The inhabitants of Zanzibar consist of Arabs, descendants of Arabs from Souallie mothers. The Arabs are not very numerous; but the principal part of the slaves and landed property belong to them. A considerable number of Banians likewise reside in the town, many of whom appear to be wealthy, and hold the best part of the trade in their hands. The Souallies form by far the major part of the population, and are almost all slaves to the Arabs—800 or 900 of them sometimes belonging to one individual. They are in general purchasedpurchased in their native country on the opposite shores, when young, and are brought here by the slave merchants, who dispose of them either to the Arabs or to the merchants, &c., for exportation. Those are fortunate who fall into the hands of Arabs, who are justly famed for their mild treatment of their slaves. They are allowed a small habitation on their master’s estate; and not being overworked, and the fertile soil furnishing with little trouble the means for their subsistence, they seem to enjoy a considerable portion of contentment and happiness—a strong proof of which is, that they propagate freely.

All, however, are not equally well situated; and the advocates for the slave-trade ought to witness the market of Zanzibar, after which, if they possess the slightest spark of generous feeling, I will answer for an alteration in their present opinion. The show commences about 4 o’clock in the afternoon. The slaves, set off to the best advantage by having their skins cleaned, and burnished with cocoa—nut oil, their faces painted with red and white stripes, which is here esteemed elegance, and the hands, noses, ears, and feet, ornamented with a profusion of bracelets of gold and silver and jewels, are ranged in a line, commencing with the youngest, and increasing to the rear according to their size and age. At the head of this file, which is composed of all sexes and ages from 6 to 60, walks the person who owns them; behind, and at each side, two or three of his domestic slaves, armed with swords and spears, serve as a guard. Thus ordered, the procession begins, and passes through the market-place and principal streets; the owner holding forth, in a kind of song, the good qualities of his slaves and the high prices that have been offered for them. When any of them strikes a spectator’s fancy the line immediately stops, and a process of examination ensues, which, for minuteness, is unequalled in any cattle market in Europe. The intending purchaser having ascertained there is no defect in the faculties of speech, hearing, &c., that there is no disease present, and that the slave does not snore in sleeping, which is counted a very great fault, next proceeds to examine the person: the mouth and teeth are first inspected, and afterwards every part of the body in succession, not even excepting the breasts, &c., of the girls, many of whom I have seen handled in the most indecent manner in the public market by their purchasers; indeed, there is every reason to believe that the slave-dealers almost universally force the young females to submit to their lust previous to their being disposed of. The slave is then made to run or walk a little way, to show there is no defect about the feet; and after which, if the price be agreed to, they are stripped of their finery and delivered over to their future master. I have frequently counted between twenty and thirty of these files in the market, some of which contained about thirty. Women with children newly-born, hanging at their breasts, and others so old they can scarcely walk, are sometimes seen dragged about in this manner. I observed they had in general a very dejected look; some groups appeared so ill-fed that their bones seemed as if ready to penetrate the skin. From such scenes one turns away with pity and indignation, and while he execrates the conductor of this infamous traffic, blushes that his country should ever have sanctioned such iniquity, and remembers with exultation the men who freed her from so great a disgrace.

The number of inhabitants on the island may be estimated at 200,000 (Note 22), three-fourths of whom at least are slaves. The Souallee tribe appears to have sprung from a mixture of Galla negroes, Arabs, natives of India, &c. They inhabit that portion of the African coast extending from the equator to the Mozambique as the Soomallie tribes do that on the north, stretching to the Cape Guardafui; their country is, however, confined to a narrow tract along the sea-coast, the district behind belonging to the Galla (Note 23), who are also divided into two different kinds—those living north of the line behind the Somallies are denominated Borran Galla; those on the south side behind the Souallies are distinguished by the term Carratche. Whether these differ much in person or manners I have been unable to learn.

The Souallies have much more of the negro appearance than the Soomallies; they have both woolly hair, and their skins are of a deep black, but the Soomallie has neither the flat nose nor thick lips which distinguishes the negro, and which is a very prominent feature among the Souallies of Zanzibar. The Soomallies are also to be distinguished by their slender make, which renders them more active, and they possess a superior degree of vivacity to the others, who appear to be of a grave character. With regard to the religion and peculiar customs of these people, we had little opportunities of becoming acquainted with them. The Souallies of Zanzibar being under the sway of Arabs, in general adopt their manners; and as to religion, those who profess any, I believe, follow them in that likewise.

We did not observe that any of their domestic customs were singular enough to deserve a particular description, except one, which, though not peculiar to them, is perhaps carried to a greater length than in most other places. I allude to the manner in which they inter, or rather, expose, their dead. It is a habit all over the town to bury amongst the houses, commonly under a tree, close to the deceased person’s former habitation, which presents to a stranger the appearance of a churchyard, and it would be well if the eye alone was the only organ offended. Though the Arabs and wealthy are properly covered, and have neat tombs erected over them, the poor are only wrapped up in a mat, and have scarce sufficient sand thrown over the corpse to hide it from the view; indeed, some part of it is generally to be seen sticking through, and as to the slaves, they are often laid out to putrefy on the beach,^[128] not a single rag of cloth or handful of earth being laid over them. In consequence of this disgusting practice the stench in and about the town is intolerable; and co-operating with the noxious effluvia which arises from the putrid vegetable matter during the rainy season, tends to produce fever and fluxes, which, we learned, make annually during that period dreadful ravages among the inhabitants.

The English have hitherto had very little communication with Zanzibar, though the French are frequently in the habit of coming there from the Mauritius for slaves and Mocha coffee. Previous to our arrival only one English vessel had touched at the island since Admiral Blankett’s squadron was there in 1799, on his passage up the coast to the Red Sea. Captain Bissel, whose account of that expedition is published by Dalrymple, says they were told no British ships had been there previous to that, within the memory of the oldest person then living, and that they found the natives of the inferior order so ignorant of the value of coin, as to prefer, in their exchanges, a gilt button to a guinea. This might have been the case then I will not dispute; but we not only found them well acquainted with money, but as dexterous at over-reaching in a bargain and exorbitant in their demands as any dealer in the bazaar of Bombay. They were, however, as he justly observes, very civil and hospitable, though not so much as he describes; but this difference was probably owing to the dislike which the Hakim showed to us. Our taking no hand in the slave-trade was remarked to have considerable influence among the generality of the lower people in giving them a favourable impression of our character, and for a contrary reason they never failed to execrate the French, notwithstanding they were favourites of their Hakims.

The soil of the island is in general light and sandy towards the coast, but a little inland it is found to be a rich black mould, seemingly composed of decayed vegetation, and the numerous springs and periodical rains, with the excellent shelter afforded by the cocoa-nut trees, which everywhere cover the island, all conspire to render it extremely fruitful. Nothing can exceed the profusion of fruits abounding in every quarter, all of them excellent. Pine-apples of the most delicious sort are growing everywhere wild, and heaps of oranges, guavas, &c., for want of consumers, are left to rot on the ground which produced them. The following are the principal fruits and vegetable productions of the island, viz.: pine-apples, guavas, mangoes, lemons, limes, oranges, plantains, bananas, pomegranates (a few imported by the Arabs), cocoa-nuts, and many others, sugar-canes (Note 24), pumpkins, onions, sweet potatoes, and the root of a plant which is called by the natives mahogo (the Farina de pás^[129] of the Portuguese).

Why the natives do not cultivate grain is hard to conceive; perhaps the great plenty of the cocoa-nuts and the mahogo, with the profusion of fruit, supersedes the necessity, and renders them averse to the labour, of raising corn, although their country must be exceedingly well adapted to it. The mahogo, which is the principal article of diet, is eaten by them either simply roasted or boiled, or it is cut into small pieces, which, being dried in the sun, is ground into flour, of which is made a very palatable kind of bread.

The operations of agriculture are not numerous, and indeed consist chiefly in clearing the ground; this is done by fire, and seems to be the practice throughout Africa. Within the tropics, where the luxuriancy of vegetation is so great, it would be a work of great labour, if not an absolute impossibility, to get rid of this in any other way. The time of doing it is at the end of the dry season, when the crops are collected and the rains are about to set in. In coming down the coast we observed fires all along the fertile country south of the line.

Asses and camels are the only beasts of burthen (Note 25), and being scarce, are very valuable; horses have been imported by the Arabs, but will not live. Bullocks and goats (Note 26) are good and in plenty, and can be procured for a moderate price; a good bullock fetches from ten to twelve dollars in the town, but might probably be got for much less in the country. The rest of their quadrupeds are cats and monkeys of various species. There are scarcely any dogs on the island, the Souallies having a great aversion to them. When a dog accidentally touches one of these people, he shows signs of loathing and abhorrence.^[130]

Poultry is plentiful and cheap; sixteen large or eighteen small fowls may be bought for a dollar; but, what is a little extraordinary, eggs are both scarce and dear, and when procured are generally bad: they have also Muscovy ducks and Guinea-fowl, which last are found wild on the island. The variety of birds and wild fowl is not great. The principal are the whistling duck and curlews, and the ibis of the ancients, so numerous on the banks of the Nile, pigeons, doves, and a few others.

Spanish dollars and German crowns are the coins commonly current among them; and though they will take some others, they prefer these. Among the shoals and rocks which connect the small islands that surround the harbour, and in the harbour itself, delicious fish of great variety are usually taken in plenty, either with nets or with the line and hook; and those who will take the trouble to examine the shoals at low-water during spring-tides, will find their labour amply repaid by a collection of curious and rare shells, which for beauty are not to be surpassed by any in the known world.

Notwithstanding the heat of the climate, the vast quantity of wood, and filthy manners of the inhabitants, it does not appear that Zanzibar is an unhealthy island, except during the rainy season, when fevers and fluxes are, from the above causes, very prevalent, but which by proper regulations might be easily obviated. In a place where there is no medical assistance or receptacles for the diseased, it may be supposed numerous miserable objects would be met with; this, however, is not the case. In walking about the town, I did not remark a larger proportion of these unfortunate beings than is generally to be met with in most of our own settlements in India.

Exclusive of fevers, dysentery, and their consequences, such as dropsy, obstruction, &c., no other disease appeared to be frequent except venereal, under which, in all its stages and forms, a very great number of persons laboured. Their fevers are often of the remittent form, but more frequently of the intermittent kind; and in addition to the consequences already noticed to follow them, sometimes terminate in an unusual weakness and pains over the body, particularly of the lower extremities, which cause sometimes a total loss of power.^[131] I am unable with certainty to determine the cause of this; perhaps it may arise from their sleeping on wet or damp ground while confined with these disorders.

The small-pox,—that scourge of the human race,—also often visits the natives of Zanzibar. We were told that about two years ago it made dreadful ravages all over the island: 15,000 (Note 27) are said to have perished in the town alone. This intelligence led me to hope they would receive with avidity any proposal to secure them from the effects of so dreadful a visitation. Though the vaccine matter brought from Bombay was now nearly eleven weeks old, and I consequently had great doubts of its power, I was resolved to let slip no opportunity of trying to introduce it among them. I therefore proposed it to the Hakim at our first interview, confident that it would be eagerly solicited by those who had children and young slaves belonging to them. In this, however, I was much disappointed; for though their interest and the safety of their offspring were at stake, I had the mortification to find their prejudices stronger than the sense of either, and it was with the utmost difficulty I could procure leave to try it on two children. They were inoculated twice over, without being able to produce the disease; but I had no great reason to regret my failure, for I afterwards heard that the French, who, on purchasing young slaves, always vaccinate them, had often introduced it among the inhabitants, but that it had been found impossible to propagate it. Is not this astonishing, that a people with whom self-interest is a stronger passion than any other, should be under the influence of motives which cause them to act in direct opposition to it? One person—he who had allowed me to inoculate his children—acknowledged he himself had lost no less than thirty young slaves during the late prevalence of the disease. Perhaps the indifference they show at the proposal of a preventative remedy arises from a want of faith in its efficacy.

We now began to think of setting out on our return along the coast to Mocha; the wind had begun to set in steady from the S.W., and our consort, the Sylph, which it had been deemed advisable to convert into a brig, being ready to return to Bombay, whither we had orders to send her, we were about to depart, when a circumstance occurred which for some time delayed it.

The Surat merchants, who had often complained of the Hakim’s treatment, represented that he had demanded 3500 crowns from them as their proportion of the tribute exacted by the Imam of Muscat, and in failure of payment had threatened them with imprisonment. As these people were trading under the English flag, and were, in fact, British subjects, Captain Smee did not conceive that a foreign prince had any right to tax them, especially as they had already paid the customary port dues. Impressed with these sentiments, he made a representation to the Hakim, who in consequence withdrew his claims, but privately threatened the merchants with a double imposition after our departure.

To prevent this, it was determined to leave the Sylph to countenance them during their stay, and convoy them across to India at the breaking up of the rainy season. While the Hakim, who had been extremely inimical to us during our stay, and always anxious for us to be gone, informed us he was coming to return our visit; this he had on various pretences heretofore delayed; however, on Sunday, the 7th April, he came on board, when both ships dressed and saluted him, and he was, notwithstanding his ill-behaviour, treated with the greatest attention.

On Tuesday, the 9th, we weighed and sailed from Zanzibar, and in the evening came to anchor under the small Island of Timbat, at the north end of the island. On the morning of this day Henry Golding, a stout, healthy seaman, was found dead between decks: he had no known complaint at the time, and his death was supposed to have been caused by suffocation, as it was understood he went to sleep very much intoxicated. Having interred him on Frenchman’s Island, the watering boat returned on board, and reported they had found the body of a young female recently murdered, lying among the bushes at the freshwater stream; as they had no means of interesting the neighbours in her fate, they buried her immediately. On Wednesday, the 10th, we got under weigh, and passing between Pemba and the mainland, where there is a fine broad channel, we, without anything further remarkable occurring, anchored in Mocha Roads on the 26th April, 1811.

RESUMÉ.

I fell in with the coast of Africa in lat. 9° 30′ N. on the 25th January, and from hence southward examined it as well as circumstances would permit. On the 7th February I anchored in Patta Harbour, and unfortunately found the country distracted by civil dissensions, originating from two rival cousins, who each laid claim to the Sooltanship. I found out the most popular, which happened to be the youngest, and on him I waited with my government letters, accompanied by Lieut. Hardy commanding the Sylph, and Mr Whigham, my surgeon. I must have been three or four hours reaching town, and after as long a detention there, and receiving some menacing insults, which will be particularly detailed on my return, I escaped from these wretches and reached the ship, much fatigued, some time after midnight, having been six hours in the boat returning. Finding the disposition of the natives precluded the success of any inquiries I had to make, it was deemed advisable to quit the port; but another difficulty arose, which points out the cunning treachery of these people: we were now told the vessel could not go out through the S.W. Channel (the only condition on which I entered the harbour), but must warp out the way we came in (a thing impossible against the prevailing wind and sea), or that we must wait the change of monsoon. Detecting their duplicity, I seized and detained two natives, who were concerned in bringing us in, and after two or three days spent in buoying off a channel unknown to them, with the top of high-water spring tides, grounding occasionally, we got the vessel providentially through the banks, and clear of Patta reefs, and then discharged the natives. Hence we proceeded southward along the coast, and on the 24th of February anchored in this fine harbour.

I waited on the Hakim and was kindly received; but the general conduct of this personage has since proved very unaccommodating. I was desirous during my stay here of procuring a house for the purpose of receiving the visits of the well-disposed, and unsuccessfully applied to the Hakim for one, or the use of a French factory for a few days. I am told he forbid any one to furnish me, and has used every endeavour to keep visitors away from the ship. He is a person warmly in the French interest, and derives great pecuniary advantages from the trade to this port. The welcome news of the capture of the Isle of France was brought here by the Surat vessels, which arrived in the middle of March. The Hakim would not credit the account, until it was confirmed by a ship from Muscat a few days ago.

The sum of the information I have been able to collect along the East Coast of Africa and at this port, is, I am sorry to say, very small. The first object of my search was the Doara river, which I was not fortunate enough to fall in with, from the strength of the prevailing winds and currents; if it exists it is doubtless a very small stream. Magadosho, in lat. 2° 3′ N., I could only ascertain the situation of: drifted past this. I hoped to see the town of Marca, but was disappointed. I have been informed that it is a very small village, less than Magadosho or Brava; that it has little or no trade. I arrived off the port of Brava, in lat. 1° 10′ N. under the same impediments—a high wind and sea, and strong currents, but expected to find shelter from the plan I had of its harbour; however, in standing close in for the purpose of anchoring, I was disappointed to find it was impossible to bring the vessels up without imminent risk of parting and being driven on shore, which compelled me to haul off. I then looked for the river mentioned in my instructions, whose supposed situation was to be found in 5′ N. lat., but I could find no entrance whatever in that parallel. The wind moderating on the line, I anchored the vessels on the eve of the 3rd of February, with a view of exploring the river called Dos Fuegos, and rendered into English by the late Capt. Bisset, ‘Rogues River.’ During the night the Sylph parted her cable, and was driven past this entrance, whose situation I could only geographically ascertain. The town of Juba and the bar were distinctly seen in passing from hence to Patta. The coast is fortified by a chain of islands, mostly connected by reefs. Our transactions and inquiries at the latter port were checked by the unfriendly disposition of the natives. After clearing Patta, we proceeded southward along the coast,—ascertaining it, also the two points of Formosa Bay, the Leopard’s Shoal, and the mosque near it, with Quiliffa River, the town and harbour of Mombas, the islands of Pemba (or Gedree)^[132] according to the Arabs, and Zanzibar, and the site of the coast between these places.

My study has been to cultivate the friendship of all ranks, with a view of gaining information on the points government have instructed me; and the result of my labours amounts to the following, the accuracy of which, as far as I can judge, there is no reason to doubt. The fate of our countrymen, Park, Hornemann, and their companions, was my first and most anxious inquiry, both at Patta and this place, but I have not succeeded in meeting with any person who has the least knowledge of them, and there is every reason to suppose their fate is entirely unknown on this coast.

The town of Magadosho (Note 28) is not very considerable; it may contain 150 or 200 houses, and from its mosques is very conspicuous from seaward. It has not any river near it,^[133] and has but little trade, probably on account of the badness of its port, which only affords shelter for boats within a reef fronting the town. The town of Marca (Note 29) is small and has no safe anchorage off it.

Brava town (Note 30) is composed of about 100 huts, and is as defective in its port as Magadosho. They are severally governed by Soomallie chiefs. The mouth of Rogues River, called Govinda by the Soomallies, Joob (Gibb) by the Arabs, and Foombo by the Souallies, in lat. 0° 13′ S., is a large and extensive river, but on account of its shallow bar, boats can only enter it at high water; it has scarcely any trade, but such as is carried on by a few country boats, the natives on its banks being thieves inimical to all strangers. The next principal river, called Oazee,^[134] situated one day’s journey south of the Isles of Patta and Lamoo, is also extensive, without trade. Quiliffa, the next, in lat. 3° 26′ S., is a large and deep fresh-water stream, with few inhabitants and no trade. Foongaruy^[135] river, off the N.W. end of Zanzibar Island, is next; it is in about lat. 5° 45′ S. Leefeege^[136] is another large river opposite Moonfia Island; and there is also a considerable stream off the port of Quiloa or Keelwa.^[137] Along this extent of coast are many minor streams, but not one seems to possess advantages as places of mercantile resort, or the Arabs would, no doubt, ere this have benefited by any trade they held out. The tides flow up the larger streams one day’s journey from their mouths, and it is confidently reported they all take their rise among the mountains in Abyssinia.

Five or six coss, or about one day’s journey at the back of the towns of Magadosho, Marca, and Brava, is situated a small stream called the Doho;^[138] it does not join the Govinda, being lost among some hills before it reaches so far south. It appears to me to be (from the accounts of the reporter, an intelligent Soomallie) a branch of the Zeebee,^[139] which he calls the Dawaha, where the Doho joins. The other, and principal branch, he says, runs through Africa, and disembogues on the coast of Adel, near Burburreea.^[140]

The town of Gunnanee, on the right bank of the Govinda, is about four weeks’ journey from Brava; its inhabitants are Soomallies, and it is composed of about 300 huts. Surat cloths are taken to it from the coast, and exchanged for slaves, elephants’ teeth, &c. There is another considerable village called Leeween, on the left of the Govinda, some distance inland from that stream, inhabited by negroes of no professed religion. The Eesoomadoo Galla, a race of cannibals, the Oombaney, Howwahsow, and Arrooseeya Galla tribes, intermixed with Soomallies, inhabit the banks of the Dahawa, nearest the sea-coast; they do not cultivate the ground, but subsist on meat, milk, and herbs. The Guracha^[141] Galla inhabit the interior south of the line, and the Borran^[142] Galla north of the line; their language is nearly similar; they are represented to be cannibals and cruel thieves. The inhabitants opposite Zanzibar are Wuddooa^[143] negroes, but there is reason to believe this part of the coast was formerly inhabited by the Guracha Galla, or, as my instructions style them, the Giagas.^[144] The Soomallies inhabit the sea-coast from the equator north round Cape Guardafui to Burburreea and Zeylah; their possessions extend some distance inland. The Souallies, on the contrary, are confined close to the sea-coast, and inhabit that part of it from the line south to about Cape Delgado, tribes of Caffres occasionally intervening, particularly to the southward of Zanzibar. The various tribes of negroes brought to this port for sale are too numerous to describe; the principal are the Meeamaizees,^[145] whose country, at three months’ distance, abounds in elephants’ teeth, and some gold is found there.

The Muckwa,^[146] whose country is two months’ journey distant from the sea-coast.

The Meeyahoo^[147] is fifty days’ journey off the Gooroo^[148]—is fifteen days inland.

The Dohai,^[149] ten days from the coast, are cannibals.

The Meegeendoo^[150] are situated one months’ journey from the sea-port of Quiloa.

The Jiggua,^[151] four days, and the Moozumbarree,^[152] three days, &c. The interior is represented as a most fertile country, abounding in cattle and elephants.

I have not been able to gather any satisfactory information regarding the River Zambesie, its course, the town of Sofala, character of its natives, or description of the surrounding country. The Christian States of Yufat and Shoa on the confines of Abyssinia, with the large towns of Tombuctoo, Cashna, and Hoossayee, said to be in the interior of Africa or Ethiopia, under the government of Mussulman princes, together with the circumstances relative to the triennial voyages of Solomon’s fleet, from the Eslantic^[153] Gulf to Ophir, are unknown to the inhabitants of this place; nor have I yet met with one who could afford me any satisfactory accounts of the River Niger, or Joliba, or the Nile of Soudan, or South Africa.

I have made lists of the Souallie, Soomallie, and Galla dialects, and shall add such others as I may be able to collect.

The coast from Cape Guardafui to Magadosho is arid and sterile; not a hut or a boat was to be seen, although the sea-shore abounds with fish. From the latter place the land improves, and on the line it becomes completely woody, and so continues far to the southward.

The trade of this coast is chiefly in the hands of the Arabs from Muscat, Maculla, &c., and a few adventurers from Cutch and the coast of Scinde. The principal imports at Zanzibar are Surat cloths, to the amount of about 12 lacs of rupees annually, besides beads, cotton, sugar, ghee, fish, dates, and grain, and about 200 candies of iron bar, which is partly distributed for use along the coast. English woollens are in no demand, consequently not imported. The exports are slaves, elephants’ teeth, raw dammer,^[154] rhinoceros’ hides and horns, cowries, wax, turtle shells, coir, cocoa-nuts, &c. The duties collected here on merchandise are said to amount to about one and a half lacs of dollars annually; but as imposition and extortion are occasionally resorted to, they may be considerably more. The Imaum of Muscat receives from hence a clear sum of 60,000 dollars, and yearly makes an additional levy on various pretexts. The following is a list of trading vessels at Zanzibar at the end of March, 1811. Two ships, two snows, three ketches, 21 dows, 15 buglas, four dingeys, 10 small boats of sizes, besides a variety of country boats constantly arriving and departing, and two large boats building. Some seasons upwards of 100 large dows, &c., have been known to arrive at this port from Arabia and India, but its trade appears on the decline, while that of the ports of Mombas and Lamoo belonging to independent Arab chiefs is annually improving, although as harbours they do not possess near the advantages that Zanzibar does.

The dress of the people in general is a coloured wrapper round their loins. The better sort have, in addition, a loose white cloth over their shoulders, and round their body. The Arabs wear turbans, while the Souallies, Soomallies, and negroes go bareheaded.

The port of Patta, in lat. 2° 8′ S., has little or no trade on account of the intricacy of its harbours and the nefarious conduct of its inhabitants. It would appear the Surat traders are subject to much imposition and extortion at Zanzibar, as the Hakim, over and above the usual duties of 5 per cent., seizes such part of their cargoes as he fancies; and the maquedahs^[155] of the three vessels now here have declared to me that, in collecting the duties on Surat goods imported, he is not guided by any invoice prices, but fixes a valuation on them far below the prime cost from the hands of the manufacturer; and as he (the Hakim) pays himself in kind, takes good care to detain for his own use such articles as are most saleable at the time, by which means the merchant pays on an average 15 per cent., and sometimes more, beyond the established rates fixed by the Imaum of Muscat.

Note 1 (p. 460). Socotra, or Socotora, so well known for the production of the drug aloes, is in most charts, except Horsburgh’s, laid down too far to the westward. It bears E. by N. of Cape Guardafui 138 miles, the latter being in long 51° 13′ E., and the western extremity of Socotra in long. 53° 26′ and lat. 12° 24′ N. It has several good harbours and anchoring-places, the best of which is said to be Tivee, on the N. E. side of the Island, where water is easily procured. Between it and Cape Guardafui are situated the Isles of Sumhaa and Duraga, or, as we name them, the Brothers and Adulcasia, all of which are also placed too much to the westward in the charts. The last-mentioned island is said to afford plenty of excellent fresh water. It is inhabited by Arabs, who are subject to the chief of Socotra. Socotra is governed by an Arab Sheik. The produce of the island being insufficient to support the population, the ports of Arabia furnish it with grain, &c., &c. I believe that aloes, fish, and salt are the only articles it produces. The inhabitants are chiefly Arabs.

Note 2 (p. 466). Since the 25th we had been steering along that part of the African Continent known to the English by the name of Agan.^[156] It is in general a low even coast, and is justly represented as desert and barren. In passing along it some natives were seen tending a few cattle on the shore, but there is reason to believe, from the apparent extreme infertility of the sand, that the number of inhabitants can be but very small;^[157] even the sea-shore, where the abundance of fish would render the means of subsistence so easy to be attained, seemed totally neglected; not a hut or boat of any kind was to be seen throughout its whole extent—a strong proof of the thinness of the population, and of the country near the coast being destitute of the material requisite for constructing these necessaries. The few inhabitants probably belong to the Saumalie tribe, whose limits of residence are said to extend to the line. We did not remark any inlets or traces of rivers on this coast.

Note 3 (p. 467). A little north of Cape Bassas is a hill, or long ridge, of an uncommon red colour, and along the land from it to the Cape itself are a number of white sand hillocks which form excellent marks to vessels approaching it from the northward and eastward.

Note 4 (p. 468). From the information afterwards received the Doara seems to be an inconsiderable stream.

Note 5 (p. 470). We afterwards discovered these to be really islands, and the commencement of the chain which extends beyond Patta.

Note 6 (p. 471). The opinion upon which the existence of this supposed river rests^[158] is founded on certain accounts transmitted some time ago to the Governor of Bombay by the late Captain David Seton, the Company’s resident at Muscat. This communication states the information to have been obtained from some people of respectability in that place, who were well acquainted with the part of the African coast in question. The substance of this detail is as follows:—‘That a river of immense extent, known to the natives in its neighbourhood by the appellation of the Neelo (Nilo), and said to have its source in common with the Egyptian river of that name, discharges itself in the Indian Ocean, in about 0° 5′ N. lat.; near to its mouth it is called Govind Khala. That the length of its course is about three months’ journey; and nine weeks’ journey from the mouth stands a large city named Gunamma,^[159] up to which, the river being navigable, immense quantities of slaves, elephants’ teeth, &c., are brought down within a short distance of Brava, to which (the river then taking a more southerly direction) these articles of merchandise are afterwards carried overland, and either disposed of there, or sent to Zanzibar.’ This story, though sufficiently plausible, would of itself, considering the known credulity and extreme propensity to exaggeration prevalent among the natives of the East, be entitled to very little regard did it not happen to receive some countenance from Herodotus, the Grecian historian, who says that when in Egypt he was told that a branch of the Nile bearing the same name took an easterly course, and was supposed to fall into the Indian Ocean, somewhere on the coast of East Africa.^[160] These taken together were strong, but still left ample room to believe that the river called by the Portuguese Dos Fuegos, and known to us by the name of the Rogues River, which disembogues itself in 0° 17′ S. lat., might eventually turn out to be the same with this African Nile,^[161]—22 miles the difference between their supposed mouths, being an error which people such as those of Muscat, unaccustomed to make accurate observations, may easily be supposed to fall into. It may here be seen that the truth of this surmise respecting the identity of the two rivers has been clearly established, though it will hereafter appear, from the information received at Patta, that the source of this river, viz. Dos Fuegos, will still be found to agree with and authenticate the reports and conjectures derived from the above authority,—and at all events cannot fail to render it an object of interest and curiosity to the civilized world in general.

Note 7 (p. 474). Or rather to the island on which Patta and Sieull stand, called Peer Patta.

Note 8 (p. 474). This town is by the natives called Humoo.

Note 9 (p. 476). Amounting in value to better than Rs 300.

Note 10 (p. 479). His cousin was at this moment held in confinement in a dungeon close to the residence of this cruel and usurping relation, for it seems Ben Baneeci had a prior claim to the Sultanship.

Note 11 (p. 481). The people of Patta (besides their civil dissensions) were at this time at war with Lamo, an island a few miles to the southward, whose boats were continually on the look-out to attack those of Patta. The Sooltan made this also a motive for detaining us under the pretence of preparing an armed boat to conduct us back to the ship; but we saw through his civility, and evaded it by telling him we had arms, and could defend ourselves. Patta has no trade at present; it used formerly to be resorted to for cowries (a small shell current as money in Bengal), but of late years this trade has been discontinued.

Note 12 (p. 484). Within this bay on the S.W. side stood the ancient city of Melinda, the site of which, in crossing the mouth of the bay, we were at too great a distance to see.

Note 13 (p. 485). These must, therefore, have been the rocks mentioned by Captain Bissel in his memoir on which the Leopard, Admiral Blankett’s flag-ship, struck (Feb. 15, 1799, on a voyage to the Red Sea), when bearing up to Zanzibar after a fruitless attempt to beat up this coast during the N.E. monsoon. The mosque, however, or pagoda, as he calls it, is by no means a good sea-mark, as no ship ought to go so close as to make it sufficiently conspicuous. A much better are two hills to the N.W.; they are considerably higher than any near them, and, in consequence, easily known. The two hills are close together, and only partially divided by a shallow notch resembling a woman’s breast in form.

Note 14 (p. 486). The River Quiliffa is in S. lat. 3° 26′, and in long. (by means of several good observations) 39° 26′ E.

Note 15 (p. 488). The Expedition sailed from Bombay on the 2nd January, 1811.

Note 16 (p. 488). There is also a group at the east end of the island.

Note 17 (p. 489). The only one of this group of islands that has no wood on it.

Note 18 (p. 491). This tree is by the natives of Hindostan called Brosh, and bears a large oval fruit with a smooth skin, but neither it nor the wood of the tree is of any use. (Editor’s note: the best is now worth £14 to £15 per ton.)

Note 19 (p. 491). Variation 8° W.

Note 20 (p. 493). Cocoa-nuts (of which the island produces vast quantities) are also exported to Malabar, and also wax and tortoise-shell.

Note 21 (p. 493). Dried salted shark and other fish, and ghee, are brought in considerable quantities from Socotra; likewise chinaware, earthen jars, and toys and ornaments from Surat.

Note 22 (p. 496). I do not give this as information to be depended on.

Note 23 (p. 497). The Galla are in their persons exactly similar to the west-coast negroes.

Note 24 (p. 499). The sugar-cane grows in great plenty, but the inhabitants are ignorant of the art of making sugar.

Note 25 (p. 500). Monkeys are also found on the island, with foxes and wild hogs, &c.

Note 26 (p. 500). Rice and ghee can be procured in considerable quantities, but it will be found expensive for strangers to provide any great supply of those articles.

Note 27 (p. 502). This, I think, must be an error. Five thousand is more probable,—the person who gave me the information being rather given to exaggeration.

Note 28 (p. 508). No revenue collected by the Imaum.

Note 29 (p. 508). Ibid.

Note 30 (p. 508). Camels numerous, at about 5 dollars each.