1487. The importance of this branch of cultivation in some countries may be perceived from the fact, that in France it is said to afford employment to 2,200,000 families, comprising a population of 6,000,000, or nearly one-fifth of the population of the entire kingdom. Times, Aug. 3, 1838. The quantity of land devoted to the culture of the vine was estimated in 1823, at 4,270,000 acres, the produce of which amounted to 920,721,088 gallons, 22,516,220l. 15s. sterling. Redding, Hist. of Modern Wines, chap. iv. p. 56. In the Greek Budget of 1836, the tax on cattle produced 2,100,000 drachmas, on bees 35,000, olive-grounds 64,776, and on vineyards and currant-grounds 58,269.—Parish, Diplomatic History of the Monarchy of Greece, p. 175.

1488. Or according to Athenæus, from the shores of the Red Sea. Deipnosoph. xv. 17.

1489. Iliad. β. 561. γ. 184. ι. 152, 294. Cf. Pind. Isth. viii. 108.

1490. Paus. x. 38. 1.

1491. Athen. i. 61.

1492. ii. 77.

1493. Cf. Redding History of Modern Wines, chap. i. p. 2. An interesting and able work.

1494. Nienhoff in Churchill’s Collection, ii. 264. Barbot. iii. 13. Ulloa, Memoires Philosophiques, t. ii. p. 15. Voyages, t. i. p. 487, 491.

1495. Virg. Georg. ii. 276.

1496. “Quòd colles Bacchus amaret.” Manil. Astronom. ii. p. 31. 6. Scalig.

1497. Geop. v. 1.

1498. Geop. v. 9. 8. Virg. Georg. ii. 348.

1499. Καλλίστη δὲ γῆ καὶ ἑ ὑπὸ τῶν ῥεόντων ποταμῶν χωσθεῖσα, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐπαινοῦμεν.—Florent. ap. Geop. v. 1. 4.

1500. Jemaleddin. Maured Allatafet, p. 7. All these vines it will be remembered were cut down by order of the Caliph Beamrillah, even in the province of the Fayoum. Some vestiges, however, of vineyards were here discovered by Pococke. “I observed,” says he, “about this lake (Mœris) several roots in the ground, that seemed to me to be the remains of vines, for which the country about the lake was formerly famous. Where there is little moisture in the air, and it rains so seldom, wood may remain sound a great while, though it is not known how long these vineyards have been destroyed.” Vol. i. p. 65.

1501. Though with regard to the nature of the wine itself we are told, that it was so light as to be given to persons in fevers,—ὁ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Θηβαΐδα, καὶ μάλιστα ὁ κατὰ τὴν Κόπτον πόλιν, οὕτως ἐστὶ λεπτὸς, καὶ εὐανάδοτος, καὶ ταχέως πεπτικὸς, ὡς τοῖς πυρεταίνουσι διδόμενος μὴ βλάπτειν. Athen. i. 60.

1502. Athen. i. 60. Horat. Od. i. 37. 14. Strab. xvii. 1. t. iii. p. 425.

1503. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 5. Varro, i. 7.

1504. Geop. v. 1. 15. Cf. Geop. iii. 2. “The shifting of ground is a means to better the tree and fruit, but with this caution, that all things do prosper best when they are advanced to the better.” Bacon, “Sylva Sylvarum,” 439.

1505. Geop. v. 4.1.

1506. Theoph. Caus. Plant. v. 12. 5. Cf. Hist. Plant. iv. 14. 11. And yet the neighbourhood of the sea was considered propitious to the vine. Geop. v. 5.

1507. Theoph. Caus. Plant. v. 12. 5.

1508. On the prevalence of these winds in winter and spring, together with the causes of the phenomenon, see Aristot. Problem. xxvi. 16.

1509. Paus. ii. 34. 2. Chandler, Travels, ii. 248.

1510. Virg. Georg. ii. 371, sqq.

1511. Aristoph. Eq. 1073, seq. Küst.

1512. Georg. ii. 299, sqq. Dryden’s Translation.

1513. Geop. iii. 4. Cf. Virg. Georg. ii. 259, seq. et Serv. ad loc.

1514. Geop. v. 24.

1515. Virg. Georg. ii. 274, seq.

1516. Skippon in Churchill, Collection of Voyages, vi. 730.

1517. Πότερα δὲ ὅλον τὸ κλῆμα ὀρθὸν τιθεὶς πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν βλέπον ἡγῇ μάλλον ἂν ῥιζοῦσθαι αὐτὸ, ἢ καὶ πλάγιόν τι ὑπὸ τῇ ὑποβεβλημένη γῇ θείης ἂν, ὥστε κεῖσθαι ὥσπερ γάμμα ὕπτιον; οὕτω νὴ Δία· πλείονες γὰρ ἂν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ κατὰ γῆς εἶεν· ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν καὶ ἄνω ὁρῶ βλαστάνοντα τὰ φυτὰ. Xenoph. Œconom. xix. 9, seq.

1518. Geop. v. 9. This practice is noticed by Lord Bacon who advises gardeners to extend the experiment by laying “good store” of other kernels about the roots of trees of the same kind. Sylva Sylvarum, i. 35.

1519. Virg. Georg. ii. 348.

1520. A similar remark is made by Lord Bacon: “It is an assured experience,” he says, “that an heap of flint or stone laid about the bottom of a wild tree, as an oak, elm, ash, &c., upon the first planting, doth make it prosper double as much as without it. The cause is for that it retaineth the moisture which falleth at any time upon the tree and suffereth it not to be exhaled by the sun.” Sylva Sylvarum, 422.

1521. Geop. iv. 7. Mention of the stoneless grapes of Persia occurs in many travellers, and, by Mr. Fowler, one of the most recent, are enumerated under the name of kismis, among the choicest fruits of that country. Three Years in Persia, vol. i. p. 323. It may here be remarked, that certain sorts of vines, among others the Capneion, produced sometimes white clusters, sometimes purple. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ii. 3. 2. Cf. de Caus. Plant. v. 3. 1. κ. τ. λ.

1522. Geop. iv. 8.

1523. Geop. iv. 7.

1524. Geop. iv. 14.

1525. It has been remarked also by ancient naturalists that a fig-tree planted in a sea-onion, grows quicker and is more free from vermin. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 5. 5.

1526. Colum. v. 11.

—Adultâ vitium propagine
Altas maritat populos,
Inutilesque falce ramos amputans
Feliciores inserit.
Horat. Epod. ii. 9, seq.

1527. Geop. iv. 4, seq.

1528. Geop. iv. 12.

1529. Virg. Georg. ii. 265, seq.

1530. Lord Bacon gives this experiment a place in his philosophy, observing, that “in all trees when they be removed (especially fruit-trees) care ought to be taken that the sides of the trees be coasted (north and south) and as they stood before.” Sylva Sylvarum, 471.

1531. Virg. Georg. ii. 270, seq.

1532. An analogous practice is observed in the pepper gardens of Sumatra:—“When the vines originally planted to any of the chinkareens (or props) are observed to fail or miss; instead of replacing them with new plants, they frequently conduct one of the shoots, or suckers, from a neighbouring vine, to the spot, through a trench made in the ground, and there suffer it to rise up anew, often at the distance of twelve or fourteen feet from the parent stock.” Marsden, History of Sumatra, p. 111.

1533. Virg. Georg. ii. 26. Serv. ad loc.

1534. Geop. iv. 2. The nymphs are said to have been the nurses of Bacchos, because water supplied moisture to the vine. The explanation of Athenæus is forced and cold. ii. 2.

1535. Geop. v. 7, seq. Virg. Georg. ii. 323, sqq.

1536. Geop. v. 10.

1537. Geop. iii. 1.

1538. Cf. Theoph. Caus. Plant. iv. 3. 6.

1539. The low vines of Asia Minor are now pruned in a very particular manner. “As we approached Vourla the little valleys were all green with corn, or filled with naked vine-stocks in orderly arrangement, about a foot and a half high. The people were working, many in a row, turning the earth, or encircling the trunks with tar, to secure the buds from grubs and worms. The shoots which bear the fruit are cut down again in winter.” Chandler, i. 98.

1540. On the cultivation of the Corinth grape, see Chandler, ii. 339.

1541. Abbé Della Rocca, Traité Complet des Abeilles, i. 203. Lord Bacon, who had heard of this manner of cultivating the vine, observes, that in this state it was supposed to produce grapes of superior magnitude, and advises to extend the practice to hops, ivy, woodbine, &c. Sylva Sylvarum, 623.

1542. Geop. v. 22. 27. Reeds delight in sunny spots, and are nourished by the rain. They were cultivated for props, and, if thoroughly smoked, the insects called ἶπες were killed, which would otherwise breed in them, to the great injury of the vine, v. 53. Plin. xviii. 78. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 1140. 983. Varro, i. 8. In the island of Pandataria the vineyard was filled with traps, to protect the grapes from the mice. Id. ib.

1543. Aristoph. Hist. Anim. v. 24. 3.

1544. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 1282. Cf. Thom. Magist. v. χάραξ. p. 911, seq. Blancard. cum not. Stieber. et Oudendorp. Ammon. v. χάραξ. p. 145, with the note of Valckenaer. Liban. Epist. 218. p. 104 seq. Wolf.

1545. Geop. v. 27.

1546. Cf. Geop. iv. 1. Dioscor. v. 6. Virg. Georg. ii. 97. Servius, on the authority of Aristotle, relates that the Aminian vines were transplanted from Thessaly into Italy. Cf. Pier. ad loc.

1547. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 1116. Acharn. 1177. In the Æolian islands the vines are supported on a frame-work of poles and trees, over which they spread themselves with extraordinary luxuriance. Spallanzani, iv. 99.

1548. Sch. Aristoph. Pac. 1262.

1549. Virg. Georg. 408, seq.

1550. Which were pruned in January (Geop. iii. 1), and esteemed the most useful, iv. 1. The solidest and hardest vines were thought to bear the least fruit. Theoph. Hist. Plant. v. 4. 1. Cf. Chandler, i. 98.

1551. Dem. in Nicostrat. § 5.

1552.

“Vitem viduas ducit ad arbores.”
Hor. Carm. iv. 5. 30.

1553. Virg. Georg. ii. 361, seq. An amictâ vitibus ulmo. Hor. Epist. i. 16. 3.

1554. Pashley, Travels, ii. 22. The oak is now used for the same purpose in Asia Minor. Chandler, i. 114.

1555. Gœttling ad Hesiod. Scut. Heracl. 298.

1556. Another means of augmenting the fertility of the vine is noticed by Lord Bacon, whose diligent study of antiquity was at least as remarkable as his superior intellect. “It is strange, which is observed by some of the ancients, that dust helpeth the fruitfulness of trees and of vines by name; insomuch as they cast dust upon them of purpose. It should seem that powdring when a shower cometh maketh a kind of soiling to the tree, being earth and water finely laid on. And they note that countries where the fields and waies are dusty bear the best vines.” Sylva Sylvarum, 666.

1557. Geop. iv. 1. 16.

1558. These vines were likewise called ἁμαμάξυες. Aristoph. Vesp. 325, et Schol. The rustics engaged in pruning them, feeling themselves secure in their lofty station, used to pour their rough raillery and invectives on the passers-by. Horace, Satir. i. 7. 29, seq.

1559. On the vines of this island cf. Meurs. Cret. c. 9. p. 103.

1560. Bochart. Geog. Sac. Pars Alt. l. i. c. 37. p. 712. Cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. v. i.

1561. Tozzeli, Viaggi. t. iv. p. 208.

1562. Not. ad Plin. xiv. i. 1.

1563. Geop. iv. 1. v. 7, seq.

1564. Barley and other grain are still in modern times sown between the vines in Asia Minor. Chandler, i. 114. The same practice has been partially introduced into the Æolian islands. Spallanzani, iv. 100.

1565. Suid. v. κράμβη, t. i. p. 1518. b.—παρὰ ἀμπέλω οὐ φυέται Etym. Mag. 534. 47.

1566. So was the laurel. Theoph. Caus. Plant. ii. 18. 4.

1567. This creeping vine, cultivated sine ridicis, was common in Spain. Varro, i. 8.

1568. Della Rocca, Traité Complet sur les Abeilles, t. i. p. 203, sqq. Cf. Thiersch, Etat Actuel de la Grèce, t. i. p. 288. 296. Damm. Nov. Lex. Græc. Etym. 1122.

1569. Geop. v. 19.

1570. Theoph. Caus. Plant. vi. 12. 9. After the vintage the goat and the camel, among the modern Asiatics, are sometimes let into the vineyard to browse upon the vine. Chandler, i. 163.

1571. Paus. ii. 38. 3. See, however, another interpretation of the passage in the Tale of a Tub, where the author gravely insists, that, by Ass, we are to understand a critic. Sect. iii. p. 96.

1572. Cf. Plat. De Rep. t. vi. p. 53. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 166. See an exact representation of the pruninghook in the hand of Vertumnus. Mus. Cortonens. pl. 36. This instrument was usually put into requisition about the vespertinal rising of Arcturus. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 566, sqq.

1573. Geop. v. 24.

1574. Theoph. Caus. Plant. i. 20. 5.

1575. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1117. Küst.

1576. Geop. i. 14. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1109. Husbandmen were accustomed to nail the heads and feet of animals to the trunks of trees to prevent their being withered by the operation of the evil eye. Sch. Ran. 943.

1577. Geop. ii. 14.

1578. Theoph. De Lapid. § 49. Schneid. Cf. Sir John Hill, notes, p. 200. It was likewise obtained from Seleucia Pieria in Syria. Strab. vii. 5. t. ii. p. 106.

1579. Geop. iv. 10.

1580. Xenoph. Œcon. xix. 9.

1581. Plat. De Legg. t. viii. 106. Geop. v. 45.

1582. Cf. Geop. i. 9. 9.

1583. Cf. Plut. Thes. § 22.

1584. Il. σ. 561, sqq.

1585. Scut. Heracl. 291, seq. On the modern modes of gathering the grapes, see Redding Hist. of Modern Wines, chap. ii. 26, et seq.

1586. The practice is still the same in the Levant:—“The vintage was now begun, the black grapes being spread on the ground in beds exposed to the sun to dry for raisins; while in another part, the juice was expressed for wine, a man with feet and legs bare, treading the fruit in a kind of cistern, with a hole or vent near the bottom, and a vessel beneath it to receive the liquor.” Chandler, ii. p. 2.

1587. Anacreon, Od. 52. See a representation of the whole process in the Mus. Cortonens, pl. 9, where the vintagers are clad in skins; and Cf. Zoëga, Bassi Rilievi, tav. 26.

1588. Antich. di Ercol. t. i. tav. 35, p. 187.

1589. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 527.

1590. For the making of the sweet wine (Βίβλινος οἶνος) which resembled, perhaps, our Constantia or Malaga, and enjoyed extraordinary favour among the ancients Hesiod gives particular directions. Opp. et Dies, 611, sqq. Colum. xii. 39. Plin. Hist. Nat. xiv. 8. Pallad. xi. 19.

1591. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. ii. 235. Chandler, ii. 251.

1592. A few drops of the oil which ran from olives without pressing were supposed by the ancients to render the wine stronger and more lasting.—Geop. vii. 12. 20. On the boiled wine, σίραιον. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 878.

1593. Virg. Georg. ii. 580, sqq. Hes. Scut. Heracl. 291, sqq. Cf. Schol. Theocrit. i. 48.

1594. See Book ii. chapter 3.

1595. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. ii. 389.

1596. Æl. de Anim. vi. 25.

1597. Geop. iv. 15. Cato, 7. Colum. xii. 39. Pallad. 11. 22.

1598. In the warm climate of Asia Minor grapes were sometimes turned into raisins, on the stalk, by the sun.—Chandler, i. 77.

1599. Eustath. ad Odyss. η. p. 276. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 51. κρεμάθρα. fruit-baskets, 219.

1600. Dioscor. i. 38.

1601. Geop. v. 52. This we find is still the practice in the islands of the Archipelago, for the purpose of making sweet wine. M. l’ Abbé della Rocca, who mentions it, enumerates at the same time the most delicious sorts of grapes now cultivated in Greece—“On peut juger si les vins y sont exquis, et si les anciens eurent raison d’appeller Naxie l’île de Bacchus. Les raisins y sont monstrueux, et il arrive souvent que dans un repas, on n’en sert qu’un seul pour le fruit; mais aussi couvre-t-il toute la profondeur d’un grand bassin: les grains en sont gros comme nos damas noirs. Il y a dans les îles des raisins de plus de vingt sortes: les muscats de Ténédos et de Samos l’emportent sur tous les autres; ceux de Ténédos sont plus ambrés; ceux de Samos, plus délicats. Les Sentorinois, pour donner une saveur plus exquise à leurs raisins, leur tordent la queue lorsqu’ils commencent à mûrir; après quelques jours d’un soleil ardent, les raisins deviennent à demi flétris, ce qui fait un vin dont ceux de la Cieutat et de Saint-Laurent n’approchent pas. Les autres sortes de raisins sont l’aïdhoni, petit raisin blanc qu’on mange vers la mi-juillet; le samia,samia, gros raisin blanc qu’on fait sécher; le siriqui, ainsi nommé parce qu’il a le goût de la cerise; l’ætonychi, qui a la figure de l’ongle d’un aigle, et qui est très savoureux; le malvoisie, le muscat violet, le corinthe, et plusieurs autres dont les noms me sont échappés.” Traité sur les Abeilles, t. i. p. 6, seq. Speaking of the prodigious productiveness of vines, Columella mentions one which bore upwards of two thousand clusters, De Re Rust. iii. 3. A vine producing a fifth of this quantity has been thought extraordinary in modern Egypt: “Il n’est pas croyable combien rapporte un seul pied de vigne. Il y en a un dans la maison Consulaire de France, qui a porté 436 grosses grappes de raisin, et qui en donne ordinairement 300.”—De Maillet, Description de l’Egypte, p. 17.* In the Grecian Archipelago, however, the vine has been known to yield still more abundantly than in Egypt: “On a compté pendant trois ans consécutifs, cent trente-quatre grappes de raisin sur une souche; et sur un autre cep de vigne planté dans un terrain très-gras, on a compté jusqu’à quatre cent quatre-vingts grappes; et l’intendant de l’évêché de notre île m’a plus d’une fois assuré qu’on avoit fait soixante-quinze bouteilles de vin, avec le raisin d’un seul cep.” Della Rocca, t. i. p. 65.

1602. Geop. iv. 15. 4.

1603. Geop. iv. 11. Pallad. xii. 12.

1604. Geop. ix. 19. 2.

1605. The fruit of the terebinth was ground, like the olive, in a mill, for the making of oil. The kernels were used in feeding pigs, or for fuel. Geop. ix. 18.

1606. Cf. Cato, De Re Rust. 66. This clear pure oil, sometimes rendered odoriferous by perfumes, (Il. ψ. 186,) was chiefly employed in lubricating the body. Thus we find the virgin in Hesiod anointing her limbs with olive-oil to defend herself from the winter’s cold. Opp. et Dies, 519, sqq.

1607. Vitruv. vi. 9.

1608. Geop. ix. 18.

1609. Geop. ix. 19, seq. iii. 13. Dioscor. i. 140.

1610. Geop. x. 10–70. Cf. Mazois, Pal. de Scaurus, p. 182, seq.

1611. Palladius, iv. 10.

1612. We find mention in modern times of a species of pomegranate, the kernels of which are without stones, peculiar apparently to the island of Scio. “It is usual to bring them to table, in a plate, sprinkled with rose-water.” Chandler, i. 58.

1613. Cf. Philost. Icon. t. 31. p. 809. ii. 2. p. 812.

1614. Ficus virides servari possunt vel in melle ordinatæ, ne se invicem tangant, vel singulæ intra viridem cucurbitam clausæ, locis unicuique cavatis, et item tessera, quæ secatur, inclusis, suspensa ea cucurbita, ubi non sit ignis vel fumus. Pallad. iv. 10.

1615. Cato, 7. Varro. i. 59. Colum. xii. 14.

1616. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 755. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. ii. 61.

1617. Phot. ap. Brunckh. ad Aristoph. Pac. 574.

1618. Pallad. iii. 25.

1619. Pallad. iii. 25. Colum. xii. 45.

1620. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 3. i.


CHAPTER IV.
STUDIES OF THE FARMER.

In other branches of rural economy the country gentlemen of Attica exhibited no less enthusiasm or skill. Indeed, throughout Greece, there prevailed a similar taste. Every one was eager to instruct and be instructed; and so great in consequence was the demand for treatises on husbandry, theoretical and practical, that numerous writers, the names of fifty of whom are preserved by Varro,[1621] made it the object of their study. Others without committing the result of their experience to writing, devoted themselves wholly to its practical improvement. They purchased waste or ill-cultivated lands, and, by investigating the nature of the soil, skilfully adapting their crops to it, manuring, irrigating, and draining, converted a comparative desert into a productive estate.[1622] We can possibly, as Dr. Johnson insists, improve very little our knowledge of agriculture by erudite researches into the methods of the ancients; though Milton was of opinion, that even here some useful hints might be obtained. In describing, however, what the Greeks did, I am not pretending to enlighten the present age, but to enable it to enjoy its superiority by instituting a comparison with the ruder practices of antiquity.

Already in those times the men of experience and routine,[1623] had begun to vent their sneers against philosophers for their profound researches into the nature of soils,[1624] in which, however, they by no means designed to engage the husbandman, but only to present him, in brief and intelligible maxims, with the fruit of their labours. Nevertheless the practical husbandman went to work a shorter way. He observed his neighbour’s grounds,[1625] saw what throve in this soil, what in the other, what was bettered by irrigation, what in this respect might safely be left to the care of Heaven; and thus, in a brief space, acquired a rough theory wherewith to commence operations. An agriculturist, the Athenians thought, required no recondite erudition, though to his complete success the exercise of much good sense and careful observation was necessary. Every man would, doubtless, know in what seasons of the year he must plough and sow and reap, that lands exhausted by cultivation must be suffered to lie fallow, that change of crops is beneficial to the soil, and so on. But the great art consists in nicely adapting each operation to the varying march of the seasons, in converting accidents to use, in rendering the winds, the showers, the sunshine, subservient to your purposes, in mastering the signs of the weather, and guarding as far as possible against the injuries sustained from storms of rain or hail.

There was in circulation among the Greeks a small body of precepts, addressed more especially to husbandmen, designed to promote the real object of civilisation. Quaint, no doubt, and ineffably commonplace, they will now appear, but they served, nevertheless, in early and rude times, to soften the manners and regulate the conduct of the rustic Hellenes. Who first began to collect and preserve them is, of course, unknown; they are thickly sprinkled through the works of Hesiod,[1626] and impart to them an air of moral dignity which relieves the monotony that would otherwise result from a mere string of agricultural maxims. The chief aim of the poet seems to be, to promote peace and good neighbourhood, to multiply among the inhabitants of the fields occasions of joining the “rough right hand,”[1627] to apply the sharp spur to industry, and thus to augment the stores, and, along with them, the contentment, of his native land. Be industrious, exclaims the poet, for famine is the companion of the idle. Labour confers fertility on flocks and herds, and is the parent of opulence. He who toils is beloved by gods[1628] and men, while the idle hand is the object of their aversion. The slothful man envies the prosperity of his neighbour; but glory is the reward of virtue. Prudence heaps up that which profligacy dissipates. Be hospitable to the stranger, for he who repels the suppliant from his door is no less guilty than the adulterer, than the despoiler of the orphan, or the wretch who blasphemes his aged parent on the brink of the grave: of such men the end is miserable, when Zeus rains down vengeance upon them in recompense for their evil actions. Be mindful that thou offer up victims to the gods with pure hands and holy thoughts,—to pour libations in their temples, adorn their altars, and render them propitious to thee in all things. When about to ascend thy couch to enjoy sweet sleep, and when the sacred light of the day-spring first appears, omit not to demand of heaven a pure heart and a cheerful mind, with the means of extending thy possessions, and protection from loss. When thou makest a feast, invite thy friends and thy neighbours, and in times of trouble they will run to thy assistance half-clad, while thy relations will tarry to buckle on their girdles. Borrow of thy neighbour, but, in repaying him, exceed rather than fall short of what is his due. Rise betimes. Every little makes a mickle. Store is no sore. Housed corn breaks no sleep. Drink largely the top and the bottom of the jar; be sparing of the middle:[1629] it is niggardly to stint your friends when the wine runs low. Do unto others as they do unto you.—These seeds of morality are simple, as I have said, and far from recondite; but they produced the warriors of Marathon and Platæa, and preserved for ages the freedom and the independence of Greece.

The other branches of an Hellenic farmer’s studies comprehended something like the elements of natural philosophy,—the influence of the sun and moon, the rising and setting of the stars, the motion of the winds, the generation and effects of dews, clouds, meteors, showers and tempests, the origin of springs and fountains, and the migrations and habits of birds and other animals. In addition to these things, it was necessary that he should be acquainted with certain practices, prevalent from time immemorial in his country, and, probably, deriving their origin from ages beyond the utmost reach of tradition. The source of these we usually denominate superstition, though it would, perhaps, be more proper to regard them as the offspring of that lively and plastic fancy which gave birth to poetry and art, and inclined its possessors to create a sort of minor religion, based on a praiseworthy principle, but developing itself chiefly in observances almost always minute and trifling, and sometimes ridiculous. To describe all these at length would be beside my present purpose, which only requires that I mention by the way the more remarkable of those connected especially with agriculture.

The knowledge of soil was called into play both in purchasing estates and in appropriating their several parts to different kinds of culture. According to their notions, which appear to have been founded on long experience, and in most points, I believe, agree with those which still prevail, a rich black mould, deep, friable, and porous,[1630] which would resist equally the effects of rain and drought, was, for all purposes, the best. Next to this they esteemed a yellow alluvial soil, and that sweet warm ground which best suited vines, corn, and trees. The red earth, also, they highly valued, except for timber.

Their rules for detecting the character and qualities of the soil appear to have been judicious. Good land, they thought, might be known even from its appearance, since in drought it cracks not too much, and during heavy and continued showers becomes not miry, but suffers all the rain to sink into its bosom. That earth they considered inferior which in cold weather becomes baked, and is covered on the surface by a shell-like incrustation. They judged, likewise, of the virtue of the soil by the luxuriant or stunted character of its natural productions:[1631] thus they augured favourably of those tracts of country which were covered by vast and lofty timber-trees, while such as produced only a dwarfed vegetation, consisting of meagre bushes, scattered thickets, and hungry grass, they reckoned almost worthless.

Not content with the testimony of the eye, some husbandmen were accustomed to consult both the smell and the taste; for, digging a pit of some depth, they took thence a small quantity of earth, from the odour of which they drew an opinion favourable or otherwise. But to render surety doubly sure, they then threw it into a vase, and poured on it a quantity of potable water, which they afterwards tasted, inferring from the flavour the fertility or barrenness of the soil. This was the experiment most relied on; though many considered that soil sweet which produced the basket-rush, the reed, the lotos, and the bramble. On some occasions they employed another method, which was, to make a small excavation, and then, throwing back the earth into the opening whence it had been drawn, to observe whether or not it filled the whole cavity:[1632] if it did so, or left a surplus, the soil was judged to be excellent; if not, they regarded it as of little value. Soils possessing saline qualities were shunned by the ancients, who carefully avoided mingling salt with their manure, though lands of this description were rightly thought to be well adapted to the cultivation of palm-trees,[1633] which they produce in the greatest perfection,[1634] as in Phœnicia, Egypt, and the country round Babylon.[1635]

Another art in which the condition of the husbandman required him to be well versed was that of discovering the signs of latent springs,[1636] the existence of which it was necessary to ascertain before laying the foundation of a new farm. The investigation was complicated, and carried on in a variety of ways. First, and most obvious, was the inference drawn from plants and the nature of the soil itself; for those grounds, they thought, were intersected below by veins of water which bore upon their surface certain tribes of grasses and herbs and bushes, as the couch-grass, the broad-leaved plantain, the heliotrope, the red-grass, the agnus-castus, the bramble, the horse-tail, or shave-grass, ivy, bush-calamint, soft and slender reeds,[1637] maiden-hair, the melilot, ditch-dock, cinquefoil, or five leaf-grass, broad-leaved bloodwort, the rush, nightshade, mil-foil, colt’s-foot or foal’s-foot, trefoil or pond-weed, and the black thistle. Spring-heads were always supposed to lurk beneath fat and black loam, as, likewise, in a stony soil, especially where the rocks are dark and of a ferruginous colour. But in argillaceous districts, particularly where potter’s-clay abounds, or where there are many pebbles and pumice-stones,[1638] they are of rare occurrence.

To the above indications they were in most cases careful to add others. Ascending ere sunrise to a higher level than the spot under examination, they observed by the first rays and before the light thickened, whether they could detect the presence of any exhalations, which were held unerringly to indicate the presence of springs below. Sometimes inquisition was made during the bright and clear noon, when the subterraneous retreats of the Naiads were supposed in summer to be betrayed by cloudlets of thin silvery vapour, and in the winter season by curling threads of steam. In this way the natives of southern Africa discover the existence of hidden fountains in the desert.[1639] Swarms of gnats flitting hither and thither, or whirling round and ascending in a column, were regarded as another sign.

When not entirely satisfied by any of the above means, they had recourse to the following experiment:[1640] sinking a pit to the depth of about four feet and a half, they took a hemispherical pan or lead basin, and having anointed it with oil, and fastened with wax a long flake of wool to the bottom, placed it inverted in the pit. It was then covered with earth about a foot deep, and left undisturbed during a whole night. On its being taken forth in the morning, if the inside of the vessel were covered thickly with globules, and the wool were dripping wet, it was concluded there were springs beneath, the depth of which they calculated from the scantiness or profusion of the moisture. A similar trial was made with a sponge covered with reeds.

Since most streams and rivers take their rise in lofty table-lands or mountains, which by the ancients were supposed to be richer in springs in proportion to the number of their peaks, it would seem to follow, that scarcely any country in Europe should be better supplied with water than Greece. Experience, however, shows, that this in modern times is not the fact, several rivers supposed to have been of great volume in antiquity, having now dwindled into mere brooks, and innumerable streamlets and fountains become altogether dry; on which account the credit of Greek writers is often impugned, it being supposed that the natural characteristics of the country must necessarily be invariable. But this is an error. For the existence of springs and rivulets depends less perhaps on the presence of mountains than on the prevalence of forests, as Democritos[1641] long ago observed. Now, from a variety of causes, still in active operation, the ridges and hills and lower eminences of modern Greece have been almost completely denuded of trees, along with which have necessarily disappeared the well-springs, and runnels, and cascades, and rills, and mountain tarns, which anciently shed beauty and fertility over the face of Hellas, whose highlands were once so densely clad with woods[1642] that the peasants requiring a short cut from one valley to another, were compelled to clear themselves a pathway with the axe.[1643] To restore to Greece, therefore, its waters, and the beauty and riches depending on them, the mountains must be again forested, and severe restraint put on the wantonness of those vagrant shepherds who constantly expose vast woods to the risk of entire destruction for the sake of procuring more delicate grass for their flocks.[1644]

In Attica,[1645] both fields and gardens were chiefly irrigated by means of wells which, sometimes, in extremely long and dry summers, failed entirely, thus causing a scarcity of vegetables.[1646] The water, we find, was drawn up by precisely the same machinery as is still employed for the purpose. The invention of these conveniences of primary necessity having preceded the birth of tradition, has, by some writers, been attributed to Danaos, who is supposed to have emigrated from Egypt into Greece. Arriving, we are told, at Argos, he, upon the failure of spontaneous fountains, taught the inhabitants to dig wells, in consequence of which he was elected chief. But where was Danaos himself to have learned this art? He is said to have been an Egyptian, and Egypt is a country so entirely without springs, that two only exist within its limits, and of these but one was known to the ancients. Of wells they had none. Danaos could, therefore, if he was an Egyptian, have known nothing of springs or wells; and, if he had such knowledge, he must have come from some other land.[1647]

Where there existed neither wells nor fountains, people were compelled to depend on rain-water, collected and preserved in cisterns.[1648] For this purpose troughs were in some farm-houses run along the eaves both of the stables, barns, and sheep-cotes, as well as of the dwelling of the family, while others used only that which ran from the last, the roof of which was kept scrupulously clean. The water was conveyed through wooden pipes[1649] to the cisterns, which appear to have been frequently situated in the front court.[1650] Bad water they purified in several ways: by casting into it a little coral powder,[1651] small linen bags of bruised barley, or a quantity of laurel leaves, or by pouring it into broad tubs and exposing it for a considerable time to the action of the sun and air. When there happened to be about the farms ponds of any magnitude, they introduced into them a number of eels or river crabs, which opened the veins of the earth and destroyed leeches.

A scarcely less important branch of the farmer’s studies was that which related to the weather and the general march of the seasons.[1652] Above all things, it behoved him to observe diligently the rising and setting of the sun and moon. He was, likewise, carefully to note the state of the atmosphere at the disappearance of the Pleiades, since it was expected to continue the same until the winter solstice, after which a change sometimes immediately supervened, otherwise there was usually no alteration till the vernal equinox.[1653] Another variation then took place in the character of the weather, which afterwards remained fixed till the rising of the Pleiades, undergoing successively fresh mutations at the summer solstice and the autumnal equinox. According to their observations, moreover, a rainy winter[1654] was followed by a dry and raw spring, and the contrary; and a snowy winter by a year of abundance. But as nature by no means steadily follows this course, exhibiting many sudden and abrupt fluctuations, it was found necessary to subject her restless phenomena to a more rigid scrutiny, in order that rules might be obtained for foretelling the approach of rain, or tempests, or droughts, or a continuance of fair weather. Of these some, possibly, were founded on imperfect observation or casual coincidences, or a fanciful linking of causes and effects; while others, we cannot doubt, sprang from a practical familiarity with the subtler and more shifting elements of natural philosophy.

As nothing more obviously interests the husbandman than the seasonable arrival and departure of rains, everything connected with them, however remotely, was observed and treasured up with scrupulous accuracy. Of all the circumstances pre-signifying their approach the most certain was supposed to be the aspect of the morning; for if, before sunrise, beds of purpurescent clouds[1655] stretched along the verge of the horizon, rain was expected that day, or the day after the morrow. The same augury they drew, though with less confidence, from the appearance of the setting sun,[1656] especially if in winter or spring it went down through an accumulation of clouds or with masses of dusky rack on the left. Again, if, on rising, the sun looked pale, dull red, or spotted;[1657] or, if, previously, its rays were seen streaming upwards;[1658] or, if, immediately afterwards, a long band of clouds extended beneath it, intersecting its descending beams; or if the orient wore a sombre hue; or if piles of sable vapour towered into the welkin; or if the clouds were scattered loosely over the sky like fleeces of wool;[1659] or came waving up from the south in long sinuous streaks—the “mares’ tails” of our nautical vocabulary—the husbandman reckoned with certainty upon rain, floods, and tempestuous winds. Among the signs of showers peculiar to the site of Athens may be reckoned these following: if a rampart of white ground-fogs begirt at night the basis of Hymettos; or, if its summits were capped with vapour;[1660] or, if troops of mists settled in the hollow of the smaller mount, called the Springless; or, if a single cloud rested on the fane of Zeus at Ægina.[1661] The violent roaring of the sea upon the beach was the forerunner of a gale, and they were enabled to conjecture from what quarter it was to blow, by the movements of the waters, which retreated from the shore before a north wind; while, at the approach of the sirocco, they were piled up higher than usual against the cliffs. Elsewhere, in Attica, they supposed wet weather to be foretold by the summits of Eubœa rising clear, sharp, and unusually elevated through a dense floor of exhalations, which, when they mounted and gathered in blowing weather about the peaks of Caphareus,[1662] on the eastern shores of the island, presaged an impending storm of five days’ continuance. But here these signs concerned rather the mariner than the husbandman, since the cliffs that stretched along this coast are rugged and precipitous, and the approaches so dangerous that few vessels which are driven on it escape. Scarcely are the crews able to save themselves, unless their bark happen to be extremely light. Another portent of foul weather was the apparition of a circle about the moon, while, by the double reflection of its orb north and south, that luminary appeared to be multiplied into three. At night, also, if the nubecula,[1663] called the Manger, in the constellation of the Crab, shone less luminously, it betokened a similar state of the atmosphere. A like inference[1664] was drawn when the moon at three days old rose dusky; or, with blunt horns; or, with its rim, or whole disk, red; or blotted with black spots; or encircled by two halos.[1665]

The phenomena of thunder and lightning, likewise, instructed the husbandman who was studious in the language of the heavens: thus, when thunder was heard in winter or in the morning, it betokened wind; in the evening or at noon, in summer, rain; when it lightened from every part of the heavens, both. Falling stars[1666] likewise denoted wind or rain, originating in that part of the heavens where they appeared.

Among our own rustics the whole philosophy of rainbows has been compressed into a couple of distichs: