Although it may appear somewhat beyond the scope of the foregoing inquiry, which was mainly conducted before the war occurred to interrupt it, I consider that it may be of interest to examine the effect of the great world conflict on the native races, and to assess the present position with regard to black and white in that region.
The outbreak of war came as an unexpected shock to the natives as a whole. The up-country tribes had very little conception of the distinctions between the various white races, and were somewhat puzzled by the conflict. The coast people, who were in daily touch with Germans and Austrians, were a little clearer, but, of course, had no conception of the casus belli, and although they knew that the daily lives of the two sections were apart, yet they saw them mix at the clubs and never dreamt that Europeans among themselves ever resorted to arms. The internment of the enemy subjects in Mombasa was the first material sign, and it was hailed with acclamation by the Swahilis of Mombasa, who treasured up resentment at the arrogant behaviour of the Germans prior to the war. The conflict was therefore a great blow to the solidarity of the white race, but this effect was not immediately apparent.
On the whole the tribes behaved in an exemplary manner, but enemy agents produced some active unrest among a coast tribe which for some years past had been unfavourably disposed towards Government. [287]
Like most of our countrymen, the natives naturally had no conception of the magnitude of the struggle or its possible duration. They thought that it would be over in a few months, and responded with alacrity to calls for porters, and for recruits for the K.A.R. They also made no demur to the numerous restrictions which a war imposes on the people involved.
The war, however, dragged on year after year, the calls for labour became more and more insistent, the poor carriers suffered hardships and died in tens of thousands, from the diseases inseparable from a campaign in an unhealthy tropical region, dysentery and pneumonia being the two main causes of death.
In a campaign of this character, where troops of mixed races are employed, the close contact between black and white is an undesirable and unavoidable feature.
The black troops soon came to realise the physical disabilities of the Europeans and their vulnerability. They saw Europeans shot down and even bayoneted by enemy black soldiers, they realised that very few Europeans were crack shots, they noted the inferior marching capacity of the white man, his inability to find his way about in the bush unaccompanied by a native guide, and in some cases they even saw that the courage of the white was not greater than that of the black. After all this can it be wondered that the prestige of the white race has suffered in the war! Is it surprising that the attitude of many of the blacks to the white man has altered?
The black has always been quick to realise who is in authority and who is not, and will still accede outward respect to a representative of the Government, but that is not the test, and the real criterion is his attitude towards the ordinary farmer or settler; this has been considerably modified during the war, and it is doubtful if the old traditional wide respect of white by black can ever be entirely restored.
The might of the Government has been demonstrated [288]during the war to an unheard of extent, and to some extent Government has unconsciously traded on this impression, for it has boldly imposed restrictions on the black, and a degree of taxation which it would have hesitated to do before the war.
There are two schools of thought in existence regarding the governance of the black races in East Africa.
(1) This school claims to be progressive, and favours the abolition of tribal control by its indigenous constitution; it is opposed to chiefs, tribal law and customs, and is in favour of direct government by European magistrates and by police.
(2) The conservative school aims at retaining and strengthening the internal forces which control a tribe, at the same time promoting an evolution of the character of that control by inducing the native leaders to slough the more repugnant customs and beliefs.
The former scheme receives considerable support from the settler community on the grounds that it will result in the native, conjointly with themselves, playing a more active part in the development of Africa. It is also supported to some extent by the missionaries, who feel that the disintegration of the old order would afford them greater chances for their propaganda. At the same time the probable effect of the dissolution of tribal control is rarely realised. The nearest example of such emancipation can be observed in the larger towns, and here we have thousands of natives attracted to these places by the desire to earn money. They have no natural authorities in control, and although there are, of course, respectable members in these assemblages, taking it all round they are the biggest collection of native ruffians in the country, and are saturated with every vice. Consequently in spite of a concentration of magisterial and police control far in excess of anything in a native reserve, crime of every kind is rife, and they have become an increasing menace to the European residents. [289]
These town colonies of natives, it must be remembered, are products of our own creation, and do not argue well for native emancipation from their natural leaders.
The native system of government is admittedly faulty, not so much in design as in execution; this is partly due to the fact that the blood kin of a criminal will go to great lengths to shield him, and partly because chiefs and elders are often venial or amenable to threats or to fear of witchcraft.
Native custom has in recent years been purged of many of its repugnant features, and any that exist will steadily tend to disappear if intelligently approached by native commissioners who take the trouble to understand these customs and the motives behind them. Blind action in these matters is rarely effective.
If the present-day political shibboleth of “self-determination” is to be encouraged in Africa, the policy of disintegration of all native authority should be pursued. It is a sure prescription for the birth of a native party which will speedily demand equal electoral privileges with the Europeans; it will abolish tribal isolation and inter-tribal prejudice which has for long years been a safeguard against the combination of the black millions against the few white intruders from overseas. It will produce a receptive soil for educated blacks from other countries to propagate the doctrine of “Africa for the Africans.” In the event of a struggle, the European, having sole control of munitions, will not eventually be worsted, but he will not re-establish domination until much blood, both black and white, has been spilled, and both sides will emerge from the struggle with bitterness and distrust. The choice of a policy is therefore a vital matter to all, and the problem should be dispassionately considered.
After the Armistice large numbers of natives who had served in the King’s African Rifles were disbanded, and some people maintain that these men in future may [290]prove a menace owing to their knowledge of arms and their close acquaintance with European troops in the field. In Kenya there is, as far as I know, no signs of it, for they have no arms; they are moreover weary of war, and the majority have gone back to their reserves to spend their savings or invest them in wives. In Tanganyika a good many arms were secreted by deserters and picked up after engagements, and these may be used to some extent in attempts to settle inter-tribal feuds; there is, however, little fear of the concentration of any force in opposition to Government. In fact our rule is so mild compared with the German régime that when the internal prosperity of that country revives there is no reason to anticipate anything but peace for a long time to come. When one realises that over eight thousand official floggings per annum took place in German East Africa before the war, and in addition many thousands of unofficial floggings, no record of which was kept, the relief must be apparent to all. The Germans themselves must have realised that the flogging propensity had to be checked, for in 1912–1913 no fewer than one hundred and seven employers were convicted of assaulting their labourers. Needless to say, under British rule, flogging is only inflicted for a few extremely serious crimes.
It is, however, fruitless at this stage to dilate upon the differences between German and British rule; it is far more important to consider the factors on both sides that count in the present situation and to outline any obvious future dangers.
The question of religion is intimately connected with behaviour, and an attempt has been made in this work to show how closely interwoven with their life are the primitive beliefs of the people. In recent years, however, a new set of influences have arisen, viz., those of the Christian churches and also Mohammedanism.
The Christian missions are very varied; there are the Roman Catholic, and Church of England faiths, [291]Methodists, Seventh Day Adventists, also a loosely knit group of nonconformist type known as the Inland African Mission and others.
To obviate undue competition in any particular area, Government has in Kenya Colony agreed to spheres of influence being arranged between the various mission groups, and withholds approval of the establishment of a new mission too near an already established rival. The only argument in favour of this practice is expediency, for on ethical grounds the State has no right to decide that the people of any particular area shall only have ready access to the doctrines of any particular church.
The Roman Catholic missions, as is often the case, have acquired more land than any other religious body, and there is a marked tendency on their part to attempt to set up imperia in imperio on their estates on the plea of internal discipline, thus usurping to some extent the rights of government. It will be remembered that in the early days in Uganda this led to armed struggles between Catholics and Protestants: such, however, are unlikely to recur under modern conditions.
The Catholics have perhaps more than any other mission suffered from shortness of funds since the expulsion of the religious orders from France, and up country in Africa they generally endeavour to grow coffee or some other crop to help to support the mission; such efforts are praiseworthy and useful in the educational sense. They are a great contrast, for instance, to the neglected estate of the C.M.S. at Freretown.
The missionaries, taking it all round, have in spite of unrivalled facilities contributed but little to our knowledge of the country; but they have, it is true, recorded the construction of various native languages. With one notable exception in Uganda, who, in spite of discouragement from his fellows, persisted in his researches, no missionary in East Africa has thrown much light on the ethnology of the natives; it is said that they have been inclined to consider researches of [292]this nature as somewhat irreligious, but this view has, it is believed, died away.
Upon the plea of combating the spread of Mohammedanism, the missions have, except at the coast, declined to teach the Swahili language, which is the lingua franca of East Central Africa, and have perpetuated and are still endeavouring to perpetuate a host of tribal languages, which, although interesting as linguistic curiosities, prove a barrier to civilisation and progress. It may be, of course, that English will on this account come into general use quicker, but that result, if it comes, will not be due to the missions.
The main qualification for a missionary in Africa appears to be what they term “earnestness,” but it is to be feared that the possession of this admirable trait is an inadequate equipment for the task of regenerating the black. It is to be regretted that there are not a greater percentage of scholarly men with liberal ideas among their numbers. It is not to be inferred that such men are absent; it would, however, be invidious to mention names; there is a leaven of men of wide vision, and the missionaries as a whole afford examples of purity of life which cannot fail to have a good moral effect.
This short review of the missionary position may seem beside the point, but the character of the influences which affect the native are of no little importance.
The missions all claim to play a great part in the education of the natives, and the local government has, through paucity of funds, found it convenient to acquiesce in this claim, and to a great extent leaves native education to mission effort. The results leave much to be desired, and naturally the primary mission ideal of education is to impart to the native a sufficient knowledge of reading and writing to enable him to read such portion of the scriptures as have been translated into the vernacular of the tribe.
Very few missionaries understand the philosophy of education; very few even have much knowledge of [293]educational method. As a brilliant educationalist has written, “the function of education is to foster growth”—the aim of the teacher should be “the development of the latent powers of his pupil, the unfolding of the latent life.”
Are the blacks in Kenya Colony receiving an education of this nature? The answer is, it is feared, generally in the negative. Now the character of the education of the black is going to have a profound effect on his future and also on the relations of black and white. This is a truism, and as Dudley Kidd has so forcibly put it, “The problem is the progress of a backward race, and we allow inefficient teachers, whose only qualification for the difficult work is their own kind hearts, to form the character of the rising generation and to complicate our difficulties—has any State the right to allow unqualified people to intensify national problems in this gratuitous fashion?”
It is not to be inferred that missionary educational effort is mischievous. Far from it; but it is narrow in its outlook, it is not based on any sound foundation, and it does very little to develop latent powers.
The colonists do not, as a rule, favour literary education, but clamour mainly for industrial education. There is a germ of truth in this opinion, but a sense of proportion must be exercised or the industrial market may be flooded with artisans of mediocre efficiency far in excess of the demand. The great rôle of the African in the future must be, as it has been in the past, the cultivation of the soil. Improve his agricultural methods and teach him to extract more food per acre to feed the future increase of the native population and still have something to sell.
Mohammedanism needs a reference, for it is a factor of no mean importance in Africa. Some students of extreme views picture the growth of a pan-Islamic spirit which will bind all the blacks against the Europeans; and missionary publications often refer to this as an imminent danger possibly with the object [294]of eliciting financial support for Christian propaganda. The writer has no such fears. Mohammedanism is spreading to a limited extent in East Africa, but there is little religious fervour behind it, and it is difficult to see how it can ever become more than a veneer with the up-country tribes, for it is certain that they will never learn Arabic in order to be able to enjoy the Koran.
Among the up-country people who come into intimate contact with Mohammedan life, such as those who come to coast towns to work, it is readily embraced, for it becomes the religion of the cooking pot. The Swahilis and such like are hospitable folk, but may not eat with unbelievers, and it is therefore very expedient for an up-country stranger to become nominally a Mohammedan, for he may then dip his finger in the food bowl with his hosts.
Apart from this, however, there is no doubt that the easy doctrines of Islam appeal to the African; they are suited to his temperament, and more important still, Islamism is not looked upon as an alien religion, for although the Arabs are few, the Swahilis, who form the greater number of the followers of Islam in the country, are only Africans who are a little more civilised and better clothed than their cousins from up-country, while Christianity is always associated with the coming of the Europeans and with their domination of the country.
Although for many reasons Mohammedanism appears more suited to the black than Christianity—it is a ceremonial religion and it moreover countenances polygamy—nevertheless, it is inadvisable that the State should in any way foster its progress in our African colonies, for it contains many dangerous elements. The Mohammedanism of East Africa is a mild variety, but there is much inflammable material lying about in the Mohammedan world, and it might at any time be blown over to that area. Mohammedanism, too, has a reactionary influence; it stunts cultural development and it appears to be insusceptible to internal evolution. [295]
On these grounds it would appear expedient that the bias of the State should be in favour of the eventual spread of Christianity, for it is a religion of a higher ethical type. It is the religion of the Western world, and although its spiritual progress has been hampered by an extraordinary mass of mediaeval accretions in the shape of dogma, ritual and such like, there are signs that it is endeavouring to eliminate non-essentials and adjust itself to the plane of modern thought. The progress is slow but it has to such a great extent lost its authority and its influence over the people as a mass, that if it wishes to survive it must adjust itself to the age it serves and endeavour to carry mankind a step further in the way of spiritual evolution. As for faith, faith is common to and alike in all religions—faith is the vital spark without which no religion can live or can ever become a vital force—be it a highly developed creed of the West or a lowly primitive type such as we have been considering. Faith evades all logic, and even the higher criticism of advanced clerics leaves it untouched.
During recent years the rapid internal development of East Africa has produced an acute situation with regard to native labour, and although, owing to the present economic depression, this is relieved for the moment, it is bound to recur as trade improves and production increases. The supply of labour has vastly increased during the last ten years, but up to the outbreak of war the amount but rarely kept pace with the demand, and the loss of native life during the German East campaign was so heavy that if the pre-war demand had been maintained there would have been a general shortage; a few years of restricted demand will therefore give a little breathing space, and a number of youths who were not old enough for military service will become old enough to go out and seek work.
Among a certain section of people in England whose knowledge of the colonies is somewhat vague, and whose outlook is tinged with sentimental philanthropy, [296]the employment of blacks as agricultural labourers or industrial workers by British colonists is looked upon with suspicion and as being little removed from slavery. It is apparently based on the belief that such labour is forcibly seized, badly treated and paid only a nominal wage. Ill-informed criticism is generally faulty, and in the present instance it is particularly so. Twenty years ago the up-country natives were, generally speaking, reluctant to work for private Europeans or for Government, except occasionally to carry loads; as settlement, however, proceeded the demand for farm labour arose, the needs of the native gradually increased, and a few rupees had annually to be earned to pay the hut tax; as these stimuli became felt, so native labour gradually became available. Every year up to the war the supply increased, and more and more natives became accustomed to the idea of working for wages several months in the year. Is this desirable, and if so, why? In the old days, before European occupation of the country, the able-bodied male population had to be always ready to repel raids or participate in raids, and in times of peace its main duty was the herding and guarding of the tribal cattle. The danger of attack ceased with the advent of settled government, and if the younger men of the tribe do not go out to work, they spend the bulk of their time loafing from village to village attending beer feasts and philandering with the young girls; for tribal custom insists that the bulk of the agricultural work shall as formerly be done by the woman.
The elders do not approve of the present habits of the youths, but unfortunately under our rule the bonds of tribal discipline have been relaxed. If this is fully realised it will readily be seen that the absence of a considerable portion of these young men for a part of each year is beneficial to the good order of a native reserve; they are under discipline when working, they learn something, and come back to their villages with money which enriches the tribe. [297]
On the majority of plantations and farms the natives are well treated, and it is the duty of Government to see that they are well housed, well fed, and that any grievances are speedily redressed; inspectors periodically visit employees for this purpose. Ill treatment has occurred from time to time, and isolated cases of brutality on the part of employers have unfortunately happened and have been punished by the courts. Such cases should, however, not be allowed to cloud our vision or distort our sense of proportion any more than the occurrence of a few cases of cruelty to children in England.
As regards wages, the rates are such that have naturally grown up in the country with due regard to the cost of food, the usual village diet of the labourer, and the cost of his simple clothing. It must also be borne in mind that the output of an African is very minute compared with a European, and the supervision required is vastly greater.
A recent petition to the home government headed by prelates, labour representatives, and various well-meaning people took rather an extreme view, and urged the adoption of a policy entirely native in its outlook, and one which would result in crushing European endeavour in this part of Africa.
One important plank in the policy was the foundation of native industries in the reserves, and so forth. Every well-wisher of the native wishes to see progress in the reserves, but intimate knowledge of the cultural plane of the aboriginal population causes one to realise clearly how easy it is to formulate dicta in London, and how difficult it is to carry them out in Africa.
The individual planting of agricultural products in reserves by the medium of the African hoe, and the labour of the African woman, is an uneconomical form of production, and once the food supply of the tribe is assured, the surplus enriches the Indian middle man more than the native. Long established custom rules that the agricultural work in a tribe shall be carried out [298]by the women, and no ordinance will force the young men to relieve the women of this duty if they do not desire to do so.
Native progress proceeds slowly, and the stimulus for acceleration must come from within if it is to be permanent.
Then again with regard to native industries—conditions of life can be gradually improved, and the people can be taught to build better houses, and to use furniture. The majority, however, cannot afford such luxuries, and are contented with their own mode of life; their idea of saving money being to provide the means to buy live stock, the possession of which is essential for wife purchase.
The renaissance again must come from within. It will come gradually, but not nearly so soon as our benevolent friends hope and desire.
To sum up this brief survey of a complex question, it is desired to impress upon all that the future of the African native and the nature of his relations with the white race will not be decided by the academic recommendations of any body in England. The utmost that philanthropically minded opinion can demand is a high ethical standard in native administration, and the safeguarding by government of native land rights. Further, the well-meaning people at home must trust their own people in Africa, trust to the growth of a tolerant and humane local view of the relationship of black and white. There is no reason to believe that this spirit will not reach as high a level in East Africa as it has done in other parts of our Empire.
Further, as Lord Buxton recently remarked in an address on native problems, and referring to the government of the Union of South Africa and Rhodesia: “Especially do they resent criticism when those who criticise put on a self-righteous air and assume that they and their associates alone have the welfare of the native at heart, and imply that those [299]who differ are actuated by obstinate or unworthy motives.”
The main points in native policy which long experience of Africa suggest may be stated as follows:
(1) The old tribal discipline and organisation is in danger of dissolution; it rarely rested on very firm foundations, for the authorities were weak; it should receive most careful review by experienced men of knowledge and sympathy, tribe by tribe. The situation is at present drifting, and neither black nor white can see whither.
There is one thing, however, which is obvious, and that is that the new generation of native leaders should be educated by Government to fit them for their duties. Such a step would be widely appreciated and might do a great deal to avert future danger. Their education should, above all, concern itself with the formation of character and the development of responsibility; education seems to so rarely provide the African with these essentials, in fact their vital importance seems to be often overlooked.
(2) The taxation collected from natives by the State for general purposes should be low, and any addition to the standard tax which may be collectable as the wealth of the natives increases should be devoted to specific objects, such as native education, the development of the reserves and such like. The natives should clearly understand this, and it would do a great deal to improve the relations of the Government with the native, for there is at present a well-founded belief in the native mind that they are periodically called upon to pay more and at the same time get but little return for their money; confidence in Government has perceptibly lessened in the last few years.
(3) The excessive infantile mortality in native reserves should receive specific attention, and also the checking of disease generally. On economic grounds [300]alone, epidemics among the native population are far more important than those among cattle; it is feared, however, that up to now they have not received as much attention, and the reason is not far to seek.
Effective measures will entail the training of a considerable staff of native subordinate medical staff who should be distributed throughout the reserves, each group being under a European medical officer.
(4) As has been previously stated, the more dangerous elements of the native population are in the towns; for it is there that the restraining influence of the chiefs and elders is absent, it is there that crime is more prevalent, it is there that undesirable political movements are bred and where more educated material can be found; a fertile soil for the seditious seed of the Asiatic agitation. Common sense therefore suggests that special efforts be made to reach these mixed assemblages of native life by the provision of suitable educational facilities and by the provision of healthy amusement and entertainment, by evening lectures in subjects both interesting and instructive, by an amusing and healthy native press.
Needless to say, better housing in town locations is an important matter if these people are to be taught to live decent, respectable lives; baths and places for washing clothes are also essential for health and well-being.
(5) Abrupt interference with native customs and tribal laws is to be deprecated; much of the old codes is good, and undesirable features can, with the consent of the people, gradually be eliminated, if the guiding hand applies his reforming touch with judgment; and this brings us to the necessity for the careful selection of administrative officers and the importance of these being trained in ethnological method, for no man can reform and develop a system of which he is not qualified to judge. [301]
Greater knowledge of native psychology will help to maintain the paternal relations which should exist between the natives of a district and their commissioner, and to which the most successful native administrators in the past owe their success.
(6) Education. This is essential, but, as has been explained, matters are not satisfactory at present, nor will they improve much until Government takes it over into its own hands, and it should begin by the formation of a well-equipped normal school wherein a large staff of native teachers should be trained by a picked European staff.
A boarding school should also be founded in each province where an effective industrial training can be given to a number of picked youths, and in conjunction with a sound rudimentary education.
The African is a receptive person, but has little persistence, and is apt to become weary before he is efficient. There are altogether too many young men about with a mere smattering of education which is nothing more than a surface veneer, and is often used as an excuse for escaping manual labour; this spirit needs to be vigorously combated. Very few natives leave the mission schools with anything more than this surface veneer of education, the outward sign of which is a passion for khaki coats, boots, collars and ties, and in this way they ape the European. This may appear ridiculous at present, but there is one thing certain and that is that a renaissance has now begun, and we must in the future be prepared for curious manifestations of the aspiration for self-realisation on the part of the African. The true art of government, therefore, will be to utilise with wisdom any real signs of their desire to rise to a higher cultural and social plane. The way will not be easy, but much can be attained by wide sympathy and by knowledge of the psychology of the subject.
It must never be forgotten that in a colony of the East African type the European colonist and the [302]native are interdependent. Due consideration and justice for the backward partner must be the keynote of the native policy, for a contented, friendly black population will connote a healthy and prosperous white community. [303]