Farther down the Zamanti Su we come to the village of Tashji, placed in a narrow glen on the bank of a small tributary. Here, upon a rock, there are visible the incised outlines of two figures and a considerable number of hieroglyphs.[325] The carvings are so weathered, and the record of them so insufficient, that little can be made out of the inscription. The two figures, however, may be judged to have been clad in priestly dress, with close-fitting skull-cap. The sharply-cut features of one of them remain conspicuous. They are to the right hand of the scene as published, and facing to the observer’s right; hence it is probable that they are facing some deity or deified object which has escaped observation. The position of this monument is of special interest, as it is only eight miles eastward from Fraktin, which is found on the next main bend of the river.

Here, at Fraktin (otherwise Ferak-Din),[326] is one of the most famous of Hittite sculptures, which makes most important contributions to Hittite religious symbolism.[327] From its position on the river, Professor Ramsay has, with reason, identified this place with the Dastarkon on the river Karmalas mentioned by Strabo,[328] and has shown how the omission of the name of the place from the list of Hiera, though at one time the most important, and the head over all others in Cappadocia, argues for its extreme antiquity as a religious centre, the importance of which was already passing when the list was made. Its sanctity was preserved, however, even in Christian times, by the Bishopric of Kiskissos, situated at Kiskeui, the nearest village to the site.

The sculptures[329] of Fraktin are found about half a mile north-north-east of the village, carved upon a convex rock facing to the west, where a cliff about fifteen or twenty feet high rises above a sluggish stream, the Kara Su, which flows past at the foot. They are about four feet from the ground, and the figures are from three feet to three feet four inches in height. The group fills a space nine feet eight inches wide, or, including an outer group of hieroglyphs, thirteen feet ten inches over all. The carving is executed in relief about two inches high. There are two scenes, in each of them two personages. The group on the left consists of two male figures, facing one another, and separated by an altar. They are both clad in Hittite fashion, with short tunic, conical hat, and shoes with upturned toes,[330] while each has seemingly a dagger at the waist. The figure to the left holds out some object in his extended left hand above the altar. In his right hand there is grasped a curving staff, which rests upon the shoulder.[331] With this figure there is associated the divided oval, the emblem of sanctity; so that we cannot doubt that if either of these two is a divine figure to whom the other is ministering, then it is the one in question. The figure upon the other side of the altar is more defaced; he seems to hold under the left arm a triangular bow,[332] while with his right hand he grasps an object which is continued by a wavy outline to the ground before his feet.[333] The altar between the two is very curious, and the object upon it unintelligible. The pedestal seems to be draped almost like a human figure with a narrow folded garment ending in a fringe. The narrowing at the top, representing the waist, and the horizontal belt around it, are evident.

The group to the right is not completely carved, the outlines only being shown, though the background is cut away. On the left of the altar in this case, the figure is seated on a square-shaped stool, and notwithstanding the conical hat (generally a part of the male attire), the only parallel cases of a seated deity suggest the figure of Ma, the Mother-goddess.[334] Whoever or whatever it may be, the hands are held out towards the altar. On the opposite side there is a similar long-robed figure standing, and the garment in this case shows a considerable train behind, while in front the turned-up toe of one foot protrudes. The right hand seems to lean on a long staff,[335] while the left, contrary to the usual convention, is extended, and grasps a long pendent object which reaches the floor,[336] as in the counterpart. The object perched upon the altar is unexplained, but most resembles the crudely drawn outline of a falcon or other large bird[337] facing the goddess.

Much has been written, and much might still be argued, as to the meaning of these sculptures. All that is certain is the insufficiency of evidence by which to identify them. We seem to have, however, two acts of worship, probably oblation scenes, represented; and on the analogy of the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui,[338] we may feel drawn to see in these sculptures two shrines, the one of the Mother-goddess, later known as Cybele, the other of her companion, likewise familiar in later times as Attis. At Boghaz-Keui the same divine pair appear in other guise. But being ignorant of the local religion, we learn little or nothing from these identifications. It is however of interest to notice how deeply permeated and how widely spread throughout the Hittite lands was the cult of the Nature-goddess in early times.

Section C.—Monuments of the Halys Basin.

With this group of monuments there are two or three outside the convex curve of the Halys, though none the less in the basin which that river drains. The first of these, on the slopes of Mount Argæus, might perhaps more appropriately have been classed with the monuments of Anti-Taurus, of which system Argæus is really the most advanced and most prominent peak. We have no doubt that near the summit of this magnificent slumbering volcanic cone there might be found traces of Hittite high-places, but for the present our only evidence of Hittite presence in this locality is to be found a comparatively short way up the ascent, at a place called Tope Nefezi, near to Asarjik.[339] Here, among a number of small rocks, there is found one, enclosed with a growth of low scrub, upon the southern face of which a Hittite inscription is incised. The spot is near one of the main ascents of the cone, commanding a view of the plain below, while in front the snowy peak emerges in vivid, gleaming contrast out of the dense growth of pine and fir trees that clothe the middle heights of the mountain. A stream coming from high up the mountain passes near the spot, and descends just eastward of Cæsarea to join the Deli Su. This river, flowing west through the marshes, shortly afterwards enters the Kara Su, which empties into the Halys just above Bir Geuz bridge.[340]

The rock itself is cracked vertically and weathered at the edges, so that some of the inscription on the left hand is missing, and some of it is illegible. It covers a space nearly four feet wide and nearly two feet high. It consists of two bands, of which the lower one, about eight inches in height, is marked only faintly with half-obliterated signs which suggest graffiti. The upper band is covered with incised hieroglyphs and a group of short upright strokes probably representing numerals. In the left part of the inscription, three or more signs are superposed in each column, while the whole is to be read clearly from right to left. For the moment the presence and position of this monument are its chief features of importance.

The other site, about equally distant from the Halys, but considerably to the west, is Suasa, on the head-waters of the stream which enters the Halys just above Karaburna. Here, on a cubical block of stone, similar to many hundreds fallen from the cliff, there has been found[341] an inscription, incised on the front and back. The exposed part of the stone is rather more than three feet wide. The record of the monument is insufficient to let us assign much importance to its apparent intrinsic details, such as the possible appearance of a winged animal and a fish among the hieroglyphs. That which concerns us most, as in the former case, is the unquestionably Hittite nature of the monument, and the place where it is found. If we are to regard these isolated monuments as general evidence of Hittite routes, we may see in this one the suggestion of a road from Akserai (Archelais) direct to Karaburna, connecting on the one hand with Ardistama or with Konia, and on the other with Boghaz-Keui by a southern branch of the royal road.[342]

Karaburna lies on the north bank of the Halys river.[343] Just behind the village a steep hill rises about four hundred feet, and is crowned with an ancient fortress. On two sides the wall of rock forms a sufficient defence, but on the west, and particularly on the north, this is more broken, and is supplemented by an artificial wall of rough stone work.[344] In the east side there is a sort of gateway, and below there is an underground passage leading probably to a well.[345] On a shelf of rock to the left of this entrance there is a lengthy Hittite inscription.[346] The surface of the rock is not very smooth, and it was found both worn and covered with lichen. None the less the discoverer brought back good copies of the inscription, which is important both intrinsically and topographically. The hieroglyphs are incised, and are arranged in three rows with border and dividing lines. They seem to have filled a space rather more than five feet long and just less than two feet wide. The inscription, as translated by Professor Sayce, refers chiefly to the building of the fortification and the towers thereof; there is also a remarkable suggestion that the district was subject to or part of Tyana. If we may make an inference therefrom, it is that the inscription belongs to a time when Tyana had superseded Pteria as the Hittite capital, and when Greater Cilicia had taken the place of northern Cappadocia as the most important Hittite state.

At Bogche, higher up the river, and on the opposite bank, there is a unique Hittite monument, which, so far as can be judged, stands now precisely where it did in antiquity. It is a flat round-topped granitic stone, inscribed on both sides and ends, and standing upon a suitable plinth or pedestal. The width of the stone is almost exactly four feet, and its height three feet. At the side it is twenty-one inches wide at the bottom, narrowing to eleven and a half inches at the top.[347] The position of the monument is a slope of high ground overlooking the valley of the river, and isolated amid pastures to the west of the village. Its nature and situation alike suggest a tribal or village boundary stone, such as we suspect at Gurun and Bulghar-Madên. The inscription is arranged in four lines, and seems to commence at the top right hand of the northern face (which is towards the river). The hieroglyphs are incised, and include several new and uncommon signs. Though difficult the inscription is one of the most perfect pieces available for the decipherer or philologist.

Passing the Bir Geuz bridge, Yamoola is found some little way farther up the river, upon the northern bank. The village is in open ground, but just above the valley narrows to a gorge, which is practically continuous as far as Chok Geuz Keupru.[348] A pathway follows the river-side for the most part, winding along the narrow strip of soil between the water and the heights which overlook it. Other tracks take the higher ground, but they are rendered difficult by the loose stones that thickly cover the surface, imparting a desolate and wild character to the region. About forty minutes’ journey above Yamoola, or two and a half hours below Chok Geuz Keupru, the monument is found upon gently-sloping ground near the brink of a steep knoll about five hundred feet in height. The spot does not command an extensive view of the river, though only a hundred yards away, because the ground rises slightly in between; but a little way up stream the banks are more gentle, and the water comes into view at a bend.

The monument is a gigantic eagle of stone,[349] sculptured in the round, standing upon a solid base carved in bold relief with the design of a seated lion within each of three panels at the front and sides. The height over all is seven feet. It now lies upon one side, but it would appear that it was originally set up some four or five yards distant on a platform of stones, the front edge of which is slightly raised like a ridge to prevent slipping.[350]

The head of this great eagle is unfortunately broken away, and has not been found. Around the neck the feather pattern which covers the body gives way to a hair-like representation, seen as two clusters of hair curling finally towards one another. This may, indeed, be only a method of reproducing the down upon the neck, parallel with the treatment of the legs; on the other hand, hair may be intended, and it is thus possible that the bird was human-headed. After due consideration of the details and probabilities, however, we are disposed to accept the simpler solution: that the emblem was a simple though gigantic eagle, set upon a lion-base. Upon the breast of the bird, the plumage is represented by a leaf-like pattern with a boldness accordant with the great size of the subject. Upon the back this detail is repeated to some extent, but for the most part the work is more conventional, consisting of bands of herring-bone pattern running down the full length of the body, diverging upon the shoulders, and then converging gradually so as to cross towards the tail. The legs are shown covered with down, and the talons are forcefully executed.

The base of this monument is also of special interest. In each of the two visible panels (hence presumably upon the third) a lion is shown in an attitude not exactly crouching, but as though supporting the weight upon his shoulders and back. His forequarters are too much raised for an ordinary recumbent position, though otherwise the attitude of these animals is reposeful. The left leg in each case crosses over the right, and the tail curls up from between the legs backward over the thigh. The right side is presented in each case, and the face looks outwards. The width of the base, excluding the tail, which projects about five inches, is three feet nine inches. Framing the panels in which the lions are shown, and separating the pedestal from the rest of the monument, there is a curious wavy ridge of stone upon which the eagle is perched. It may possibly be intended as a branch of a tree, but it is made almost to resemble a writhing serpent, with its alternate narrowing and widening.

We have departed from the strict lines laid down at the outset of our inquiry in including this object, which is uninscribed, and bears no direct evidence of date upon it. We do so because we claim it with some confidence as Hittite work. Eagles, in relief and in the round, and lions, are familiar emblems in Hittite religious art, and they are found in association at Boghaz-Keui;[351] indeed, at this place, which we may believe to have been the religious centre for the whole Halys basin, a cult of the eagle seems to have been perpetuated in Hittite times.[352] Hence, though the character and composition of the monument are unique, the emblems which it comprises are familiar subjects in Hittite art, and appropriate to the locality. As to its meaning, however, we can hazard no opinion; its position near the valley of the river suggests a possible relationship, and we know[353] that rivers were sacred to some Hittite tribes.

Leaving now the valley of the Halys, it is a singular fact that there is no permanent trace of Hittite presence on record within the broad circuit which that river encloses, except the ruins of the capital at Boghaz-Keui and of the neighbouring palace at Eyuk. At the former place there is one monument called Nishan Tash, which claims mention independently of the buildings and sculptures to which we devote a special chapter, inasmuch as it is a rock-carving unlike anything else on the acropolis where it is found. It lies between the two fortresses of Beuyuk and Yenije Kaleh, where the surface of a rock facing to the south has been smoothed for a space about twenty feet by ten, and carved with a design or inscription arranged in ten separate lines. It is generally thought that this is an inscription in Hittite hieroglyphs, and probably that is correct; but owing to its extremely weathered state, we do not believe it possible now to recognise the signs with any certainty, though one traveller claims to have deciphered four lines in comparatively recent years. The rock lies back at a considerable angle, and is thus entirely exposed to rain and frost. At the present time the carving simulates a series of animal forms, arranged in pairs facing one another, and (in the second row) of winged creatures placed singly and separated by dividing lines from one another. In the ninth row there is a suggestion of bulls facing one another in pairs, with lowered heads. Doubtless this is illusion,[354] but it shows the unfortunate impossibility of recovering the original inscription with any reliability.

Two further monuments, recently discovered,[355] may be appropriately mentioned, inasmuch as they have no clear relation to any other buildings of the site. They are cubical building blocks of granite (similar to those from Malatia and elsewhere), and the face of each is decorated with a relief. In the upper part of the stone there is a socket-hole, from which fact the discoverers argue that they were the bases for statues, though from the analogy which their other discoveries afford, it would appear more probable that they supported a building carried up in timber. The subject of the relief is clearly religious, and it includes some striking and important features, which appear on each stone. Indeed, the only difference between the two is found in three out of five hieroglyphic signs that occur in each case. Otherwise the subject represented is the same. This shows a priest, clad in toga-like robe standing in an attitude of prayer before an altar. He wears a skull-cap, shoes with turned-up toes, and earring. The toga is worn (in one case plainly) over a short tunic and vest. His left hand is raised towards the altar, and his left foot is advanced. The altar is of square shape, and without parallel in Hittite representations.[356] It is decorated with squares divided by diagonal lines and crosses. There is a little difference discernible in the arrangement of these decorative details, the chief point being that on the one they are arrayed in rows (in which case there are no crosses) and in the other in columns (in which case the crosses form a partial middle column between two of diagonals). Most curious of all, upon the altar, seemingly one on the right hand and one on the left, are two tall loop-like or round-topped objects standing vertically. Behind the altar there seems to be the cult object, which at first glance looks very like a harpoon, though the head is bent somewhat backward. It may, however, be thought to represent some pointed object (like the Hittite hat) on a pole.

(There is a small ivory object recently obtained at Denek Maden, near Chesme Keupru, which we may appropriately mention here,[357] as it is characteristic of a certain class of Hittite objects, though not of direct use to our present subject. Its form makes it improbable that it was a seal in the ordinary sense. On the obverse there is the figure of a god clad in a short tunic; from the hieroglyphs alongside he is to be recognised perhaps as Sandan, or Sandes. On the reverse there is the robed figure of a priest holding apparently a long staff in his hand, and wearing a skull-cap. Certain hieroglyphs accompany this figure also. The character of the object and treatment of detail have several features of special interest.)

Section D.—Monuments of the West.

It has already been indicated that the Hittite works in the west are few in number and of somewhat special character, and that they are disposed for the most part seemingly along a single line of road.[358] They betoken a line of conquest rather than a period of settlement. Nevertheless, if we may permit ourselves to take into consideration certain sculptures which, though uninscribed, are of strongly Hittite character, we shall find reason to feel the presence of Hittite influence, or close contact with Hittite artistic feeling, in Galatia north-east from Phrygia. In view of the fact which has been established[359] that the Halys River formed a boundary between peoples of different racial customs, this evidence, if it may be accepted, assumes definite importance, inasmuch as such influence was less likely, under the circumstances, to be the result of neighbourly assimilation. It would argue, in short, for a definite occupation or suzerainty.

Of such uninscribed works we may single out three in the immediate vicinity of Angora, the one at Kalaba,[360] which is just eastward of the town, the others at Amaksiz and Yalanjak,[361] which lie to the west and south-west respectively. These are uniform slabs of stone, suitable for the façade of a building, decorated with reliefs of lions.[362] It is not merely the analogy of motive and of subject, but certain details of treatment, which give them a Hittite character. The beasts are in each case represented as advancing, with wide open mouths. The farther legs are advanced and the tail curls over the back. On the lion from Kalaba the body is seemingly hairy below the belly and the collar is suggested. Most characteristic of all is the treatment of the shoulder muscles, which are drawn in conventional outline, as at Eyuk, Sinjerli, and elsewhere. (At Chesme Keupru, also, exposed to the weather on the western side of the bridge, there is a lion sculptured completely in the round. This is in itself a fashion unknown to Hittite art, and added to that there must be noticed the seated posture of the animal and uncouth treatment of the subject. We cannot see in this any semblance of Hittite influence.)

The sculptures of Giaour-Kalesi, however, are of unmistakably Hittite origin, even though no inscription seems to have been noticed with them. Here the subjects are godlike figures, in familiar Hittite guise.[363] They are carved in relief upon the living rock, and their situation is particularly noteworthy. A rocky knoll overlooks, indeed partly overhangs, a narrow pass: upon the summit is a fortress, rectangular in shape, about eighteen yards by thirty-seven, and supported by an outer and lower wall at a distance of twelve to thirty yards. The masonry of the inner wall is rough dry-walling, while the outer is built in the style of the fortress on Beuyuk Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui,[364] of stones roughly pentagonal in shape, irregular in size, fitted to one another, and laid without mortar. In its shape this fortress corresponds to that of Yenije Kaleh at Boghaz-Keui;[365] in its double wall and rough inner masonry to that on Kizil Dagh;[366] and in the position of the monuments near its entrance to that on Kizil Dagh just mentioned, and to another at Karaburna.[367]

The sculptures represent two male figures: the one bearded, the other beardless. Both are clad in the short tunic, tip-tilted shoes, and conical hat familiar in the god-figures at Boghaz-Keui.[368] A dagger with crescental hilt is stuck into the belt of each. They are of gigantic size, seemingly about ten or twelve feet high, and both are posed in the same way facing in the same direction. They turn to the observer’s left; their right hands are advanced, as though pointing down the pass, while their left arms are drawn back. Obedient to convention, the right legs are advanced, and the shoulders are seen almost in full view. Something hangs down from the hat of each, falling behind the neck;[369] and upon the front of the hat worn by the bearded figure there may be traced a curving object, but whether the upturned brim familiar on the sculptures at Sinjerli and Boghaz-Keui,[370] or some other emblem, is not determinable.

There can be little doubt as to the identification of these two figures, as they are portrayed, with the father-god and the son-god (the two forms of Attis of later times), seen in exact correspondence on the sculptured walls of the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui.[371] Is it merely a coincidence that, while being a link in the great westerly route from Boghaz-Keui towards Kara-Bel and Sipylus, they are pointing down the pass which is thought by many to have led also directly to Pessinus or Pessinous, the chief sanctuary of the Mother-goddess[372] in this part of Asia Minor?

Whatever may have been the direction of the Royal Road eastward of Giaour-Kalesi, it would seem to have passed west by way of Yarre, which is found near a bridge over the Sangarius called Karanji Keupru. Here a sculptured slab has been found[373] decorated with a relief representing a ceremonial feast. This is an important link, for this class of subject has a wide distribution, as we have seen,[374] throughout Hittite lands on both sides of the Taurus. Its appearance west of the Halys betrays the influence not only of Hittite art but of a common religious institution.

The slab is almost exactly thirty inches square and twelve inches thick. The back is rough, and on the upper side is carved a tongue or ‘joggle,’ for attaching another slab: clearly it formed part of the façade of a building like the slabs of Angora, Sinjerli, and Sakje-Geuzi. The drawing of the scene is more angular and less free than is seen on most Hittite works, but there are several intrinsic Hittite peculiarities. Two figures are seated, their feet on footstools, at opposite sides of a narrow table or altar. The head and back of the left-hand figure are missing. The shoes of both turn upwards at the toes, and their garments seem to be long, reaching to their ankles. The end of a toga-like garment is conspicuous on the right-hand figure, falling over the right shoulder and reaching almost to the seat. The head-dress of this figure resembles a skull-cap with expanding front, and a short hood or veil falls behind the neck. The features are sharp, the nose and chin being particularly prominent. The figure is seated on a stool with two straight legs which cross. In the left hand (which, as at Sinjerli and elsewhere, is inaccurately represented with the palm instead of the knuckles towards the observer) there is grasped a small round-topped object; and in the right hand, which is partly raised, there seems to be a cup. The opposite figure is clad alike, so far as it can be seen, and similarly raises a cup towards the lips. The object between them resembles in form the narrow tapering altars seen on the sculptures of Fraktin. Upon it there seem to be a bird, and possibly some other offerings not clearly defined. In the background between the two heads, and above the ‘altar,’ there appear certain marks, in relief, which may be the remains of hieroglyphic signs. It is unfortunate that the whole of this sculpture is not preserved, a circumstance which makes us hesitate to attempt to explain its meaning. It is probable, however, that the persons, being both seated, are in this case on an equality, and both share in the feast, as at Marash,[375] Boghaz-Keui,[376] and Sinjerli.[377] We infer that they are man and woman, but that is not clear. The figure on the right, clad in the toga and long robe, wears also an earring. The seat on the left is not a stool of the same kind as that on the right, but rather a square-shaped chair, though, being broken in two, we have only a portion remaining from which to judge.

In the Phrygian country the rock sculptures of non-Phrygian character near the Midas-tomb at Doghanlu[378] may be thought to carry on the line of Hittite highway to the west. These are found on a plateau above the valley in which are the Phrygian monuments, and they seem to have been anciently reached by means of a road ascending in a gentle curve, now partly hidden at the bottom by accumulated earth. There are several figures of gigantic size carved in relief upon the rocks, but that which has attracted most attention is a small one in the series, two feet four inches high, described by the discoverer as a figure of ‘Hermes.’ The person stands, facing left, his left foot and arm advanced. His hair is dressed close, or it may be covered by a skull-cap, and a curl is visible behind the neck. In the left hand a caduceus is held upright, the head of which is seen like a small disk with horn-like objects projecting from the top and turned towards one another. Beyond the staff are certain picture-signs, amidst which a bird[379] may be recognised, with a small triangular sign below. These signs, in the opinion of the discoverer, are not the same as the Hittite hieroglyphs. None the less, the monument is accepted as Hittite by Dr. Messerschmidt[380] and M. Perrot.[381] We consider their interpretation of the origin of the sculpture to be extremely doubtful. We do not feel so strongly as Professor Ramsay that the Phrygians obviously learned this type from the Hittites of Pteria, as may be seen from a comparison with the youthful god in the sanctuary of that place. On the other hand, the caduceus, the picture-signs, and the short robe of the figure, are not really those familiar in Hittite art. We are told, however, that other sculptures of the series with which the ‘Hermes’ is associated have more in common. The theory of Hittite influence, though not of Hittite origin, is perhaps easiest reconciled with history, and we may accept it tentatively as a working hypothesis explaining their presence, but not as independent evidence.

The same doubt does not exist, however, in regard to an inscription from Bey-Keui, which is a definite trace of the Hittites in the west. The monument is a dressed block of limestone, dug by Professor Ramsay[382] out of a mound at the entrance to a glen. The hieroglyphs are in relief, and on the portion of the stone preserved were arranged in rows, of which two partly remain. The whole was surrounded by a plain border.[383] From the published copy two or three of the signs may be readily recognised as distinctively Hittite. The position of the monument has thus a great interest amid the paucity of evidence in the west.

Those monuments which tell of the Hittite influence in the extreme west are found on the mountains of Sipylus and Tmolus, not far in either case from Smyrna. The river Hermus before entering the sea flows about a mile distant on the northern side of Mount Sipylus. On the other bank there stretches out a considerable expanse of highly fertile plain. The road and railway pass between the river and the mountain, and from them the famous sculpture may be plainly seen. It is several hundred feet up the slope, involving a sharp climb up the accumulated débris and soil at the foot of the cliff. Above, the cliffs rise sheer and almost precipitous.[384]

The monument occupies a recess specially prepared, about forty feet in height, while the figure itself is over thirty feet high. This gigantic sculpture, perhaps on account of its accessibility, has been more noticed in writings, ancient and modern, than any other. Its present condition,[385] however, leaves us no chance of forming any new opinion as to its original meaning and character. Fortunately on both points there remains little doubt, in spite of a considerable controversy, which is, however, now no longer of interest. As to its meaning, we are guided by the studied words of Pausanias,[386] read in the light of modern information, to believe that it was a rock image of the Mother-goddess; and as to its character, we may see in its present weathered state the indications of a sculpture in very high relief, almost indeed in the round, though not disengaged from the rock, which once represented a female seated, with her feet presumably upon a stool. The head of the figure is seemingly inclined forward, and the form of the female bust may still be recognised. Those who previously may have thought the carving to represent a bust upon a pedestal were deceived by its present appearance, for certain hieroglyphs[387] in the recess near the head attest its Hittite origin: the motive of bust and pedestal finds no place in the category of Hittite art, while the seated figure of the Mother-goddess has its counterpart in the Hittite sculptures at Eyuk[388] and Fraktin.[389] The inscription in question is very fragmentary, though certain characteristic symbols can be recognised, notably the tip-tilted shoe and the horned (ram’s) head. ‘It contains,’ writes Professor Sayce, ‘the name of the Mother-goddess, with her title “Queen of the Rock,” all of which signs recur in an inscription from Emir-Ghazi.’[390]

It would seem that classical writers, following generally in the footsteps of Homer, confounded this image with another object, a natural rock on the same mountain, which tradition associated with Niobe, and would seem indeed to have conveyed a suggestion of her weeping form. Thus Homer[391] sings that ‘Niobe, turned to stone, upon arid Sipylus broods o’er her sorrows’; and so again Ovid:[392] ‘Fastened to the rock she weeps, and the marble sheds tears.’ Fortunately Pausanias, himself probably a native of this country, ascertained the facts and showed how the confusion had arisen. ‘This Niobe,’ he says,[393] ‘I myself saw when I ascended Mount Sipylus; close at hand it is merely a rock and a cliff, with no resemblance to a woman, mourning or otherwise; but if you stand farther off, you will think you see a weeping woman bowed with grief.’ This is clearly the Niobe of Homer, Ovid, and Sophocles, and clearly also the smoothed appearance of the rock above the image of the Mother-goddess (which is not, it seems, due at all to the action of the water), was one of the reasons accounting for the confusion. As to the identity of the image, Pausanias leaves us in no doubt where he says,[394] ‘Here (at Aeriae) there is a temple of the Mother of the Gods, with a stone image of her: both are worth seeing. The people of Aeriae say that it is the most ancient sanctuary of this goddess in the Peloponnese. The oldest of all her images,[395] however, is on the rock of Coddinus at Magnesia, to the north of Sipylus: the Magnesians say it was made by Broteas, son of Tantalus.’ Finally the same writer makes his distinction apparent by showing that he was aware of the passage in Homer referring to the story of Niobe.[396]

As in other cases, we do not dwell upon the religious symbolism of the monument. That the Mother-goddess (Ma) was the prototype of Kybele remains undisputed, and all that is of interest in the cult of the great Phrygian goddess has been pointed out by Sir William Ramsay[397] and others. But the attributes of the goddess in the minds of the Hittites remain indefinite, and are to be inferred from the rites represented with her at Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, and Fraktin, from the ritual described by Strabo and Herodotus, as surviving at Comana, Tyana, Pessinus, and elsewhere, and from the inherited attributes of Kybele herself.[398]

The other Hittite monuments of the west on the pass of Kara-Bel are comparatively near at hand. A stream which feeds the Hermus, flowing around the foot of Mount Sipylus on the east, comes down from the valley which separates that mountain on the south from the opposite slopes of Olympus. The bed of another small tributary leads up these southern slopes to a narrow wooded glen upon the ridge, in which are the sources of the Kara Su. Through this glen there passes a track, now not much used, connecting Ephesus to the south with Sardis or Smyrna by the northern valley. About seventy feet above this track, in the perpendicular face of the cliff, a niche of rock encloses a sculpture in relief. The niche is about six feet wide at the base and nine feet high, being considerably narrower at the top.[399] The figure within is that of a warrior, similar to those of Giaour-Kalesi, and resembling the god-figures at Boghaz-Keui. He stands facing to his left, his left leg and arm advanced, and his shoulders squared to the observer. He wears a short tunic and short-sleeved vest and high boots, which in some early drawings are shown as turning up at the toes.[400] The conical Hittite hat completes his costume. A triangular-shaped bow is carried over his right shoulder, and his extended left hand seems to grasp a long staff or spear.[401] The sculpture, being on the east side of the ravine, is turned towards Ephesus. There is another similar sculpture on a detached block of stone some two hundred and fifty yards farther up the pass. This stone seems to have fallen from the rocks above, and it now lies on the west side near the stream, about twelve yards below the level of the path. As it lies the sculptured face is towards the east, and the figure being turned as in the former case, towards the left, looks to the north. It is probable, however, from the similarity of the two subjects, that they originally looked in the same direction.

It is curious that there is no mention of these sculptures by Pausanias. Herodotus, however, describes them as images of Sesostris,[402] ‘the one on the way from Ephesus to Phocaea, the other from Sardis to Smyrna. In both places a man is carved, four and a half cubits high, bearing a spear in his right hand, and in his left a bow; and the rest of his equipment is in unison, for it is partly Egyptian and partly Ethiopian. From one shoulder to the other there extend across the breast sacred Egyptian characters, incised, which read as follows: “I acquired this region by my own shoulders.” Who or whence he is he does not here show.’ It is clear that Herodotus was writing from hearsay: there is just enough general accuracy in his account to identify the monuments, and enough discrepancy to make it apparent that he had not visited them himself. The details as to position we have already noticed; and Professor Sayce has shown[403] that the inscription, so far from being across the breast of the figure and in Egyptian characters, is found in the characteristic place, between the spear and the head of the figure, and consists of a group of Hittite hieroglyphs, in which certain symbols can be recognised. On the fallen block no trace of inscription remains, as the sculpture has suffered mutilation; in fact, a Yuruk’s tent was at one time pitched against it, and the niche used as a fireplace. But sufficient remains to make it demonstrable that no Egyptian inscription ran across the breast. We can hardly hesitate to identify this figure with one of the two forms of the Hittite national deity, and if the suggested absence of beard be a guide, he will be in this case the son-god of Boghaz-Keui, the Sandon of Tarsus, the prototype of Attis the consort of Kybele. We are inclined to see him here, as at Giaour-Kalesi, in the aspect of a God of Arms. We may notice once more, and ask, as in a previous case, whether it can be mere coincidence that the only Hittite monuments surviving in the extreme west are representations of the Mother-goddess and of the chief male deity of the Hittite peoples.