[1446] App. D, No. lxxxiv.

[1447] App. D, No. cxxxii.

[1448] ‘In the late quenes tyme fre libertie was permited with owt restrainte to bayght them which now is tacken a way frome vs especiallye one the Sondayes in the after none after devine service which was the cheffest meanes and benefit to the place’; cf. p. 452.

[1449] Cf. p. 375.

[1450] Henslowe Papers, 88, 125.

[1451] Printed in M. S. C. i. 277, from P. R. 13 Jac. I, pt. 20; also by Collier, i. 381, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 46, from the Signet Bill, misdescribed as the Privy Seal, of 31 May.

[1452] Cf. App. D, No. clvii.

[1453] Cf. App. D, No. clx. Collier, i. 384, without giving his authority, says that the Corporation reported the carrying out of this mandate ‘before three days had elapsed’.

[1454] Shaw. ii. 107. Sir Thomas Saunders had the same lodgings c. 1551 (cf. p. 478, n. 4; M. S. C. ii. 120).

[1455] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars); M. S. C. ii. 93, 110, 120.

[1456] W. P. Baildon, Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn, iv. 263; C. F. R. Palmer, The Friar-Preachers of Holborn, London (Reliquary, xvii. 33, 75).

[1457] Stowe, Survey, i. 9, 27, 40, 64, 339; ii. 14, 44, 89; (1720) i. 3. 177; Halle, ii. 150; Nicolas, Acts of Privy Council, passim; Rot. Parl. v. 171; Clapham, 58; V. H. i. 498; Brewer, iv. 2483; Riley, Memorials of London, 90; Baldwin, 154, 261, 355, 358, 499; Gairdner, Paston Letters, i. 426, ‘for the ease of resorting of the Lordys that are withinne the toun’.

[1458] V. H. i. 498.

[1459] Brewer, iii. 2. 1053.

[1460] Ibid. xiii. 2. 215.

[1461] Rymer, xiv. 609; Brewer, xiii. 2. 320.

[1462] M. S. C. ii. 3.

[1463] Ibid. ii. 4, 6, 8, 109, 114. Cawarden had had a lease of part of the property on 4 April 1548.

[1464] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178.

[1465] Printed from Journal, 14, f. 129, as appendix to Memoranda, References, and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals of the City of London (1836).

[1466] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178. Portinari was a pensioner c. 1526 (Brewer, iv. 871), and he was aged 64 in 1572 (M. S. C. ii. 52). He was a Florentine by birth and an engineer by profession (Sp. P. ii. 399; Winwood, i. 145).

[1467] B. M. Lansd. MS. 155, f. 80^v.

[1468] M. S. C. ii. 2, 5, 103, 127; Stowe (1598), i. 339; Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91; Dasent, xxvi. 448; xxvii. 13.

[1469] In 1585 the Lord Mayor asked that the Blackfriars might contribute to the musters (Stowe, ed. Strype, i. 3. 180). In 1588 and 1593 requisitions for a levy were sent to the chief officer, i. e. the constable, and the inhabitants (Dasent, xv. 428; xxiv. 30). But in 1589 similar action was taken through the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xvii. 118). A local dispute was referred to Richard Young and another Middlesex justice in 1591, with whom the Lord Mayor was joined because a City company was involved (Dasent, xx. 245, 283). Young and others again received the Council’s instructions, after they had heard the inhabitants, on a building matter in 1591 (Dasent, xxi. 337). At a time of danger in 1592 the keeping of a midsummer watch was committed to Lord Cobham (Dasent, xxii. 551).

[1470] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183; Dasent, iii. 235 (Letter of 14 March 1551 ‘to the Maiour of London to suffer the Lorde Cobham, the Lorde Wardein, and others dwelling within the Blacke Freres t’enjoye their liberties there’). The riot was put down by Sir Thomas Saunders, Sir Henry Jerningham, and William More.

[1471] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183.

[1472] Stowe, ed. Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. The Blackfriars papers added by A. Munday in 1618 appear to be all notes and examinations taken by Sir Thomas Saunders, who appealed to the Earl of Arundel for support.

[1473] Dasent, viii. 240, 257.

[1474] Dasent, x. 429; xii. 19. Pending a decision the Lord Mayor was directed ‘not to intermeddle in any cawse within the saide liberties, savinge onlie for the punishment of fellons as heretofore he hath don’. The report dated 27 Jan. 1580 is printed by Ingleby, 250, from the Bridgewater MSS. It seems to be genuine. Collier does not print it, although he mentions it (New Facts, 9) in connexion with a forged Privy Council order which he dates 23 Dec. 1579. Wallace, ii. 22, describes an unprinted statement of the City’s case, dated 27 Jan. 1579, in Letter Book Z, f. 23^v.

[1475] Dasent, xv. 137; Stowe (1720), i. 3. 177.

[1476] This may be the undated petition relating both to the Blackfriars and the Whitefriars in B. M. Lansd. MS. 155, f. 79^v.

[1477] Wallace, i. 174, from Loseley MSS., bundle 425.

[1478] M. S. C. ii. 124; cf. Dasent, xiii. 76.

[1479] Dasent, xxvi. 448. Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Fortescue, both residents in or near the Blackfriars, sat on the commission with the chief justices. Lady Russell records the want of a steward and bailiff to keep order in 1597 (Hatfield MSS. vii. 298).

[1480] Dasent, xxvii. 13; xxx. 134, 149; cf. App. D, No. cxxvi.

[1481] W. de G. Birch, Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of London, 142. James is said to have made the City pay for the rebuilding of the Banqueting House (cf. ch. i) in return for this extension of jurisdiction (Goodman, ii. 176). Collier, N. F. 20, 22, 32, although ignorant of the charter, quotes documents relating to the status of the Blackfriars in 1608, of which two at least, a note of the interest of the players in the theatre and a letter in their favour signed ‘H. S.’, are forgeries (Ingleby, 244, 246, 256).

[1482] M. S. C. ii. 66, 114; cf. Cawarden’s i. p.m. in Fry, London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, i. 191.

[1483] The general lie of Blackfriars can be gathered from Stowe (1598), i. 313; ii. 11, with the maps described in the Bibl. Note to ch. xvi, and the modern ordnance maps. The earlier maps are largely picturesque, and notably place far too much of the precinct on the east of Water Lane. But they seem to preserve certain details, such as the arches over the north to south highway. The old lines of the roads appear to have been preserved at the rebuilding after the great fire of 1666. I have added some details from other sources.

[1484] M. S. C. ii. 115.

[1485] The reconstructed map of London by Emery Walker in C. L. Kingsford’s edition of Stowe gives this name in error to Water Lane.

[1486] The 1586 documents in Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178, state that the prior held of the lord of St. John’s, ‘who did make the bridge at the Thames’. Feuillerat, Eliz. 454, however, quotes a Declared Account of 1550 for ‘the ereccion and buyldynge ... of two bridges thone at the Blackfreers and thother at the Temple’. Under Elizabeth the liberty maintained the bridge as well as that at Bridewell (Lansd. MS. 155, f. 80^v). The tenure from St. John’s is also alleged (1587) in Dasent, xv. 137. It is rather curious that in an endorsement of the survey of St. John’s in 1586–7 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 47) that house, although in Clerkenwell, is described, perhaps by a slip, as in the Blackfriars.

[1487] M. S. C. ii. 115. For the ‘turngate’ cf. M. S. C. ii. 114; Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. This, with the great gate, and the gates at the Thames and Fleet bridges, made up the four gates of conventual times. The gate, over which Shakespeare had a house, where Ireland Yard debouches into St. Andrew’s Hill, was probably of later date.

[1488] M. S. C. ii. 6, 11, 109.

[1489] The upper gate is described in a lease as ‘a gate of the Citie of London’ (Loseley MS. 1396, f. 44). It may have been a relic of the pre-1276 wall. Its site is shown on the Ordnance map. The lower gate is visible in the maps of Braun and Agas. It seems to have carried Charles V’s gallery over the roadway to the guest-house.

[1490] M. S. C. ii. 9, 107, 110; Clapham, 64.

[1491] The details for the rest of this paragraph are mainly taken from Crown surveys of 1548 and 1550 (M. S. C. ii. 6, 8), and from a memorandum by Cawarden on the grants anterior to his own (M. S. C. ii. 1, 103), and Professor Feuillerat’s notes of the original patents which illustrate this.

[1492] M. S. C. ii. 9, 107, 114; Clapham, 62; London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, ii. 115.

[1493] Ibid. 9, 10, 112.

[1494] Ibid. 111, 113.

[1495] Ibid. 110; Clapham, 63.

[1496] Ibid. 10, 110, 114.

[1497] Ibid. 3.

[1498] Some vaulted fragments stood until 1900 at a spot which must have been just east of the school-house. Possibly they formed part of the provincial’s lodging. They are shown in a plan of c. 1670–80 (Clapham, 71), and their condition in 1900 was carefully recorded (Clapham, 69, 70, 78). Only a fragment of wall is now in situ, just north of what is now the west end of Ireland Yard, but appears on the seventeenth-century plan as Cloister Court. It must, however, have run out from the south-east corner of the cloister towards the east. The name Cloister Court has now passed to a yard farther south.

[1499] Clapham, 68; cf. p. 486.

[1500] Clapham suggests, plausibly enough, that the description (c. 1394) of a Dominican house in Pierce the Ploughmans Crede (ed. Skeat, E. E. T. S. 153–215) was based upon the London Blackfriars. The following passages relate to the cloister and refectory.

[1501] M. S. C. ii. 1.

[1502] Ibid. 13, 115.

[1503] Ibid. 6, 8, gives the texts of two surveys (a) of the property leased to Cawarden on 4 April 1548, (b) of that included in his grant of 12 March 1550.

[1504] Ibid. 7, 12, 35; cf. p. 499.

[1505] London Inquisitiones Post Mortem, i. 191; cf. M. S. C. ii. 4, 12.

[1506] Stowe (1598), i. 341; Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91; M. S. C. ii. 2, 127; Hennessy, 88; Loseley MSS.

[1507] M. S. C. ii. 103.

[1508] Ibid. 92, 117.

[1509] Ibid. 21, 31, 92, 126.

[1510] Ibid. 21, 93, 119. They were let to Henry Knowles in 1565 and had been earlier occupied by Roger Lygon, Lady Parr, and Sir Thomas Saunders. Later Nicholas Saunders had them.

[1511] Ibid. 117, 124, 125, show Anthony Browne, probably, as tenant in 1560, Henry Lord Hunsdon, probably, in 1584 and 1585, and Ralph Bowes in 1596.

[1512] Dasent, xxi. 402, gives a Privy Council letter of 18 August 1591 to the Lord Mayor requiring him to repair the supply pipe from Clerkenwell; cf. p. 494.

[1513] (1548) ‘A Cuchin yarde, an owlde Cuchyn, an entre or passage Ioyninge to the same, conteyninge in lengethe 84 fote, abuttinge to the lane aforseide on the weste side, being in breddethe at that ende 68 fote, Abuttinge ageanste an owlde butery on the easte side, being in breddethe at that ende 74 foote, Abuttinge to M^r Portynarys parler nexte the lane on the Southe side, And to my lorde Cobhames brick wall and garden on the Northe syde. An owlde buttery and an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin, with Sellers therunder, with a hall place at the vpper ende of the stayre and an entere there to the ffrater ouer the same buttery, all which conteyne in lengethe 36 foote and in breddethe 95 foote, abuttinge to the cloyster on the Este side, the Cuchin on the weste side, to the lorde Cobhams howse on the Northe syde, and on the Sowthe side to a blynd parlour that my lorde warden did clame.

A howse called the vpper frater conteyninge in lengethe 107 foote and in breddethe 52 foote, abuttinge Sowthe and easte to my ladye Kingestons howse and garden, Northe to a hall where the kinges revelles lyes at this presente, and weste towardes the seide Duchie Chamber and M^r Portynaryes howse.

A hall and a parlour vnder the seide frater of the same lengethe and breddethe, A litle Cuchen conteyning in lengethe 23 foote and in breddethe 22 foote abuttinge to the aforseide lane on the weste, towardes the seide parlour on the este, to M^r Portinarys howse on the northe, and to a waye ledinge to my ladye Kingestons howse on the southe, A litle Chamber with a voyde rome therunder, conteyning in lengethe 26 fote, in breddeth 10 foote, abuttinge weste to the cuchin, este to the parlour, northe to M^r Portinarys howse, and ye seid way to my ladie Kingestons howse Sowthe, with 4 small Sellers or darke holes therunder.

A voyde rome, beinge an entre towardes the lytle cytchin and colehowse, conteyning in lengeth 30 fote and in breddethe 17 fote.

A Chamber called the Duchie Chaumber, with a darke loginge therunder, conteyninge in lengthe 50 fote and in breddethe 16 foote, abuttinge este ageanste the north ende of the seide ffrater, abuttinge weste on M^r Portinaryes parlour —— 66^s 8^d.’

(1550) ‘One Kitchyn yarde, an olde Kitchyn, an Entrie or passage ioyneinge to the same, Conteineinge in lengthe 84 fote, abutinge to the Lane aforesaid on the west side, beinge in bredethe at that ende three score fowrtene fote, abutinge to M^r Portinareys parler next the Lane on the southe side and to the Lord Cobham brickewall & gardeine on the Northe side. One olde Butterie & a Entrie or passage with a great staier therein, with Cellers therevnder, with a Hawle place at the vpper ende of the staiers and a entrie there to the ffrater ouer the same butterie, which all conteinethe in lengthe 95 fote and in bredethe 36 fote, abuttinge to the Cloyster on thest side, the kitchyn on the west side, to the Lorde Cobham howse on the northe side, and on the southe side to a blinde parler that my Lord warden did Clayme. One howse called the vpper ffrater conteinethe in Lengthe 107 fote and in bredethe 52 fote, Abuttinge southe and est to the Ladie Kingston howse and gardein, northe to a hawle where the Kinges Revelles Liethe at theis presentes, and west towardes the Duchie Chamber and M^r Portinareyes howse. A voide rome, beinge an Entrie towardes the Litle Kitchyn & Cole howse, conteininge in Lengthe 30 fote and in bredethe 17 fote. One Chamber called the Duchie chamber, with a darke Lodginge there vnder, conteininge in Lengthe 50 fote and in bredethe 16 fote, abuttinge est agaynst the northe ende of the said ffrater, and abuttinge west apon M^r Portinareys parler. All which premisses be valued to be worthe by yere —— iij^li vj^s viij^d.’

[1514] M. S. C. ii. 14, 24, 116, 117, 119, 120; cf. p. 482. The stone gallery was removed in 1564.

[1515] Ibid. 13, 16, 115.

[1516] Ibid. 14, 16.

[1517] Ibid. 7, 11, ‘an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin’ (1548, 1550), 21 ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from that end of the house of William More wherin John Horleye his servaunt doth lodge’ (1560), 118, ‘the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden’ (1560), 31, ‘an entrye leadynge from the sayde voyde ground into the sayd dwellynge howse or tenement of the sayd Sir William More’ (1576), 63, ‘the dore entry way voide ground and passage leadinge and vsed to and from the saide greate yard nexte the saide Pipe Office’ (1596), 126, ‘the gate-house with the appurtenances on the west side of the sayd monastery’ (1611), ‘the great gate near the play-house’ (1617).

[1518] M. S. C. ii. 20.

[1519] Ibid. 14 (cf. 116), ‘vnius paris graduum ducentium a coquina predicta vsque magnum claustrum’ (1546), 21, ‘the waye ledinge from the house and garden of William More towards the Water Lane’, ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from the garden of William More to the voide grounde’ (1560), 119.

[1520] Ibid. 16.

[1521] Ibid. 115.

[1522] Ibid. 27, 29.

[1523] The whole length of the Neville-Farrant holding is given in 1560 (M. S. C. ii. 20) as 157½ ft., and in 1576 (M. S. C. ii. 29) as 156½ ft. As this included 37 ft. of the northern block, 119½ ft. or 120½ ft. seems to be left for the staircase and frater. The difference between inside and outside measurements often causes confusion in old surveys.

[1524] M. S. C. ii. 62, 119; cf. p. 504.

[1525] Ibid. 94.

[1526] Cf. p. 513.

[1527] M. S. C. ii. 105.

[1528] The room is described as ‘intrale seu le parlour’ in Cawarden’s grant of 1550.

[1529] M. S. C. ii. 105, 124. There was yet another room under the infirmary. One Kempe, an assign of Lady Kingston’s heir, tried to claim the Parliament Chamber from Cawarden, on the strength of her grant of the infirmary.

[1530] Cf. p. 504.

[1531] On Cheyne’s houses cf. p. 499.

[1532] M. S. C. ii. 42–51. This hall is doubtless the ground-floor frater referred to in a document of c. 1562 (M. S. C. ii. 105).

[1533] Cf. p. 499. The ‘blinde parler that my Lord warden did clayme’ and ‘the litle kitchyn and cole howse’ are mentioned in the survey of 1550 to define the position of other parcels. But the hall and parlour might be held to be covered by the grant of the ‘howse called the vpper frater’, and I do not know what the ‘little tenement’ near that held by Kirkham from Cheyne was, if it was not the little chamber and kitchen. It is noteworthy that the disputed rooms, after being included, with a note of Cheyne’s claim, in the survey of 1548, were left out of Cawarden’s lease of the same year.

[1534] M. S. C. ii. 109.

[1535] Brewer, ii. 2. 1494.

[1536] Tudor Revels, 7.

[1537] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 255; Wallace, i. 140.

[1538] Athenaeum (1886), ii. 91.

[1539] Feuillerat, Eliz. 430; cf. M. S. C. ii. 120; Wallace, i. 192.

[1540] M. S. C. ii. 35. I do not know whether More deliberately confused the Tents and Revels.

[1541] Ibid. 52.

[1542] Ibid. 105.

[1543] Ibid. 14, 116; Hist. MSS. vii. 603.

[1544] Ibid. 15.

[1545] Only an abstract of title at the date of the sale exists (Barrett, Apothecaries, 46), but Apothecaries’ Hall occupies the site of these rooms.

[1546] M. S. C. ii. 4, 9; Feuillerat, Eliz. 440. In 1552 Jane Fremownte had succeeded Barnard (M. S. C. ii. 115), but she cannot have had the whole of the original lodge, as her 4 ft. entry on Water Lane is too small to have been the main access to the cloister. Probably part had been granted to her neighbour, Sir George Harper. Nor did all her holding pass to Cobham in 1554. Some of it was probably added to the house on the north, which occupied the site of the old church porch.

[1547] M. S. C. ii. 44, 53; cf. p. 502.

[1548] Ibid. 51, 121.

[1549] Ibid. 16.

[1550] Feuillerat, Edw. and Mary, 210, 230, 242, 301; Eliz. 103, 107.

[1551] M. S. C. ii. 118, ‘one other grete rome or vawte next the ground next the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden wherin now the robes of the revelles do lye’ (Lease of 12 Feb. 1560).

[1552] M. S. C. ii. 19.

[1553] Cf. p. 489.

[1554] M. S. C. ii. 105, 118.

[1555] Ibid. 119, 120.

[1556] Wallace, i. 175.

[1557] M. S. C. ii. 119.

[1558] Ibid. 27; Wallace, i. 175.

[1559] Wallace, i. 175.

[1560] M. S. C. ii. 120.

[1561] Ibid. 27.

[1562] Jahrbuch, xlviii. 92; Wallace, i. 131.

[1563] Ibid. 93; M. S. C. ii. 28; Wallace, i. 132.

[1564] On the plays performed there, cf. chh. xii, xiii (Chapel, Paul’s, Oxford’s). Collier appears to have been aware, probably from the Lyly prologues and the reference in Gosson, P. C. 188, of the existence of the earlier Blackfriars play-house, and to have dated it, by a singular coincidence, in 1576. He knew nothing of the real facts, but inferred (H. E. D. P. i. 219) that the undated petition of the Blackfriars inhabitants, which is really of 1596, was of 1576, on the strength of a reference in it to a banishment of the players from the City, which an incorrect endorsement on a Lansdowne MS. (cf. App. D, No. lxxv) had led him to place in 1575. This did not prevent him from also assigning the petition, with a forged reply from the players, to 1596 (cf. p. 508). He proceeded to forge (a) an order dated 23 Dec. 1579 for the toleration of Leicester’s men at the Blackfriars (New Facts, 9), and (b) a memorial by Shakespeare and others as Queen’s men and Blackfriars ‘sharers’ in 1589 (New Facts, 11; cf. Ingleby, 244, 249).

[1565] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1566] Jahrbuch, xlviii. 99; Wallace, i. 152 (Will of Farrant, 30 Nov. 1580), 153 (Anne Farrant to More, 25 Dec. 1580), 154 (Leicester to More, 19 Sept. 1581), 158 (Anne Farrant to Walsingham, c. 1583), 159 (Court of Common Pleas, Farrant v. Hunnis and Farrant v. Newman, 1583–4), 160 (Court of Requests, Newman and Hunnis v. Farrant, 1584), 177 (Wolley to More, 13 Jan. 1587), 174 (Memoranda by More, c. 1587; cf. Dasent, xv. 137).

[1567] M. S. C. ii. 123. More’s rental of 1584 includes £50 from Hunsdon for the mansion house, £20 from Oxford, £8 from Lyly; that of 1585 the same three sums, all from Hunsdon. But the two smaller sums represent twice Farrant’s rent, which was £14.

[1568] Kempe, 495; M. S. C. ii. 123; Wallace, i. 186 (More to Hunsdon, 8 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 27 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 14 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, draft, 17 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, 18 April 1590). Did the Paul’s ‘boyes’ keep up connexion with the Blackfriars by learning dancing and perhaps playing in Frith’s school?

[1569] M. S. C. ii. 61, 93, 94, 98.

[1570] Ibid. 123 (Skinner to More, 11 Oct. 1591).

[1571] Ibid. 50, 54.

[1572] This may have been Thomas Hale, Groom of the Tents, who was a witness in the case (ibid. 44), or the Thomas Hall, musician, who in 1565 was sub-tenant of Frith’s garrets (ibid. 119).

[1573] Ibid. 35 (memorandum by More), 36 (award by arbitrators), 40 (depositions of More’s witnesses), 122 (notes of evidence by Pole’s witnesses).