[202] Presumably, however, the ‘Gerry’ buried out of the Whitefriars play-house (q.v.) on 29 Sept. 1607 was of the company.

[203] Phillimore, 140; cf. App. A.

[204] S. P. D. Jac. I, lxxxi. 12.

[205] M. S. C. i. 279, from P. R. 13 Jac. I, pt. 20.

[206] Variorum, iii. 426; Collier, i. 394; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 49; from S. P. D. Jac. I, xcvii. 140.

[207] Collier, i. 396, not, as he says, from the P. C. Register, but from S. P. D. Jac. I, xcvii. 140.

[208] Clode, ii. 269; Nicholl, Ironmongers, 84; cf. ch. iv.

[209] Warton, iii. 313; Stowe, Survey, ed. Strype, v. 231.

[210] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum (1903), i. 220, from S. P. D. Eliz. xxxvi. 22; Murray, ii. 168.

[211] Observer. Other payments in this or another year were for ‘a haddocke occupied in the plaie’, ‘a thondre barrell’, ‘drawing the tytle of the comedee’.

[212] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum (1896), i. 95; (1903) ii. 220; Murray, ii. 168; Observer.

[213] Heywood-Wright, 632; Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 308.

[214] Collins, 215 (1566), ‘M^r Scholemaster towards his charges about the playes laste Christmas, 20/-’; Maxwell-Lyte,⁴ 154 (1566–7) ‘To M^r Scholemaster for his charge setting furthe ij playes 19^o Martii, iii^l, xiij^s, viij^d’, (1568–9) ‘For ij dossen of links at iij^d the linke for the childrens showes at Christmass, vj^s’, (1572–3) ‘For vj poundes of candles at the playes in the Halle, ix^d’.

[215] J. W. Hales in Englische Studien, xviii. 408 (cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 452), made the date of 1553–4 seem plausible, but his conjecture that the play was written for the Westminster boys is disposed of by A. F. Leach, who gives Udall’s appointment to Westminster from the Chapter Act Book as 16 Dec. 1555 (Encycl. Brit. s.v. Udall). It might be a Court play of 1553–4, but the parody of the Requiem would have been an indiscretion on Udall’s part at that date.

[216] G. C. Moore Smith (M. L. R. viii. 368) has an ingenious identification of him with the Wrenock of Spenser’s Shepheards Kalendar, xii. 41.

[217] Clode, Hist. of Merchant Taylors Company, i. 235, from Master’s Accounts. Before they opened their own school the Company had plays by the Westminster boys (q.v.).

[218] Clode, i. 234.

[219] The subject may have been Perseus and Andromeda, as the Revels prepared a picture of Andromeda this year. If so, it was probably the same play as that of 23 Feb. 1574.

[220] Whitelocke, Liber Famelicus (Camden Soc.), 12.

[221] Clode, i. 264, 280, 390.

[222] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 256.

[223] The documents in W. Campbell, Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII, are full for the period 1485–90. There is nothing of King’s players, but certain ‘stuffures’ paid for by a warrant of 25 Nov. 1485 (Campbell, i. 178) included goods delivered to John English, apparently a royal tailor or valet, ‘servant unto my said sovereign’.

[224] Collier, i. 44, from a book of Exchequer payments, beginning Michaelmas 1493, in the Chapter-house (probably Misc. Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 131), ‘xvij Die Maij [1494] John Englissh, Edwardo Maye, Rico Gibbeson, & John Hammond, Lusoribus Regis, alias, in lingua Anglicana, les pleyars of the kyngs enterluds, de feodis suis V mrc. ꝓ Ann: le home, per lre Regis de privato Sigillo dormant de termino Michaelis alt: pte rec: denar: separatim ꝓ manus proprias, x mrc.’. The payment was continued half-yearly. Collier adds that Mr. Ouvry owned an original receipt signed by May and English for the salaries of the same four men. It is now Egerton MS. 2623 (3), f. 1, and appears to be a slip cut from some Exchequer record. F. Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, 516, gives similar payments for Michaelmas 1494 and Michaelmas 1503; it is in the latter that the names of William Rutter and John Scott appear. An Exchequer declaration of 1505–6 in Lansd. MS. 156, f. 135, has ‘To Richard Gibson, and other the kings plaiers, for their annuity for one yere, £13 6s. 8d.’. Henry, History of Britain, xii. 456, gives from an Exchequer annuity list of 1507–8, ‘Ricardo Gybson et aliis lusoribus dom. reg. £13 6s. 8d.’.

[225] Collier, i. 49, quotes: (a) Account of Robert Fowler (1501–2), ‘Oct. 26 [1501], Itm to John Englishe for his pagent, £6 13s. 4d. ... Jan. 1 [1502] Itm, to the Kinges players, over 40^s paid by Thomas Trollop, 20^s’; (b) Household Book of Henry VII (1492–1505, more correctly from Addl. MS. 7099 in Bentley, Excerpta Historica, 85), ‘Jan. 6 [1494] To the Kings Pleyers for a rewarde, £2 13s. 4d. ... Jan. 7 [1502] To John Englishe the Pleyer, 10s.’; (c) The Kings Boke of Payments (1506–9, apparently Misc. Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 214), ‘Jan. 7 [1509] To the kings players in rewarde, £2’. Both (b) and (c) are Chamber Accounts.

[226] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 265.

[227] Lansd. MS. 171, cited by Collier, i. 72, is in fact an Elizabethan document, but a list of fees and annuities (1516) in Brewer, ii. 874 has, amongst those granted by Henry VII, ‘John Englisshe and other players £13 6s. 8d.’, and amongst those recently granted, ‘John Englisshe and other players, in addition to the old annuity, £13 6s. 8d.’.

[228] Collier, i. 97, 115, gives an Exchequer payment of 1525–6, ‘Rico Hole et Georgio Mayler, et aliis lusoribus Dom. Regis, de foedis suis inter se ad x marcos per ann. sibi debit: pro festo Michaelis, anno xvij Regis nunc Henrici VIII recept. denar. per manus proprias, per litt. curr. 66s. 8d.’, and was informed by Mr. Devon of a similar payment of £3 6s. 8d. in 1530, in which John Roll, Richard Hole, and Thomas Sudbury are named. A household list of c. 1526 (Brewer, iv. 869) gives as on yearly wages ‘Ric. Hole and other players, £6 13s. 4d.’. One later than March 1544 (Collier, i. 133) gives 8 players at £3 6s. 8d. each.

[229] Chamber Accounts (Brewer, v. 303; xiii. 2. 524; xiv. 2. 303; xvi. 178, 698; xvii. 474; xx. 2. 515; Nicolas, xxviii; Collier, i. 79, 96, 113, 116, 117; Trevelyan Papers, i. 149, 157, 170, 177, 195, 203) give John English (1521–31) at half-yearly ‘fee’ or ‘wages’ of £3 6s. 8d., John Slye or Slee (1539–40) at £1 13s. 4d. half-yearly, and Richard Parrowe or Parlowe (1540–5, appointed Christmas 1538), George Birch (1538–45), Robert Hinstock (1538–45), and George Maylour (1538–40), at 16s. 8d. or 11s. 1d. quarterly.

[230] Chamber Accounts (Brewer, ii. 1441; iii. 1533, &c.; Nicolas, xxviii; Collier, i. 76, 116). The reward for 1509–10 was £2 13s. 4d.; during 1510–13, £3 6s. 8d.; during 1513–21, £3 6s. 8d. to the ‘players’ and ‘£4’ to the ‘olde players’; and during 1529–41, £6 13s. 4d.

[231] Collier, i. 69, from a ‘paper, folded up in the roll [of the Revels Account for 1513–14] and in a different handwriting’, ‘Inglyshe, and the oothers of the Kynges pleyers, after pleyed an Interluyt, whiche was wryten by Mayster Midwell, but yt was so long yt was not lykyd: yt was of the fyndyng of Troth, who was caryed away by ygnoraunce and ypocresy. The foolys part was the best, but the kyng departyd before the end to hys chambre.’ According to Collier, the paper is signed by William Cornish and also contains a description of a Chapel interlude. But Brewer, who calendars the Revels Account fully, does not notice it, and according to A. W. Reed in T. L. S. (3 April 1919) it cannot be traced at the R. O.

[232] Cf. ch. iii; Tudor Revels, 6.

[233] Brewer, ii. 1493. In 1546–7 they had 5s. for the loan of garments to the Revels (Kempe, 71).

[234] Grey Friars Chronicle (C. S.), 34, ‘Also this same yere John Scotte, that was one of the kynges playeres, was put in Newgate for rebukynge of the shreffes, and was there a sennet, and at the last was ledde betwene two of the offecers from Newgate thorrow London and soe to Newgat agayne, and then was delyveryd home to hys howse; but he toke such a thowte that he dyde, for he went in hys shurte’.

[235] John Slye and John Yonge, mercer, had been players to Queen Jane before her death in 1537, and were concerned about 1538 in a Chancery suit about a horse hired ‘to beare there playing garmentes’ (Stopes, Shakespeare’s Environment, 235). Perhaps this explains the annuity of £1 10s. 5d. (1d. a day) which Young drew from the Chamber during 1540–2. But he obtained a patent as King’s player, with an annual fee of £3 6s. 8d., on the death of Roo in 1539 (Brewer, xiv. 1. 423), and an ‘annuity’ of £3 6s. 8d. on the death of Sudbury in 1546 (Brewer, xxi. 2. 156). Collier, i. 134, cites a description of him in a fee list amongst the Fairfax MSS. as ‘Maker of Interludes, Comedies, and Playes’.

[236] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 183.

[237] G. H. Overend in N. S. S. Trans. (1877–9), 425.

[238] Collier, i. 93; Madden, Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, 104, 140; Rutland MSS. iv. 270; Brewer, iv. 340.

[239] Cf. Murray, passim, and Mediaeval Stage, App. E.

[240] Royal MS. 7, C. xvi, f. 97 (cited Collier, i. 137). The names are in a list of servants ‘nuely in ordinary of the Chamber’, and some illegible names of players are in an accompanying list of ‘Offycers in ordynary of the Chamber of the late Kynges Majestie now discharged’.

[241] Lord Chamberlain’s Records, Misc. v. 127, f. 23 (also with the error ‘E. and P.’ in Sullivan, 249), ‘three broade yerdes of redd wollen clothe for a liuery coate of suche prices as the yeomen officers of oure howseholde are accustomed to haue and iij^s and iiij^d vnto euery of them for the Enbrauderinge of theire saide coates withe the lettres E and R on the backe and on the breste’.

[242] Chamber Accounts in Trevelyan Papers, i. 195–205; ii. 17–31, and Collier, i. 136, 138, 148.

[243] S. P. D. Edw. VI, xiv.

[244] Stowe MS. 571, f. 27^v; Harl. MS. 240, f. 13.

[245] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 89, 90, 97, 98, 119; cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 406, where I think I was in error in taking John Smith as a name assumed by Will Somers.

[246] Hist. MSS. iii. 230, from book of annuities at Penshurst.

[247] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 31, 39, 57, 86.

[248] Collier, i. 149. The reference to Ferrers’ ‘divine’ and ‘astronomer’ (cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 407) fixes the date.

[249] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 201, from Lansd. MS. 824, f. 24.

[250] Fee-list in collection of Soc. of Antiquaries, cited by Collier, i. 161.

[251] Chamber Accounts in Collier, i. 161; Declared Accounts (Pipe Office), 541, m. 2^v.

[252] Reading was a London player in 1550 (App. D, No. v). The Chamber Accounts for the first few years of Elizabeth show an annuity to a George Birch under a warrant of 7 Jan. 1560.

[253] Eight players of interludes at £3 6s. 8d. each are in the fee-lists (cf. vol. i, p. 29), Stowe MS. 571, f. 148 (c. 1575–80), Sloane MS. 3194, f. 38 (1585), Stowe MS. 571, f. 168 (c. 1587–90), Lansd. MS. 171, f. 250 (c. 1587–91), S. P. D. Eliz. ccxxi, f. 16 (c. 1588–93), H. O. 256 (c. 1598), and with the error of £3 6s. in Hargreave MS. 215, f. 21^v (c. 1592–5), Lord Chamberlain’s Records, v. 33, f. 19^v (1593), Stowe MS. 572, f. 35^v (c. 1592–6), Harl. MS. 2078, f. 18^v (c. 1592–6). The inaccurate Cott. MS. Titus, B. iii, f. 176 (c. 1585–93) gives two ‘Plaiers on Interludes’ at £3 6s. The normal entry recurs in the Jacobean Lansd. MS. 272, f. 27 (1614) and Stowe MS. 575, f. 24 (1616), but a group of the early part of the reign (Addl. MS. 35848, f. 19; Addl. MS. 38008, f. 58^v; Soc. Antiq. MSS. 74, 75) have ‘Plaiers on the In lute’ or ‘on in Lutes’, at £3 6s. 8d. or £3 6s., which looks like an attempt to rationalize the Cotton MS. entry. And Stowe MS. 574, f. 16^v, has ‘Players on Lute’ at £3 6s. 8d., which some one has corrected by inserting the normal entry. All this suggests that many copyists of fee-lists in the seventeenth century confused the post of interlude player with that of a lute player, and the former was therefore probably obsolete, and its fee no longer paid to the royal players of the day (cf. ch. x). I cannot agree with E. Law, Shakespeare a Groom, of the Chamber, 26, 64, that the interlude players survived under James as ‘mummers, who, perhaps, sang in a sort of recitative at masques and anti-masques’.

[254] Chamber Declared Accounts (Pipe Office), 541, passim, 542, m. 3; Collier, i. 236; Cunningham, xxvii. I do not know how long John Young continued to draw his Exchequer ‘annuity’, but presumably he had retired on it.

[255] Fleay, 43, says, ‘There was no specific company called the Queen’s players till 1583; it was a generic title applied to any company who prepared plays for the Queen’s amusement. In 1561 the players probably were the Earl of Leicester’s servants.’ I need hardly say that I do not accept this, which would not explain the disappearance of the ‘Queen’s’ from provincial records between 1573 and 1583. For another use of the same improvised theory by Mr. Fleay, cf. App. D, No. lxxv.

[256] Murray, i. 19, adds records from other towns, and A. Clark (10 N. Q. xi. 41) for Saffron Walden.

[257] App. D, No. xi.

[258] Nichols, Eliz. i. 280, ‘To my L. of Leyester’s men for a reward, 2s. 6d.’. Fleay, 18, says that the amount is too small to favour the supposition that these were players. But Elizabeth was at Saffron Walden at the time, and a present was made to the Master of the Revels of a podd of oysters costing no more than 3s. 6d. Probably Saffron Walden was an economical place, or the payment was only for some speech.

[259] Murray, i. 41.

[260] Printed in M. S. C. i. 348, from MS. F. 10 (213) in the Marquis of Bath’s collection at Longleat; also in 3 N. Q. xi. 350. The letter is undated but followed Procl. 663, on which cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. xix.

[261] Mediaeval Stage, i. 406; Kempe, 47. The garments provided for Ferrers by the Revels included fools’ coats for ‘Children, John Smyth, Ayer apparent ... Seame 2, Parkins 3, Elderton 4’.

[262] App. D, No. xviii.

[263] Cf. ch. ix. The patent is printed from the Patent Roll in M. S. C. i. 262; also from a copy of the entry on the Patent Roll preserved amongst Rymer’s papers in Sloane MS. 4625 by Steevens, Shakespeare (1773), ii. 156, and therefrom in Variorum, iii. 47. This text omits the words ‘oure Citie of London and liberties of the same as also within’. Collier, i. 203, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 25, printed the Signet Bill, erroneously describing it as the Privy Seal, from the State Paper Office. This has the omitted words, and Collier correctly explains the omission in Steevens’s text as due to an inaccurate copyist, pointing in proof to the words ‘in oure said Citye of London’. This did not, however, prevent Fleay, 45, from asserting that in the Patent ‘an alteration had been made from the Privy Seal’, on the ground that its terms ‘infringed on the powers of the City authorities’. Such an alteration not merely did not take place, but would have been a diplomatic impossibility, as the Patent Roll was made up, not from the Letters Patent, but from the Privy Seals on which these were based.

[264] Probably they occupied the Theatre, at any rate in summer, until 1583. A letter of Gabriel Harvey’s in the summer of 1579 mentions ‘Lycesters’, the ‘Theater’, and ‘Wylson’, but in no very definite connexion with each other (cf. p. 4). The Privy Council letter of 23 Dec. 1579, for their toleration at the Blackfriars, printed by Collier, New Facts, 9, is a forgery (cf. ch. xvii).

[265] I should think the ‘Myngs’ of Murray, ii. 214, and Collier, Northbrooke, viii, more likely to be palaeographically accurate than the ‘Myngo’ of J. Latimer in 9 N. Q. xi. 444 and his Sixteenth Century Bristol. But a song of ‘Monsieur Mingo’ exists in a setting by Orlando de Lassus (cf. E. H. R. xxxiii. 83), and is quoted in 2 Hen. IV, v. iii. 78, and Summer’s Last Will and Testament, 968.

[266] Cf. App. D, No. xl.

[267] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Baylye.

[268] Murray, i. 41, gives additional provincial records for 1576–82.

[269] Stowe, Annales, 717, from a description by William Segar.

[270] The show itself was perhaps of Italian origin, for on 17 June 1572 the Earl of Lincoln was entertained at Paris by the Duke of Anjou (2 Ellis, iii. 12, from Cott. MS. Vesp. F. vi, f. 93) with ‘an Italian comedie, which eandid, vaulting with notable supersaltes and through hoopes, and last of all the Antiques, of carying of men one uppon an other which som men call labores Herculis’.

[271] J. Bruce from Harl. MS. 287, f. 1, in Who was Will, my Lord of Leicester’s jesting player? (Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 88). Bruce thinks that ‘Will’ might be Johnson, Kempe, or Sly, but not Shakespeare, whose ‘earliest works bear upon them the stamp of a mind far too contemplative and refined’ for Sidney to call him ‘knave’ and ‘jesting player’. I do not subscribe to the reasoning. W. J. Thoms, Three Notelets on Shakespeare, 120, upholds the Shakespeare theory, and attempts to support it by evidence of military knowledge in the plays.

[272] Wright, Eliz. ii. 268, from Cott. MS. Galba C. viii; cf. M. L. R. iv. 88.

[273] Fleay, 82; but cf. Lee, 36, and pp. 124, 272. The thing is complicated by the influence of Malone’s suggestion (Variorum, ii. 166) that Shakespeare might have left Stratford with Leicester’s men on a visit to the town. This assumes its most fantastic form in the suggestion of Lee¹, 33, that Shakespeare was already in London, but ‘Shakespeare’s friends may have called the attention of the strolling players to the homeless youth, rumours of whose search for employment about the London theatres had doubtless reached Stratford’.

[274] At Exeter they are called the Lord Steward’s, certainly not the Marquis of Winchester’s, as Murray, ii. 95, suggests, for he was never Steward of Elizabeth’s household.

[275] Norfolk Archaeology, xiii. 11.

[276] J. M. Cowper, in 1 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. i. 218, records a performance by ‘my Lord of Leicester’s men’ at Faversham in 1589–90; but I think this must be an error.

[277] J. D. Walker, The Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn, i. 374, gives the name as ‘Lord Roche’, but this is probably a mistake. Viscount Roche of Fermoy in Ireland is not likely to have had players in London.

[278] J. de Perott (Rev. Germ. Feb. 1914) suggests that Portio and Demorantes may be the Lamorat and Porcia of the French version (1548) of Amadis de Grecia (1542), viii. 56.

[279] Murray, i. 307, and A. Clark (10 N. Q. xii. 41) add records for 1573–83.

[280] Murray, i. 307, has additional provincial records for 1585–91.

[281] I do not agree with Fleay, Sh. 18, 184, that Sussex’s were satirized in A Midsummer-Night’s Dream; cf. infra, s.v. Hertford’s.

[282] Dasent, xxiv. 209.

[283] Cf. App. C, No. lvii.

[284] Dasent, viii. 71, dating the warrant on 29 Feb.

[285] Ancaster MSS. (Hist. MSS.) 466.

[286] Hist. MSS. ix. 1. 156. The payment is given as to the Earl of ‘Waffyts’ men.

[287] Nichols, Eliz. i. 531.

[288] Wright and Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 122, from Harl. MS. 7392, f. 97; cf. M. L. R. ii. 5.

[289] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 222.

[290] Cf. ch. viii.

[291] Ellis, i. 3, 32; Cooper, ii. 379; from S. P. D. Eliz. cxxxix. 26. The Privy Council letter of 30 Oct. 1575 (M. S. C. i. 195) forbids ‘open shewes’ and ‘assemblies in open places of multitudes of people’ within five miles of Cambridge.

[292] Murray, i. 348. I add Maldon (1581).

[293] Murray, i. 348. I add Stratford (1583–4). Dr. Boas kindly informs me that the Oxford City Accounts for 1584–5 have a payment to Oxford’s ‘musytions’.

[294] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[295] The payment was made to Richard Woderam, but he is more likely to have been an agent of the Corporation than a member of the company.

[296] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 256. The 1469 entry has been since published by A. Clark in 10 N. Q. vii. 181, ‘Et solut. lusoribus domini comitis Essex ludentibus coram burgensibus infra burgum hoc anno, vs.’

[297] Variorum, ii. 150. The ‘lord Cartleyes players’ recorded by B. S. Penley, The Bath Stage, 12, in 1580–1, 1582–3, and 1583–4 were perhaps Lord Berkeley’s. Murray, ii. 27, adds other provincial notices.

[298] This did not prevent Chalmers from giving the date 1581 and being set right by Malone (Variorum, iii. 442). Collier, i. 247, gives 1583, but misdates Tilney’s commission of 1581, and takes it for the instrument constituting the company.

[299] Feuillerat, Eliz. 359.

[300] Nicolas, Hatton, 271.

[301] Stowe, Annales (1615), 697, (1631), 698.

[302] Greg, Henslowe, ii. 79, citing Addl. MS. 5750, f. 113.

[303] Cf. ch. x.

[304] Halliwell, Affray at Norwich in 1583 in which Queen Elizabeth’s Players were involved (1864), and in Illustrations of the Life of Shakespeare, 118.

[305] Murray, i. 20, and A. Clark in 10 N. Q. xii. 41 (Saffron Walden) give other provincial records throughout. An Ipswich one for 1581–2 must be misplaced.

[306] Cf. App. D, No. lxxv.

[307] Fleay, 83.

[308] Variorum, ii. 166.

[309] M. S. C. i. 354. from P. R. O. Lay Subsidies, Household, 69/97.

[310] Fleay, 34.

[311] The illustration of Mr. Fleay’s methods of constructing stage history is delightful. In The True Tragedie of Richard the Third, a Queen’s play, the murderers of the princes in the Tower are Will Slawter or Sluter, ‘yet the most part calles him blacke Will’ (Hazlitt, Sh. L. v. 95), and Jack Denten or Douton. On this Mr. Fleay (ii. 316) comments, ‘One of the actors in it, Sc. 11, is called Will Slaughter, “yet the most part calls him Black Will”, i.e. the Black Will of Arden of Faversham, q.v., which had no doubt been acted by the same man. Another actor is called Jack Donton (Dutton) or Denten, an accommodation of the Dighton of history to the actor’s real name.’ Obviously there is no need to suppose that the characters in The True Tragedie bore the names of their actors. John Dutton is not very likely to have taken a part of four speeches, and Will Slawter is evidently added to the John Dighton of Holinshed, to give Edward V the ‘irony’ of a pun upon ‘slaughter’. As for Arden of Faversham, it is not known to have been a Queen’s play at all, and its ‘Black Will’ is taken from Holinshed. Having gone so far, I do not know why Mr. Fleay stopped short of identifying Black Will’s colleague ‘Shakebag’ with the name of an actor. Of course, Mr. Fleay’s blundering conjectures must be distinguished from the deliberate fabrications of Collier, who published in his New Facts, 11, from a forged document amongst the Bridgewater MSS., a certificate to the Privy Council under the date ‘Nov. 1589’, from ‘her Ma^ts poore playeres James Burbidge Richard Burbidge John Laneham Thomas Greene Robert Wilson John Taylor Anth. Wadeson Thomas Pope George Peele Augustine Phillippes Nicholas Towley William Shakespeare William Kempe William Johnson Baptiste Goodale and Robert Armyn being all of them sharers in the blacke Fryers playehouse’. On this cf. ch. xvii, and Ingleby, 249.

[312] Tarlton, 12, 13, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 37, ‘while the queenes players lay in Worcester’, ‘when the queenes players were restrained in summer, they travelled downe to S. James his fair at Bristow’, ‘in the country where the queenes plaiers were accepted into a gentlemans house’, ‘at Salisbury, Tarlton and his fellowes were to play before the maior and his brethren’, ‘the queenes players travelling into the west country to play, and lodging in a little village some ten miles from Bristow’.

[313] Tarlton, 16, ‘one in mockage threw him in this theame, he playing then at the Curtaine’.

[314] Tarlton, 24, ‘Tarlton then, with his fellowes, playing at the Bel by ... the Crosse-keyes in Gracious streete’.

[315] Tarlton, 13, ‘at the Bull in Bishops-gate-street, where the queenes players oftentimes played’. It was here (Tarlton, 24) that Tarlton and Knell played The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth.

[316] Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (Works, i. 197; cf. i. 308).