This detailed and accurate description of exactly what takes place shows us Adelard’s powers of observation and experiment at their best, and compares favorably with two cruder examples of experimentation which he ascribes to others. He states that it was discovered experimentally which portion of the brain is devoted to the imagination and which parts to reason and memory through a case in which a man was injured in the front part of the head.[88] In the other instance some philosophers, in order to study the veins and muscles of the human body, bound a corpse in running water until all the flesh had been removed by the current.[89] But the question remains, how often did Abelard exercise his powers of accurate observation by actual experiments? Certainly one thing is noteworthy, that the best and almost sole experiment that he details is represented by him as suggested by the magic water jar of an enchantress. Thus we are once again impelled to the conclusion that experimental method owes a considerable debt to magic, and that magic owed a great deal to experimental method.
We are also reminded of the association of similar water-jars with thaumaturgy in the Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria.[90] It will be noted that Adelard is content with a single illustration of the principle involved, while Hero kept reintroducing instances of it. And while Hero gave little more than practical directions, Adelard gives a philosophical interpretation of and scientific deduction from the experiment. But he also describes what actually occurs more accurately, admitting that some liquid will gradually flow out even when the air-hole is kept closed. Here again, as in the case of the theory of the penetration of the particles of one substance between those of another mentioned in our paragraph above on the theory of sound, it is difficult to say whether Adelard was acquainted with Hero’s works. Probably it is only chance that Hero’s Pneumatics seems to contain almost exactly the same number of theorems as Adelard’s Natural Questions has chapters.[91]
It remains to consider Adelard’s attitude towards the stars, which is very similar to that of Plato’s Timaeus. We have already seen that he translated works of Arabic astrology. Such a work as the tables of Al-Khowarizmi evidently has an astrological purpose, enabling one to find the horoscope accurately. In the De eodem et diverso he calls the celestial bodies “those superior and divine animals,” and “the causes and principle of inferior natures.” One who masters the science of astronomy can comprehend not only the present state of inferior things but also the past and the future.[92] The existence of music, says Adelard in another passage, supplies philosophers with a strong argument for their belief that “the soul has descended into the body from the stars above.”[93] In the De eodem et diverso Adelard also expresses the belief that from present phenomena the mind can look ahead far into the future, and that the soul can sometimes foresee the future in dreams.[94]
In the Natural Questions[95] Adelard again alludes to the stars as “those superior animals,” and when asked whether they are animated replies that he deems anyone to be without sense who contends that the stars are senseless, and that to call those bodies lifeless which produce vitality in other bodies is ridiculous. He regards “the bodies of the stars” as composed of the same four elements as this world of inferior creation, but he believes that in their composition those elements predominate which conduce most to life and reason, and that the celestial bodies are more fiery than terrestrial bodies. “But their fire is not harsh, but gentle and harmless. It therefore follows that it is obedient to and in harmony with sense and reason.” Their form, too, being “full and round,” is especially adapted to reason. Finally, if reason and foresight exist even in our dark and perturbed lower world, how much more must the stars employ intelligence in their determined and constant courses? When the nephew proceeds to inquire what food the stars eat, since they are animals, Adelard shows no surprise, but answers that as diviner creatures they use a purer sustenance than we, namely, the humidities of earth and water which, extenuated and refined by their long upward transit, neither augment the stars in weight nor dull their reason and prudence. But when the nephew asks whether the aplanon or outermost and immovable sphere of heaven should be called God or not, Adelard answers that to assert this is in one sense philosophical but in another, insane and abominable, and he then avoids further discussion by terminating the treatise.
For some reason, which I failed to discover, the catalogue of the Cotton manuscripts in the British Museum, in describing “a philosophical treatise concerning the principles of nature, the power of celestial influences on minds and morals, and other matters,”[96] states that “the author seems to be Athelardus.” The treatise is perhaps of later date than Adelard of Bath, but as it would be equally difficult to connect it with any other of our authors, we will give some account of it now. It seems to be incomplete as it stands both at the beginning and end, but the main interest in the portion preserved to us is astrological. Authorities are cited such as Hermes Trismegistus, Theodosius, Ptolemy, Apollonius of Thebes, “Albateni,” and “Abumaxar.” Discussing the number of elements our author states that medical men speak of the four parts of the inferior world, fire, air, water, earth,[97] but that astrologers make the number of the elements twelve, adding the eight parts of the superior world.[98] Later our author argues further for astrological influence as against “the narrow medical man who thinks of no effects of things except those of inferior nature merely.”[99] Our author holds that forms come from above to matter here below, and discusses the influence of the sky on the generation of humans and metals, plants and animals, and connects seven colors and seven metals with the planets.[100] He furthermore, in all probability following Albumasar in this, asserts that the course of history may be foretold by means of astrology and that different religions go with different planets.[101] The Jews are under Saturn; the Arabs, under Venus and Mars, which explains the warlike and sensual character of their religion; the Christian Roman Empire, under the Sun and Jupiter. “Ancient writers argue” and “present experience proves”[102] that the Sun stands for honesty, liberality, and victory; Jupiter, for peace, equity, and humanity. The constant enmity between the Jews and Christians, and Moslems and Christians, is explained by the fact that neither Mars nor Saturn is ever in friendly relation with Jupiter. These three religions also observe the days of the week corresponding to their planets: the Christians, Sunday; the Moslems, Friday or Venus’s day; the Jews, Saturday. Our author also explains the worships of the Egyptians and Greeks by their relation to signs of the zodiac.
Despite the allusion just mentioned to “the experience of to-day,” our author perhaps shows too great a tendency to cite authorities to be that Adelard of Bath who wished to give and take reason and reproved his nephew for blind trust in authority. In discussing the theme of spirits and demons[103]—a different problem, it is true, from natural questions—he thinks that “it is enough in these matters to have faith in the authority of those who, divinely illuminated, could penetrate into things divine by the purer vision of the mind.” He proceeds to cite Apuleius and Trismegistus, Hermes in The Golden Bough, “Apollonius” in The Secrets of Nature, which he wrote alone in the desert, and Aristotle who tells of a spirit of Venus who came to him in a dream and instructed him as to the sacrifice which he should perform under a certain constellation.
But I would close this chapter on Adelard not with superstition from a treatise of dubious authenticity, but rather with reaffirmation of the importance in the long history of science of his brief work, the Natural Questions. Its probable effects upon Hugh of St. Victor and Roger Bacon are instances of its medieval influence to which we shall add in subsequent chapters. But most impressive is the fact that within such compact compass it considers so many problems and topics that are still of interest to modern science. For instance, its two concrete examples of the stone dropped into a hole extending through the earth’s center and of the magic water jar have been common property ever since.
[26] For the De eodem et diverso I have used the text printed for the first time by H. Willner, Des Adelard von Bath Traktat De eodem et diverso, sum ersten Male herausgegeben und historischkritisch untersucht, Münster, 1903, in Beiträge, IV, i.
For the Questiones naturales I have used the editio princeps of Louvain, 1480 (?), and what is supposed to be the original MS at Eton College, 161, (Bl. 6. 16). I have also examined BN 2389, 12th century, fols. 65r-81v, Questiones naturales from cap. 12 on; fols. 81v-90v, De eodem et diverso (sole extant text); and BN 6415, 14th century, where Adelard’s Natural Questions are found together with William of Conches’ Dragmaticon philosophiae and Bernard Silvester’s Megacosmus et microcosmus, of which we treat in succeeding chapters. Professor H. Gollancz has recently translated the Latin text into English for the first time in his Dodi Ve-Nechdi, the work of Berachya based upon Adelard’s and preserved in MSS at Oxford and Munich.
For Adelard’s translation of the Liber Ezich, or astronomical tables of Al-Khowarizmi (as revised by Maslama at Cordova), I have used H. Suter, Die astronomischen Tafeln des Muhammed ibn Musa Al-Khwarizmi, Copenhagen, 1914.
For further bibliography of Adelard’s writings see the articles on Adelard of Bath, by Professor C. H. Haskins in EHR 26 (1911) pp. 491-8, and 28 (1913) 515-6. These articles will henceforth be cited as Haskins (1911) and Haskins (1913).
[27] De eodem et diverso, p. 32.
[28] Haskins (1911) p. 491, who has, however, himself done much to clear up this obscurity. I largely follow his account in the ensuing biographical and bibliographical details.
[29] But the passage giving this date has been found in but one MS; Suter (1914), pp. 5, 37.
[30] R. L. Poole, The Exchequer in the Twelfth Century, London, 1912, p. 56.
[31] CU McLean 165, “Heynrice cum sis regis nepos”; Haskins (1913) pp. 515-6.
[32] Namely, the translation of Euclid, De eodem et diverso, and Liber Ezich.
[33] Ed. Boncompagni, Bullettino di Bibliografia e di Storia della Scienze matematiche, XIV, 1-134.
[34] Unless indirectly through Gerbert.
[35] The numerous MSS vary so in text and arrangement that it is not clear whether Adelard’s work in its original form “was an abridgement, a close translation, or a commentary,” (Haskins (1911) 494-5).
Professor David Eugene Smith states in his forthcoming edition of Roger Bacon’s Communia Mathematicae, which he has very kindly permitted me to see in manuscript, that Roger refers several times to Adelard’s Editio specialis super Elementa Euclidis—“a work now entirely unknown.”
[36] Liber ysagogarum Alchorismi in artem astronomicam a magistro A. compositus: Haskins (1911) p. 493 for MSS.
[37] Ed. Curtze, in Abhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math., VIII, 1-27.
[38] Haskins (1911) p. 494.
[39] Ibid., 495, Ysagoga minor Iapharis mathematici in astronomiam per Adelardum bathoniensem ex arabico sumpta. It is perhaps worth noting the similarity of the Incipit, “Quicumque philosophie scienciam altiorem studio constanti inquirens....” (Digby 68, 14th century, fols. 116-24), to the three “Quicumque” Incipits mentioned in our chapter on Gerbert (see above, Chapter 30, vol. I, page 707.)
[40] Royal 15-C-IV.
[41] Berthelot (1906) 172-77, “Adelard de Bath et le Mappe Clavicula,” as well as the citations from other writings of Berthelot by Haskins (1911) 495-6.
[42] “Aliquid arabicorum studiorum novum me proponere exhortatus.”
[43] “Nepos quidam meus in rerum causis magis implicans quam explicans.”
[44] De eodem et diverso, p. 2, “Tu utrum recte texam animadverte, et ea qua soles vel in sophismatum verboso agmine vel in rhetoricae affectuosa elocutione modesta taciturnitate utere.”
[45] Adelard uses the word modernus a number of times, and usually of his own age, although in one passage of the De eodem et diverso (p. 7, line 3) he speaks of the Latin writers, Cicero and Boethius, as modernos in distinction from Greek philosophers of whom he has previously been speaking. Other uses of the word in De eodem et diverso to apply to his own age are: p. 3, line 3; p. 19, line 24; p. 22, line 33.
Cassiodorus is said to be the first extant author to use modernus.
[46] Quest. nat., Proemium. “Habet enim haec generatio ingenitum vitium ut nihil quod a modernis reperiatur putent esse recipiendum, unde fit ut si quando inventum proprium publicare voluerim, personae id alienae imponens inquam, ‘Quidam dixit, non ego’ Itaque—ne omnino non audiar—omnes meas sententias dans, ‘Quidam invenit, non ego.’ Sed haec hactenus.
... hoc tamen vitato incommodo ne quis me ignota proferentem ex mea id sententia facere, verum arabicorum studiorum sensa putet proponere. Nolo enim si quae dixero minus provectis displiciant, ego etiam eis displicere. Novi enim quis casus veri professores apud vulgus sequatur. Quare causam arabicorum non meam agam.”
In the catalogue of books at Christ Church, Canterbury, which was drawn up while Henry of Eastry was prior (1284-1331), our treatise is listed as “Athelardus de naturalibus questionibus secundum Arabicos”: James (1903) p. 126.
[47] P. 7, “Cui tandem eorum credendum est qui cotidianis novitatibus aures vexant? Et assidue quidem etiam nunc cotidie Platones, Aristoteles novi nobis nascuntur, qui aeque ea quae nesciant ut et ea quae sciant sine frontis jectura promittunt; estque in summa verbositate summa eorum fiducia.”
[48] De eodem, p. 1, “Dum priscorum virorum scripta famosa non omnia sed pleraque perlegerim eorumque facultatem cum modernorum scientia comparaverim, et illos facundos judico et hos taciturnos appello.”
[49] Berthelot (1893) I, 344-7.
[50] Cap. 77. I cite chapters as numbered in the editio princeps.
[51] To which the nephew cheerfully assents.
[52] Quest. nat., cap. 6.
[53] Quest. nat., cap. 6, “Quare, si quid amplius a me audire desideras, rationem refer et recipe. Non enim ego ille sum quem pellis pictura pascere possit.”
[54] De eodem et diverso, p. 13.
[55] De eodem et diverso, p. 13.
[56] Quest. nat., cap. 15.
[57] Ibid., cap. 19.
[58] Ibid., cap. 35.
[59] The ascription of this work to Aristotle is questioned by D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 14, note, who calls attention to the fact that the majority of the numerous place-names in it are from southern Italy or Sicily; “and I live in hopes of seeing this work, or a very large portion of it, expunged, for this and other weightier reasons, from the canonical writings of Aristotle.”
[60] See below, chapter 61, page 621.
[61] I refute this theory, however, in Appendix II to the chapter on Bacon.
[62] Reinaud et Favé, Le feu grégeois et les origines de la poudre à canon, (1845) p. 210. In the quotation from Christine de Pisan at pp. 219-20, however, it seems to me that she has reference only to the poisons last-named and not to the Greek fires previously named in declaring them inhuman and against all the laws of war.
[63] Ibid., p. 128.
[64] The questions thus far listed occur in the order of mention in the following chapters: 6, 7, 10, 11, 20, 12, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 46.
[65] Quest. nat., cap. 31.
[66] Quest. nat., cap. 21.
[67] De architectura, V, iii, 6 (Morgan’s translation). “Voice is a flowing breath of air, perceptible to the hearing by contact. It moves in an endless number of circular rounds, like the innumerably increasing circular waves which appear when a stone is thrown into smooth water, and which keep on spreading indefinitely from the center unless interrupted by narrow limits, or by some obstruction which prevents such waves from reaching their end in due formation. When they are interrupted by obstructions, the first waves, flowing back, break up the formation of those which follow.”
[68] Quest. nat., cap. 22.
[69] See above, chapter 5, vol. I, page 191.
[70] Quest. nat., cap. 23.
[71] See above, chapter 28, I, 659.
[72] See above, chapter 28, I, 657.
[73] See above, chapter 3, page 107.
[74] De Genesi ad litteram, IV, 34; Migne, PL 34, 319-20.
[75] Quest. nat., caps. 8-9.
[76] Ibid., cap. 17.
[77] Ibid., cap. 32. On “weeping as a salutation,” see J. G. Frazer (1918) II, 82-93.
[78] Quest. nat., cap. 2.
[79] Ibid., caps. 13-14.
[80] Ibid., cap. 48.
[81] Chapter 6, I, 219.
[82] London Weekly Times, Literary Supplement, Nov. 15, 1918, p. 549.
[83] Quest. nat., cap. 4, “Et meo certo iudicio in hoc sensibili mundo nihil omnino moritur nec minor est hodie quam cum creatus est. Si qua pars ab una coniunctione solvitur, non perit sed ad aliam societatem transit.”
[84] Didascalicon I, 7 (Migne, PL 176).
[85] Plotinus had said, “Nothing that really is can ever perish” (οὐδὲν ἀπολεῖται τῶν ὄντων), as Dean Inge notes, The Philosophy of Plotinus, 1918, I, 189.
There is also resemblance between the Didascalicon (II, 13) and De eodem et diverso (p. 27, line 7) in their division of music into mundane, human, and instrumental. For this Boethius is very likely the common source.
[86] In Roger Bacon Commemoration Essays, ed. by A. G. Little, Oxford, 1914, pp. 241-84.
[87] Roger Bacon Essays, p. 266.
[88] Quest. nat., cap. 16. For a somewhat similar passage in Augustine see De Genesi ad litteram, VII, 18 (Migne, PL 34, 364).
[89] Ibid., cap. 18.
[90] See above, chapter 5, I, 191.
[91] That is, 78 and 77.
[92] De eodem et diverso, p. 32.
[93] Ibid., p. 10.
[94] Ibid., p. 13.
[95] Quest. nat., caps. 74-77.
[96] Cotton Titus D, iv, fols. 75-138v, opening “fiat ordinata parato quo facile amplectamur ...”, and closing “pars tercia tocius orbis terreni, unde reliqua duo spacia reliqua.”
[97] Cotton Titus D, iv, fol. 77r.
[98] Ibid., fol. 78r.
[99] Ibid., fol. 126v.
[100] Ibid., fols. 127-32.
[101] Ibid., fols. 113-4.
[102] Ibid. fol. 113v, “Et antiqui scripture arguunt et hodierni temporis experimentum probat”....
[103] Ibid., fols. 120v-124v.