The admission of an eighth planet into the long-established list, was a notion so foreign to men’s thoughts at that time, that other suppositions were first tried. The orbit of the new body was at first calculated as if it had been a comet running in a parabolic path. But in a few days the star deviated from the course thus assigned it: and it was in vain that in order to represent the observations, the perihelion distance of the parabola was increased from fourteen to eighteen times the earth’s distance from the sun. Saron, of the Academy of Sciences of Paris, is said94 to have been the first person who perceived that the 447 places were better represented by a circle than by a parabola: and Lexell, a celebrated mathematician of Petersburg, found that a motion in a circular orbit, with a radius double of that of Saturn, would satisfy all the observations. This made its period about eighty-two years.
Lalande soon discovered that the circular motion was subject to a sensible inequality: the orbit was, in fact, an ellipse, like those of the other planets. To determine the equation of the centre of a body which revolves so slowly, would, according to the ancient methods, have required many years; but Laplace contrived methods by which the elliptical elements were determined from four observations, within little more than a year from its first discovery by Herschel. These calculations were soon followed by tables of the new planet, published by Nouet.
In order to obtain additional accuracy, it now became necessary to take account of the perturbations. The French Academy of Sciences proposed, in 1789, the construction of new Tables of this Planet as its prize-question. It is a curious illustration of the constantly accumulating evidence of the theory, that the calculation of the perturbations of the planet enabled astronomers to discover that it had been observed as a star in three different positions in former times; namely, by Flamsteed in 1690, by Mayer in 1756, and by Le Monnier in 1769. Delambre, aided by this discovery and by the theory of Laplace, calculated Tables of the planet, which, being compared with observation for three years, never deviated from it more than seven seconds. The Academy awarded its prize to these Tables, they were adopted by the astronomers of Europe, and the planet of Herschel now conforms to the laws of attraction, along with those ancient members of the known system from which the theory was inferred.
The history of the discovery of the other new planets, Ceres, Pallas, Juno, and Vesta, is nearly similar to that just related, except that their planetary character was more readily believed. The first of these was discovered on the first day of this century by Piazzi, the astronomer at Palermo; but he had only begun to suspect its nature, and had not completed his third observation, when his labors were suspended by a dangerous illness; and on his recovery the star was invisible, being lost in the rays of the sun.
He declared it to be a planet with an elliptical orbit; but the path which it followed, on emerging from the neighborhood of the sun, was not that which Piazzi had traced out for it. Its extreme smallness made it difficult to rediscover; and the whole of the year 1801 was 448 employed in searching the sky for it in vain. At last, after many trials, Von Zach and Olbers again found it, the one on the last day of 1801, the other on the first day of 1802. Gauss and Burckhardt immediately used the new observations in determining the elements of the orbit; and the former invented a new method for the purpose. Ceres now moves in a path of which the course and inequalities are known, and can no more escape the scrutiny of astronomers.
The second year of the nineteenth century also produced its planet. This was discovered by Dr. Olbers, a physician of Bremen, while he was searching for Ceres among the stars of the constellation Virgo. He found a star which had a perceptible motion even in the space of two hours. It was soon announced as a new planet, and received from its discoverer the name of Pallas. As in the case of Ceres, Burckhardt and Gauss employed themselves in calculating its orbit. But some peculiar difficulties here occurred. Its eccentricity is greater than that of any of the old planets, and the inclination of its orbit to the ecliptic is not less than thirty-five degrees. These circumstances both made its perturbations large, and rendered them difficult to calculate. Burckhardt employed the known processes of analysis, but they were found insufficient: and the Imperial Institute (as the French Academy was termed during the reign of Napoleon) proposed the Perturbations of Pallas as a prize-question.
To these discoveries succeeded others of the same kind. The German astronomers agreed to examine the whole of the zone in which Ceres and Pallas move; in the hope of finding other planets, fragments, as Olbers conceived they might possibly be, of one original mass. In the course of this research, Mr. Harding of Lilienthal, on the first of September, 1804, found a new star, which he soon was led to consider as a planet. Gauss and Burckhardt also calculated the elements of this orbit, and the planet was named Juno.
After this discovery, Olbers sought the sky for additional fragments of his planet with extraordinary perseverance. He conceived that one of two opposite constellations, the Virgin or the Whale, was the place where its separation must have taken place; and where, therefore, all the orbits of all the portions must pass. He resolved to survey, three times a year, all the small stars in these two regions. This undertaking, so curious in its nature, was successful. The 29th of March, 1807, he discovered Vesta, which was soon found to be a planet. And to show the manner in which Olbers pursued his labors, we may state that he afterwards published a notification that he had examined the 449 same parts of the heavens with such regularity, that he was certain no new planet had passed that way between 1808 and 1816. Gauss and Burckhardt computed the orbit of Vesta; and when Gauss compared one of his orbits with twenty-two observations of M. Bouvard, he found the errors below seventeen seconds of space in right ascension, and still less in declination.
The elements of all these orbits have been successively improved, and this has been done entirely by the German mathematicians.95 These perturbations are calculated, and the places for some time before and after opposition are now given in the Berlin Ephemeris. “I have lately observed,” says Professor Airy, “and compared with the Berlin Ephemeris, the right ascensions of Juno and Vesta, and I find that they are rather more accurate than those of Venus:” so complete is the confirmation of the theory by these new bodies; so exact are the methods of tracing the theory to its consequences.
We may observe that all these new-discovered bodies have received names taken from the ancient mythology. In the case of the first of these, astronomers were originally divided; the discoverer himself named it the Georgium Sidus, in honor of his patron, George the Third; Lalande and others called it Herschel. Nothing can be more just than this mode of perpetuating the fame of the author of a discovery; but it was felt to be ungraceful to violate the homogeneity of the ancient system of names. Astronomers tried to find for the hitherto neglected denizen of the skies, an appropriate place among the deities to whose assembly he was at last admitted; and Uranus, the father of Saturn, was fixed upon as best suiting the order of the course.
The mythological nomenclature of planets appeared, from this time, to be generally agreed to. Piazzi termed his Ceres Ferdinandea. The first term, which contains a happy allusion to Sicily, the country of the discovery in modern, and of the goddess in ancient, times, has been accepted; the attempt to pay a compliment to royalty out of the products of science, in this as in most other cases, has been set aside. Pallas, Juno, and Vesta, were named, without any peculiar propriety of selection, according to the choice of their discoverers. ~Additional material in the 3rd edition.~
A few words must be said upon another class of bodies, which at first seemed as lawless as the clouds and winds; and which astronomy 450 has reduced to a regularity as complete as that of the sun;—upon Comets. No part of the Newtonian discoveries excited a more intense interest than this. These anomalous visitants were anciently gazed at with wonder and alarm; and might still, as in former times, be accused of “perplexing nations,” though with very different fears and questionings. The conjecture that they, too, obeyed the law of universal gravitation, was to be verified by showing that they described a curve such as that force would produce. Hevelius, who was a most diligent observer of these objects, had, without reference to gravitation, satisfied himself that they moved in parabolas.96 To determine the elements of the parabola from observations, even Newton called97 “problema longe difficillimum.” Newton determined the orbit of the comet of 1680 by certain graphical methods. His methods supposed the orbit to be a parabola, and satisfactorily represented the motion in the visible part of the comet’s path. But this method did not apply to the possible return of the wandering star. Halley has the glory of having first detected a periodical comet, in the case of that which has since borne his name. But this great discovery was not made without labor. In 1705, Halley98 explained how the parabolic orbit of a planet may be determined from three observations; and, joining example to precept, himself calculated the positions and orbits of twenty-four comets. He found, as the reward of this industry, that the comets of 1607 and of 1531 had the same orbit as that of 1682. And here the intervals are also nearly the same, namely, about seventy-five years. Are the three comets then identical? In looking back into the history of such appearances, he found comets recorded in 1456, in 1380, and in 1305; the intervals are still the same, seventy-five or seventy-six years. It was impossible now to doubt that they were the periods of a revolving body; that the comet was a planet; its orbit a long ellipse, not a parabola.99
But if this were so, the Comet must reappear in 1758 or 1759. Halley predicted that it would do so; and the fulfilment of this prediction was naturally looked forwards to, as an additional stamp of the truths of the theory of gravitation. 451
But in all this, the Comet had been supposed to be affected only by the attraction of the sun. The planets must disturb its motion as they disturb each other. How would this disturbance affect the time and circumstances of its reappearance? Halley had proposed, but not attempted to solve, this question.
The effect of perturbations upon a comet defeats all known methods of approximation, and requires immense labor. “Clairaut,” says Bailly,100 “undertook this: with courage enough to dare the adventure, he had talent enough to obtain a memorable victory;” the difficulties, the labors, grew upon him as he advanced, but he fought his way through them, assisted by Lalande, and by a female calculator, Madame Lepaute. He predicted that the comet would reach its perihelion April 13, 1759, but claimed the license of a month for the inevitable inaccuracy of a calculation which, in addition to all other sources of error, was made in haste, that it might appear as a prediction. The comet justified his calculations and his caution together; for it arrived at its perihelion on the 13th of March.
Two other Comets, of much shorter period, have been detected of late years; Encke’s, which revolves round the sun in three years and one-third, and Biela’s which describes an ellipse, not extremely eccentric, in six years and three-quarters. These bodies, apparently thin and vaporous masses, like other comets, have, since their orbits were calculated, punctually conformed to the law of gravitation. If it were still doubtful whether the more conspicuous comets do so, these bodies would tend to prove the fact, by showing it to be true in an intermediate case.
[2d Ed.] [A third Comet of short period was discovered by Faye, at the Observatory of Paris, Nov. 22, 1843. It is included between the orbits of Mars and Saturn, and its period is seven years and three-tenths.
This is commonly called Faye’s Comet, as the two mentioned in the text are called Encke’s and Biela’s. In the former edition I had expressed my assent to the rule proposed by M. Arago, that the latter ought to be called Gambart’s Comet, in honor of the astronomer who first proved it to revolve round the Sun. But astronomers in general have used the former name, considering that the discovery and observation of the object are more distinct and conspicuous merits than a calculation founded upon the observations of others. And in reality 452 Biela had great merit in the discovery of his Comet’s periodicity, having set about his search of it from an anticipation of its return founded upon former observations.
Also a Comet was discovered by De Vico at Rome on Aug. 22, 1844, which was found to describe an elliptical orbit having its aphelion near the orbit of Jupiter, which is consequently one of those of short period. And on Feb. 26, 1846, M. Brorsen of Kiel discovered a telescopic Comet whose orbit is found to be elliptical.]
We may add to the history of Comets, that of Lexell’s, which, in 1770, appeared to be revolving in a period of about five years, and whose motion was predicted accordingly. The prediction was disappointed; but the failure was sufficiently explained by the comet’s having passed close to Jupiter, by which occurrence its orbit was utterly deranged.
It results from the theory of universal gravitation, that Comets are collections of extremely attenuated matter. Lexell’s is supposed to have passed twice (in 1767 and 1779) through the system of Jupiter’s Satellites, without disturbing their motions, though suffering itself so great a disturbance as to have its orbit entirely altered. The same result is still more decidedly proved by the last appearance of Biela’s Comet. It appeared double, but the two bodies did not perceptibly affect each other’s motions, as I am informed by Professor Challis of Cambridge, who observed both of them from Jan. 23 to Mar. 25, 1846. This proves the quantity of matter in each body to have been exceedingly small.
Thus, no verification of the Newtonian theory, which was possible in the motions of the stars, has yet been wanting. The return of Halley’s Comet again in 1835, and the extreme exactitude with which it conformed to its predicted course, is a testimony of truth, which must appear striking even to the most incurious respecting such matters.101
The Heavens had thus been consulted respecting the Newtonian doctrine, and the answer given, over and over again, in a thousand 453 different forms, had been, that it was true; nor had the most persevering cross-examination been able to establish any thing of contradiction or prevarication. The same question was also to be put to the Earth and the Ocean, and we must briefly notice the result.
According to the Newtonian principles, the form of the earth must be a globe somewhat flattened at the poles. This conclusion, or at least the amount of the flattening, depends not only upon the existence and law of attraction, but upon its belonging to each particle of the mass separately; and thus the experimental confirmation of the form asserted from calculation, would be a verification of the theory in its widest sense. The application of such a test was the more necessary to the interests of science, inasmuch as the French astronomers had collected from their measures, and had connected with their Cartesian system, the opinion that the earth was not oblate but oblong. Dominic Cassini had measured seven degrees of latitude from Amiens to Perpignan, in 1701, and found them to decrease in going from south to north. The prolongation of this measure to Dunkirk confirmed the same result. But if the Newtonian doctrine was true, the contrary ought to be the case, and the degrees ought to increase in proceeding towards the pole.
The only answer which the Newtonians could at this time make to the difficulty thus presented, was, that an arc so short as that thus measured, was not to be depended upon for the determination of such a question; inasmuch as the inevitable errors of observation might exceed the differences which were the object of research. It would, undoubtedly, have become the English to have given a more complete answer, by executing measurements under circumstances not liable to this uncertainty. The glory of doing this, however, they for a long time abandoned to other nations. The French undertook the task with great spirit.102 In 1733, in one of the meetings of the French Academy, when this question was discussed, De la Condamine, an ardent and eager man, proposed to settle this question by sending members of the Academy to measure a degree of the meridian near the equator, in order to compare it with the French degrees, and offered himself for the expedition. Maupertuis, in like manner, urged the necessity of another expedition to measure a degree in the neighborhood of the pole. The government received the applications favorably, and these remarkable scientific missions were sent out at the national expense.
454 As soon as the result of these measurements was known, there was no longer any doubt as to the fact of the earth’s oblateness, and the question only turned upon its quantity. Even before the return of the academicians, the Cassinis and Lacaille had measured the French arc, and found errors which subverted the former result, making the earth oblate to the amount of 1⁄168th of its diameter. The expeditions to Peru and to Lapland had to struggle with difficulties in the execution of their design, which make their narratives resemble some romantic history of irregular warfare, rather than the monotonous records of mere measurements. The equatorial degree employed the observers not less than eight years. When they did return, and the results were compared, their discrepancy, as to quantity, was considerable. The comparison of the Peruvian and French arcs gave an ellipticity of nearly 1⁄314th, that of the Peruvian and Swedish arcs gave 1⁄213th for its value.
Newton had deduced from his theory, by reasonings of singular ingenuity, an ellipticity of 1⁄230th; but this result had been obtained by supposing the earth homogeneous. If the earth be, as we should most readily conjecture it to be, more dense in its interior than at its exterior, its ellipticity will be less than that of a homogeneous spheroid revolving in the same time. It does not appear that Newton was aware of this; but Clairaut, in 1743, in his Figure of the Earth, proved this and many other important results of the attraction of the particles. Especially he established that, in proportion as the fraction expressing the Ellipticity becomes smaller, that expressing the Excess of the polar over the equatorial gravity becomes larger; and he thus connected the measures of the ellipticity obtained by means of Degrees, with those obtained by means of Pendulums in different latitudes.
The altered rate of a Pendulum when carried towards the equator, had been long ago observed by Richer and Halley, and had been quoted by Newton as confirmatory of his theory. Pendulums were swung by the academicians who measured the degrees, and confirmed the general character of the results.
But having reached this point of the verification of the Newtonian theory, any additional step becomes more difficult. Many excellent measures, both of Degrees and of Pendulums, have been made since those just mentioned. The results of the Arcs103 is an Ellipticity of 1⁄298th;—of the Pendulums, an Ellipticity of about 1⁄285th. This difference 455 is considerable, if compared with the quantities themselves; but does not throw a shadow of doubt on the truth of the theory. Indeed, the observations of each kind exhibit irregularities which we may easily account for, by ascribing them to the unknown distribution of the denser portions of the earth; but which preclude the extreme of accuracy and certainty in our result.
But the near agreement of the determination, from Degrees and from Pendulums, is not the only coincidence by which the doctrine is confirmed. We can trace the effect of the earth’s Oblateness in certain minute apparent motions of the stars; for the attraction of the sun and moon on the protuberant matter of the spheroid produces the Precession of the equinoxes, and a Nutation of the earth’s axis. The Precession had been known from the time of Hipparchus, and the existence of Nutation was foreseen by Newton; but the quantity is so small, that it required consummate skill and great labor in Bradley to detect it by astronomical observation. Being, however, so detected, its amount, as well as that of the Precession, gives us the means of determining the amount of Terrestrial Ellipticity, by which the effect is produced. But it is found, upon calculation, that we cannot obtain this determination without assuming some law of density in the homogeneous strata of which we suppose the earth to consist104 The density will certainly increase in proceeding towards the centre, and there is a simple and probable law of this increase, which will give 1⁄300th for the Ellipticity, from the amount of two lunar Inequalities (one in latitude and one in longitude), which are produced by the earth’s oblateness. Nearly the same result follows from the quantity of Nutation. Thus every thing tends to convince us that the ellipticity cannot deviate much from this fraction.
[2d Ed.] [I ought not to omit another class of phenomena in which the effects of the Earth’s Oblateness, acting according to the law of universal gravitation, have manifested themselves;—I speak of the Moon’s Motion, as affected by the Earth’s Ellipticity. In this case, as in most others, observation anticipated theory. Mason had inferred from lunar observations a certain Inequality in Longitude, depending upon the distance of the Moon’s Node from the Equinox. Doubts were entertained by astronomers whether this inequality really existed; but Laplace showed that such an inequality would arise from the oblate form of the earth; and that its magnitude might serve to 456 determine the amount of the oblateness. Laplace showed, at the same time, that along with this Inequality in Longitude there must be an Inequality in Latitude; and this assertion Burg confirmed by the discussion of observations. The two Inequalities, as shown in the observations, agree in assigning to the earth’s form an Ellipticity of 1⁄305th.]
The attraction of all the parts of the earth to one another was thus proved by experiments, in which the whole mass of the earth is concerned. But attempts have also been made to measure the attraction of smaller portions; as mountains, or artificial masses. This is an experiment of great difficulty; for the attraction of such masses must be compared with that of the earth, of which it is a scarcely perceptible fraction; and, moreover, in the case of mountains, the effect of the mountain will be modified or disguised by unknown or unappreciable circumstances. In many of the measurements of degrees, indications of the attraction of mountains had been perceived; but at the suggestion of Maskelyne, the experiment was carefully made, in 1774, upon the mountain Schehallien, in Scotland, the mountain being mineralogically surveyed by Playfair. The result obtained was, that the attraction of the mountain drew the plumb-line about six seconds from the vertical; and it was deduced from this, by Hutton’s calculations, that the density of the earth was about once and four-fifths that of Schehallien, or four and a half times that of water.
Cavendish, who had suggested many of the artifices in this calculation, himself made the experiment in the other form, by using leaden balls, about nine inches diameter. This observation was conducted with an extreme degree of ingenuity and delicacy, which could alone make it valuable; and the result agreed very nearly with that of the Schehallien experiment, giving for the density of the earth about five and one-third times that of water. Nearly the same result was obtained by Carlini, in 1824, from observations of the pendulum, made at a point of the Alps (the Hospice, on Mount Cenis) at a considerable elevation above the average surface of the earth. ~Additional material in the 3rd edition.~ 457
We come, finally, to that result, in which most remains to be done for the verification of the general law of attraction—the subject of the Tides. Yet, even here, the verification is striking, as far as observations have been carried. Newton’s theory explained, with singular felicity, all the prominent circumstances of the tides then known;—the difference of spring and neap tides; the effect of the moon’s and sun’s declination and parallax; even the difference of morning and evening tides, and the anomalous tides of particular places. About, and after, this time, attempts were made both by the Royal Society of England, and by the French Academy, to collect numerous observations but these were not followed up with sufficient perseverance. Perhaps, indeed, the theory had not been at that time sufficiently developed but the admirable prize-essays of Euler, Bernoulli, and D’Alembert, in 1740, removed, in a great measure, this deficiency. These dissertations supplied the means of bringing this subject to the same test to which all the other consequences of gravitation had been subjected;—namely, the calculation of tables, and the continued and orderly comparison of these with observation. Laplace has attempted this verification in another way, by calculating the results of the theory (which he has done with an extraordinary command of analysis), and then by comparing these, in supposed critical cases, with the Brest observations. This method has confirmed the theory as far as it could do so; but such a process cannot supersede the necessity of applying the proper criterion of truth in such cases, the construction and verification of Tables. Bernoulli’s theory, on the other hand, has been used for the construction of Tide-tables; but these have not been properly compared with experiment; and when the comparison has been made, having been executed for purposes of gain rather than of science, it has not been published, and cannot be quoted as a verification of the theory.
Thus we have, as yet, no sufficient comparison of fact with theory, for Laplace’s is far from a complete comparison. In this, as in other parts of physical astronomy, our theory ought not only to agree with observations selected and grouped in a particular manner, but with the whole course of observation, and with every part of the phenomena. In this, as in other cases, the true theory should be verified by its giving us the best Tables; but Tide-tables were never, I believe, 458 calculated upon Laplace’s theory, and thus it was never fairly brought to the test.
It is, perhaps, remarkable, considering all the experience which astronomy had furnished, that men should have expected to reach the completion of this branch of science by improving the mathematical theory, without, at the same time, ascertaining the laws of the facts. In all other departments of astronomy, as, for instance, in the cases of the moon and the planets, the leading features of the phenomena had been made out empirically, before the theory explained them. The course which analogy would have recommended for the cultivation of our knowledge of the tides, would have been, to ascertain, by an analysis of long series of observations, the effect of changes in the time of transit, parallax, and declination of the moon, and thus to obtain the laws of phenomena and then proceed to investigate the laws of causation.
Though this was not the course followed by mathematical theorists, it was really pursued by those who practically calculated Tide-tables; and the application of knowledge to the useful purposes of life being thus separated from the promotion of the theory, was naturally treated as a gainful property, and preserved by secrecy. Art, in this instance, having cast off her legitimate subordination to Science, or rather, being deprived of the guidance which it was the duty of Science to afford, resumed her ancient practices of exclusiveness and mystery. Liverpool, London, and other places, had their Tide-tables, constructed by undivulged methods, which methods, in some instances at least, were handed down from father to son for several generations as a family possession; and the publication of new Tables, accompanied by a statement of the mode of calculation, was resented as an infringement of the rights of property.
The mode in which these secret methods were invented, was that which we have pointed out;—the analysis of a considerable series of observations. Probably the best example of this was afforded by the Liverpool Tide-tables. These were deduced by a clergyman named Holden, from observations made at that port by a harbor-master of the name of Hutchinson; who was led, by a love of such pursuits, to observe the tides carefully for above twenty years, day and night. Holden’s Tables, founded on four years of these observations, were remarkably accurate.
At length men of science began to perceive that such calculations were part of their business; and that they were called upon, as the 459 guardians of the established theory of the universe, to compare it in the greatest possible detail with the facts. Mr. Lubbock was the first mathematician who undertook the extensive labors which such a conviction suggested. Finding that regular tide-observations had been made at the London Docks from 1795, he took nineteen years of these (purposely selecting the length of a cycle of the motions of the lunar orbit), and caused them (in 1831) to be analyzed by Mr. Dessiou, an expert calculator. He thus obtained105 Tables for the effect of the Moon’s Declination, Parallax, and hour of Transit, on the tides; and was enabled to produce Tide-tables founded upon the data thus obtained. Some mistakes in these as first published (mistakes unimportant as to the theoretical value of the work), served to show the jealousy of the practical tide-table calculators, by the acrimony with which the oversights were dwelt upon; but in a very few years, the tables thus produced by an open and scientific process were more exact than those which resulted from any of the secrets; and thus practice was brought into its proper subordination to theory.
The theory with which Mr. Lubbock was led to compare his results, was the Equilibrium-theory of Daniel Bernoulli; and it was found that this theory, with certain modifications of its elements, represented the facts to a remarkable degree of precision. Mr. Lubbock pointed out this agreement especially in the semi-mensual inequality of the times of high water. The like agreement was afterwards (in 1833) shown by Mr. Whewell106 to obtain still more accurately at Liverpool, both for the Times and Heights; for by this time, nineteen years of Hutchinson’s Liverpool Observations had also been discussed by Mr. Lubbock. The other inequalities of the Times and Heights (depending upon the Declination and Parallax of the Moon and Sun,) were variously compared with the Equilibrium-theory by Mr. Lubbock and Mr. Whewell; and the general result was, that the facts agreed with the condition of equilibrium at a certain anterior time, but that this anterior time was different for different phenomena. In like manner it appeared to follow from these researches, that in order to explain the facts, the mass of the moon must be supposed different in the calculation at different places. A result in effect the same was obtained by M. Daussy,107 an active French Hydrographer; for he found that observations at various stations could not be reconciled with the formulæ of Laplace’s Mécanique 460 Céleste (in which the ratio of the heights of spring-tides and neap-tides was computed on an assumed mass of the moon) without an alteration of level which was, in fact, equivalent to an alteration of the moon’s mass. Thus all things appeared to tend to show that the Equilibrium-theory would give the formulæ for the inequalities of the tides, but that the magnitudes which enter into these formulæ must be sought from observation.
Whether this result is consistent with theory, is a question not so much of Physical Astronomy as of Hydrodynamics, and has not yet been solved. A Theory of the Tides which should include in its conditions the phenomena of Derivative Tides, and of their combinations, will probably require all the resources of the mathematical mechanician.
As a contribution of empirical materials to the treatment of this hydrodynamical problem, it may be allowable to mention here Mr. Whewell’s attempts to trace the progress of the tide into all the seas of the globe, by drawing on maps of the ocean what he calls Cotidal Lines;—lines marking the contemporaneous position of the various points of the great wave which carries high water from shore to shore.108 This is necessarily a task of labor and difficulty, since it requires us to know the time of high water on the same day in every part of the world; but in proportion as it is completed, it supplies steps between our general view of the movements of the ocean and the phenomena of particular ports.
Looking at this subject by the light which the example of the history of astronomy affords, we may venture to repeat, that it will never have justice done it till it is treated as other parts of astronomy are treated; that is, till Tables of all the phenomena which can be observed, are calculated by means of the best knowledge which we at present possess, and till these tables are constantly improved by a comparison of the predicted with the observed fact. A set of Tide-observations and Tide-ephemerides of this kind, would soon give to this subject that precision which marks the other parts of astronomy; and would leave an assemblage of unexplained residual phenomena, in which a careful research might find the materials of other truths as yet unsuspected.
[2d Ed.] [That there would be, in the tidal movements of the ocean, inequalities of the heights and times of high and low water 461 corresponding to those which the equilibrium theory gives, could be considered only as a conjecture, till the comparison with observation was made. It was, however, a natural conjecture; since the waters of the ocean are at every moment tending to acquire the form assumed in the equilibrium theory: and it may be considered likely that the causes which prevent their assuming this form produce an effect nearly constant for each place. Whatever be thought of this reasoning, the conjecture is confirmed by observation with curious exactness. The laws of a great number of the tidal phenomena—namely, of the Semi-mensual Inequality of the Heights, of the Semi-mensual Inequality of the Times, of the Diurnal Inequality, of the effect of the Moon’s Declination, of the effect of the Moon’s Parallax—are represented very closely by formulæ derived from the equilibrium theory. The hydrodynamical mode of treating the subject has not added any thing to the knowledge of the laws of the phenomena to which the other view had conducted us.
We may add, that Laplace’s assumption, that in the moving fluid the motions must have a periodicity corresponding to that of the forces, is also a conjecture. And though this conjecture may, in some cases of the problem, be verified, by substituting the resulting expressions in the equations of motion, this cannot be done in the actual case, where the revolving motion of the ocean is prevented by the intrusion of tracts of land running nearly from pole to pole.
Yet in Mr. Airy’s Treatise On Tides and Waves (in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana) much has been done to bring the hydrodynamical theory of oceanic tides into agreement with observation. In this admirable work, Mr. Airy has, by peculiar artifices, solved problems which come so near the actual cases that they may represent them. He has, in this way, deduced the laws of the semi-diurnal and the diurnal tide, and the other features of the tides which the equilibrium theory in some degree imitates; but he has also, taking into account the effect of friction, shown that the actual tide may be represented as the tide of an earlier epoch;—that the relative mass of the moon and sun, as inferred from the tides, would depend upon the depth of the ocean (Art. 455);—with many other results remarkably explaining the observed phenomena. He has also shown that the relation of the cotidal lines to the tide waves really propagated is, in complex cases, very obscure, because different waves of different magnitudes, travelling in different directions, may coexist, and the cotidal line is the compound result of all these. 462
With reference to the Maps of Cotidal Lines, mentioned in the text, I may add, that we are as yet destitute of observations which should supply the means of drawing such lines on a large scale in the Pacific Ocean. Admiral Lütke has however supplied us with some valuable materials and remarks on this subject in his Notice sur les Marées Périodiques dans le grand Océan Boréal et dans la Mer Glaciale; and has drawn them, apparently on sufficient data, in the White Sea.] ~Additional material in the 3rd edition.~
WE have travelled over an immense field of astronomical and mathematical labor in the last few pages, and have yet, at the end of every step, still found ourselves under the jurisdiction of the Newtonian laws. We are reminded of the universal monarchies, where a man could not escape from the empire without quitting the world. We have now to notice some other discoveries, in which this reference to the law of universal gravitation is less immediate and obvious; I mean the astronomical discoveries respecting Light.
The general truths to which the establishment of the true laws of Atmospheric Refraction led astronomers, were the law of Deflection of the rays of light, which applies to all refractions, and the real structure and size of the Atmosphere, so far as it became known. The great discoveries of Römer and Bradley, namely, the Velocity of Light, the Aberration of Light, and the Nutation of the earth’s axis, gave a new distinctness to the conceptions of the propagation of light in the minds of philosophers, and confirmed the doctrines of Copernicus, Kepler, and Newton, respecting the motions which belong to the earth.
The true laws of Atmospheric Refraction were slowly discovered. Tycho attributed the apparent displacement of the heavenly bodies to the low and gross part of the atmosphere only, and hence made it cease at a point half-way to the zenith; but Kepler rightly extended it to the zenith itself. Dominic Cassini endeavored to discover the law of this correction by observation, and gave his result in the form 463 which, as we have said, sound science prescribes, a Table to be habitually used for all observations. But great difficulties at this time embarrassed this investigation, for the parallaxes of the sun and of the planets were unknown, and very diverse values had been assigned them by different astronomers. To remove some of these difficulties, Richer, in 1762, went to observe at the equator; and on his return, Cassini was able to confirm and amend his former estimations of parallax and refraction. But there were still difficulties. According to La Hire, though the phenomena of twilight give an altitude of 34,000 toises to the atmosphere,109 those of refraction make it only 2000. John Cassini undertook to support and improve the calculations of his father Dominic, and took the true supposition, that the light follows a curvilinear path through the air. The Royal Society of London had already ascertained experimentally the refractive power of air.110 Newton calculated a Table of Refractions, which was published under Halley’s name in the Philosophical Transactions for 1721, without any indication of the method by which it was constructed. But M. Biot has recently shown,111 by means of the published correspondence of Flamsteed, that Newton had solved the problem in a manner nearly corresponding to the most improved methods of modern analysis.