 5–8, and
Bancroft, vol. v, p. 323.
[415] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i, pp. 156–63.
[416] See Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., pp. 454–62. Herrera,
Histor. Gen., dec. iii, lib. ii, cap. x–xi. Duran, MS., Hist.
Antig., cap. i, ii, iii of tom. i.
[417]“Pero porque la noticia que tengo de su origen y
principio no es mas, ni ellos saben dar mas relacion sino desde aqullas
siete cuebas donde habitaron tan largo tiempo, las cuales desampararon
para venir a vuscar esta Tierra unos primero que otros, otros despues,
otros muy despues hasta dejarlas desiertas. Estas cuebas son en
Teo-culhuican, que por otro nombre le llaman Aztlan, tierra de que
todos tenemos noticia caer hacia la parte del Norte y Tierra-firma con
la Florida; por tanto desde este lugar de estas cuebas dare verdadera
relacion de estas Naciones y de sus sucessos. * * * Salieron pues
siete Tribus de Gentes de aquellas cuebas donde habitaban para venir á
vuscar esta Tierra, á las cuales llamaban Chicomostoc, de donde vienen
a fingir que sus Padres nacieron de unas cuebas, no teniendo noticia de
lo de atras de la salida.”—Duran, Hist. Antig., MS., tom.
i, cap. i, p. 9.
[418] The Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España, MS.
(Congressional Library) of Diego Panes alludes to this event. “Como
los Tarascos se adelantaron luego que pasaron el estrecho de mar, en
los troncos de Arboles, y balsas, y otros instrumentos del pasaje y se
metieron á vida y avitar en las siete cuebas espelnucas, y Tabernas de
la Tierra, hasta que hicieron abitaciones, y moradas y como desde alli
fueron cresciendo, y tomnado, el tiento de la Tierra y disposiciones de
ella para poblarla.”
[419] We quote Bancroft’s rendering from the Vues,
tom. ii, p. 176 et seq.: “From Colhuacan, the Mexican Ararat,
fifteen chiefs or tribes reach Aztlan, ‘land of flamingoes,’ north of
42°, which they leave in 1038, passing through Tocolco, ‘humiliation,’
Oztotlan, ‘place of grottoes,’ Mizquiahuala, Teotzapotlan, ‘place of
divine fruit,’ Iluicatepec, Papantla, ‘large-leaved grass,’ Tzompanco,
‘place of human bones,’ Apazco, ‘clay vessel,’ Atlicalaguian, ‘crevice
in which rivulet escapes,’ Quauhtitlan, ‘eagle grove,’ Atzcapotzalco,
‘ant hill,’ Chalco, ‘place of precious stones,’ Pantitlan,
‘spinning-place,’ Tolpetlac, ‘rush mat,’ Quauhtepec, ‘eagle mountain,’
Tetepanco, ‘wall of many small stories,’ Chicomoztoc, ‘seven caves,’
Huitzquilocan, ‘place of thistles,’ Xaltepozauhcan, ‘place where the
sand issues,’ Cozcaquauhco, ‘a vulture,’ Techcatitlan, ‘place of
obsidian mirrors,’ Azcaxochitl, ‘ant flower,’ Tepetlapan, ‘place of
tepetate,’ Apan, ‘place of water,’ Teozomaco, ‘place of divine apes,’
Chapultepec, ‘grasshopper hill.’”—Native Races, vol. v, p. 324,
note.
[420] The following account is from Franc. Gemelli Carreri’s
Voyage Round the World, Churchill’s Voyages, London,
1732, 6 vol. fol. (book iv, cap. iii), p. 485: “The ancient histories
of Mexico make mention of a flood, in which all men and beasts
perished, and only one man and woman were saved in a boat, which in
their language they call Acalle. The man, according to the
character by which his name is expressed, was called Cox-cox, and the
woman Chichequetzal. This couple coming to the foot of the mountain,
which, according to the picture, was named Culhuacan, went ashore, and
there they had many children, all born dumb. When they multiplied to a
great number, one day a pigeon came, and from the top of a tree gave
them their speech, but not one of them understood the others’ language,
and therefore they divided and dispersed, every one going to take
possession of some country. Among these they reckoned fifteen heads
of families who happened to speak the same language, joined together
and went about to find some land to inhabit. When they had wandered
one hundred and four years they came to the place they call Antlan,
and continuing their journey thence, came first to the place called
Capultepec, then to Culhuacan, and lastly to the place where
Mexico now stands.”
[421] See communication in Garcia y Cubas’ Atlas
Geografico, Estadistico e Histórico de la República Mejicana, April
1858, entrega 29, and Bancroft, iii, p. 68, note.
[422] We should be guilty of a fault if we were to convey
the idea that no deluge legend other than this was current among the
Aztecs. The Codex Chimalpopoca records a flood in which mankind were
drowned and turned into fishes. In Mr. Bancroft’s graceful rendering we
learn that “the waters and sky drew near each other; in a single day
all was lost, the day Four Flower consumed all that there was of our
flesh. And this was the year Ce-Calli; on the first day, Nahui-Atl,
all was lost. The very mountains were swallowed up in the flood, and
the waters remained, lying tranquil during fifty and two spring-times.
But before the flood began, Titlacahuan had warned the man Nata and
his wife Nena, saying: Make now no more pulque, but hollow out to
yourselves a great cypress, into which you shall enter when, in the
month Tozoztli, the waters shall near the sky. Then they entered into
it, and when Titlacahuan had shut them in, he said to the man: Thou
shalt eat but a single ear of maize, and thy wife but one also. And
when they had finished eating, each an ear of maize, they prepared to
set forth, for the waters remained tranquil and their log moved no
longer; and opening it they began to see the fishes. Then they lit a
fire by rubbing pieces of wood together and they roasted fish.” The
account states that the deities then descended and transformed the
fishes into dogs. (Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
i, pp. 425–7. Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 69, 70.) We cannot with gravity
give the Tezpi legend preserved in Michoacan. If the reader will refer
to the Mosaic account of the flood, he will only need to substitute the
name of Tezpi for Noah, a vulture for the raven, and a humming-bird
for the dove, and the Tezpi legend substantially will be before him.
Of course the detail of the Mosaic account is wanting; nevertheless
it is certain that the Tezpi legend is the product of the fancy of
some over-zealous priest, who thought he could see a stricter analogy
between the Nahua deluge tradition and the Scriptural account than
really exists.
[426] E. G. Squier in Notes on Cent. Am., p. 349, makes
the following remark: “It is a significant fact, that in the map of
their migrations, presented by Gemelli, the place of the origin of the
Aztecs is designated by the sign of water (Atl standing for Atzlan), a
pyramidal temple with grades, and near these a palm-tree. This
circumstance did not escape the attention of the observant Humboldt,
who says, ‘I am astonished at finding a palm-tree near this teocalli.
This tree certainly does not indicate a northern origin.’” We might add
that we are equally surprised that so generally able a writer as Mr.
Squier should resort to so absolutely weak an argument. Sr. Ramirez
has clearly explained that all the figures and their adjuncts are but
hieroglyphic parts of proper names. The palm-tree no doubt plays its
part. M. Waldeck (Voyage Pitt., p. 45) makes the same remark
as Mr. Squier—that it indicates a southern origin. Gondra (Prescott’s
Historia Conq. Mex., cited by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306, note)
replies that this may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter.
The possibility that an unskillful artist should unintentionally
represent a tree of which he had no knowledge is so great, that any
argument dependent upon it hangs upon a slender thread. Over against
Mr. Squier’s claim we desire to place the simple inquiry, Does the
Elephant Mound of Wisconsin indicate that its constructors were natives
of Asia, where the elephant is common, or that they lived in the epoch
of the American Mastodon? It is well-known that the latter phase of
the question could not be true, since the condition of the mound
contradicts such great antiquity.
[427] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i, p. 245 et
seq., states that a band of people came from the north by way of
Panuco, dressed in long black robes; that they thence went to Tulla,
where they were well received, but that region being already thickly
populated, they went to Cholula. They were great artists, were skilled
in working metals; with them was Quetzalcoatl, with a fair and ruddy
complexion and a long beard. ‘He was their leader.’
[428] Mendieta, Hist. Ecl., pp. 82, 86, 92, 397–8; also
cited by Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 250–2, and Clavigero, Hist. Ant.
Del. Messico, pp. 11–13.
[429] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i, lib. iii, p. 245,
and Torquemada, tom. ii, p. 47 et seq., do not agree fully as to
the details.
[430] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii, p. 47 et
seq., and Sahagun, tom. i, chap. iii, p. 245 et seq.
[433] Goatzacoalco, described as a province near the sea, one
hundred and fifty leagues from Cholula (Torquemada, tom ii, pp. 48–52).
The same author traces him to Yucatan and identifies him with Cukulcan.
See preceding chapter.
[435] See Müller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen
Urreligionen, p. 599.
[436] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii, p. 50. In
presenting these legends we have employed nearly the same language
which we used in treating the same subject in an article entitled
“Culture-Heroes of the Ancient Americans,” published in Appleton’s
Journal for March 1877.
[437] See Bancroft, vol. v. p. 256, and the authorities cited.
[438] The sources of the Quetzalcoatl legends have been cited
in connection with our version of the fables applying to the name. On
the relation of Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, the Toltec king, to the subject,
see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii, lib. viii, p. 266, but
especially see Bancroft, vol. v, p. 256 et seq., for a fuller
account. The same author has treated the subject with an unprecedented
fullness in his third volume, chap. vii. The able examination of
Quetzalcoatl’s character by Müller, in his Geschichte d. Am.
Urreligionen (pp. 577 et seq.), has been of great value to
us in the preparation of this sketch.
[440] Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in
Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua. New York,
1854, vol. ii, pp. 348 et seq.
[443] Published in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iv, tom.
i, pp. 282 et seq., translated in Schoolcraft’s Hist. and
Condition of Indian Tribes, vol. iii, pp. 300 et seq.,
and Bartlett’s Pers. Narrative, vol. ii, pp. 281–2. Quoted in
Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 622–23.
[444] Bernal in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii, tom. iv, p.
804.
[445] Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex.,
série iii, tom. iv, p. 847, copied by Orosco y Berra, Geografia,
pp. 108–10. Also cited by Bancroft.
[451] Coronado, on his trip from Culiacan to the “seven cities
of Cibola” in 1540, saw a roofless building called Chichilticale, or
“red house.” Castañeda says it was built of red earth and had formerly
been occupied by people from Cíbola. This is of interest, especially
since it is quite certain that the seven cities visited were identical
with the Pueblo towns around old Zuñi on the Zuñi River in New Mexico
(see Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 673–4, and Morgan in North American
Review, April, 1869. The best treatment of Coronado’s march is by
Simpson in Smithsonian Report, 1859, pp. 309 et seq. See
further Castañeda, in Ternaux-campans, Voy., série i,
tom. ix, pp. 40–1, 161–2. Gallatin in Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans.,
vol. ii, and Whipple in Pac. R. R. Report, vol. iii.
[452] Relacion in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii,
tom. iv, p. 847. Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, p. 634.
[453] Velarde in ibid., série iv, tom. i, p. 363, and
Native Races, vol. iv, p. 634.
[454] Bartlett’s Pers. Nar., vol. ii, pp. 242–8.
Johnston in Emory’s Reconnoissance, pp. 596–600. Bancroft’s
Native Races, vol. iv, p. 636.
[455] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in Pacific R. R.
Report, vol. iii, pp. 14, 15.
[460] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in Pacific R. R.
Report.
[461] First published in Scribner’s Monthly, vol. ix,
Nos. 3, 4 and 5, for January, February and March, 1875.
[462] Cañons of the Colorado, in Scribner’s
Monthly, vol. ix, p. 528. Powell’s Explorations of the Colorado
River of the West. Washington. 1875. 4to.
[463] “It was ever a source of wonder to us why these ancient
people sought such inaccessible places for their homes. They were
doubtless an agricultural race, but there were no lands here of any
considerable extent which they could have cultivated. To the west
of Oraiby, and of the towns of the Province of Tusayan, in northern
Arizona, the inhabitants have actually built little terraces along the
face of the cliff, where a spring gushes out, and there made their site
for gardens. It is possible that the ancient inhabitants of this place
made their lands in the same way. But why should they seek such spots?
Surely the country was not so crowded with population as to demand the
utilization of a region like this. The only solution which suggests
itself is this: We know that for a century or two after the settlement
of Mexico, many expeditions were sent into the country now comprising
Arizona and New Mexico for the purpose of bringing the town-building
people under the dominion of the Spanish government. Many of their
villages were destroyed, and the inhabitants fled to regions at that
time unknown, and there are traditions among the people who now inhabit
the pueblos which remain, that the cañons were these unknown lands.
It may be that these buildings were erected at that time. Sure it is
that they had a much more modern appearance than the ruins scattered
over Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico.”—Major Powell
in Scribner, vol. ix, p. 525. Id., Explorations of the
Colorado River of the West, pp. 87, 88.
[464] Cañons of the Colorado, in Scribner’s
Monthly, vol. ix, p. 402; Powell’s Exploration of the Colorado
River of the West, pp. 68–9. Major Powell on the 125th page of his
report on the Colorado, gives a brief description of remains in a side
cañon, a few miles from the great river.
[465] Sitgreaves’ Report, Zuñi and Colorado Rivers,
pp. 8–9; Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 46–50;
Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 642–3.
[466] Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp.
76–7.
[467] Sitgreaves, Zuñi Ex., p. 6; Whipple, in
Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 39, 71; Bancroft’s Native
Races, vol. iv, pp. 645, 673.
[468] See authorities cited on page 281, note 1, of this
chapter.
[469] See Whipple, in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii,
p. 67, with beautiful full-page view. Simpson’s Jour. of Mil.
Recon., pp. 90–3; Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 645, 667, 673.
[470] Whipple in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp.
68, 70, 66, 40–8, views of old Zuñi, and sacred spring; Möllhausen,
Reisen in die Felsengebirge N. Am., tom. ii, pp. 196, 402;
Id., Tagebuch, pp. 283–4, 278, with cut; Bancroft, vol.
iv, pp. 645–7, with cut.
[471] Möllhausen’s Journey, vol. ii, p. 82; Whipple
et al., in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, p. 39;
Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 95–7; Bancroft’s Native
Races, vol. iv, pp. 647–8.
[472] Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 89–109, 60–1,
65–74, 100, with cuts, views and plans; Whipple, Ewbank and Turner,
in Pacific R. R. Report, vol. iii, pp. 22, 52, 63–4; see also
Möllhausen’s Tagebuch and Journey; Bancroft, vol. iv.,
pp. 645–50.
[473] In Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 131–3, and
copied in a note by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 657.
[474] See on Chaco ruins, Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon.,
pp. 34–43, 131–3. Domenech’s Deserts, vol. i, pp. 199–200,
379–81, 385. Baldwin’s Anc. Am., pp. 86–9, cut; Bancroft’s
Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 652–62, which we have found of
valuable assistance; especially see Ruins of the Chaco Cañon,
examined in 1877, by W. H. Jackson, in Tenth Annual Report of U.
S. Geol. Survey. Washington, 1879. Best account.
[475] Simpson’s Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 74–5, plates
53–4, copied by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 652; also see Domenech’s
Deserts, vol i, p. 201, and Annual Scienc. Discov., 1850, p. 362.
[476] W. H. Jackson in Bulletin of U. S. Geol. and Geog.
Survey of the Territories, 2d series, No. 1, Washington, 1875, and
in the Annual Report of the same, Washington, 1876, pp. 369
et seq. A condensed though excellent account is furnished by
Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 718 et seq. Also a condensed account by
Prof. Edwin A. Barber in Congrès des Américanistes, Luxembourg,
1877. Seconde Session, tom. i, pp. 22–38. Also Ibid.,
The Ancient Pueblos, or Ruins of the Valley of the Rio San Juan.
Parts I, II.
[478] Published in Bulletin of the Geological and
Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. ii, No. 1. Washington,
1876. Mr. Bancroft’s account in the Native Races, necessarily
terminates with the close of Mr. Jackson’s labors in 1874.
[479] See A Notice of the Ancient Ruins of South-western
Colorado, examined during the summer of 1875, by W. H. Holmes,
in Bulletin of the Geological and Geographical Survey of the
Territories, vol. ii, No. 1. Washington, 1876.
[480] Ives’ Colorado River of the West, pp. 119–26,
with plates. The same extract condensed into nearly the same form as
above is given by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 667–80.
[481] Native Races, vol. iv, pp. 662 et seq.,
and the authors cited therein.
[482] Native Races, vol. iv, p. 663, and Simpson’s
Journal Mil. Recon., p. 114.
[483] I have carefully examined Father Escalante’s
Diario in the MS. copy deposited in the Congressional Library
at Washington, but find nothing to contradict the opinion of recent
explorers. The reader will also see Dominguez and Escalante’s Diario
y Derrotero Sante Fé à Monterey, 1776, in Doc. Hist. Mex.
Serie ii, tom. i.