Travelling on through some parts of Leicestershire and into Nottinghamshire, I met with a tender people, and a very tender woman whose name was Elizabeth Hooton.
Journal of George Fox.
Such is our introduction to the earliest convert of George Fox: one who was destined to travel far in the service of Truth and whose steadfastness, determination, fearlessness and patience are unconsciously revealed in the numerous letters which she wrote. No insignificant place was hers in the long and bitter struggle for religious liberty, and her life’s story has left an indelible mark on the history of the beginnings of the Society of Friends.
Little is known of her early life. Crœse says:[1]
In this same Fiftieth Year, Elizabeth Hooton, born and living in Nottingham, a Woman pretty far advanced in Years, was the first of her Sex among the Quakers who attempted to imitate Men and Preach, which she now (in this year) commenced.
After her Example, many of her Sex had the confidence to undertake the same Office.
This woman afterwards went with George Fox into New-England, where she wholly devoted her self to this Work; and after having suffered many Affronts from that People, went into Jamaica, and there finished her Life.
An exhaustive examination of the Nottinghamshire Parish Registers shows that the name of Hooton is not an uncommon one and appears in many different places. Ollerton, however, a village situated about eight miles north of Mansfield, seems to have been the home of the family, and here we find definite traces of Elizabeth Hooton. Amongst the names of the owners of Ollerton in 1612, given by Robert Thoroton,[2] an early Nottinghamshire historian, is Robert Hooton, and in 1631 the Parish Register shows that “Robert Hooton Paterfamilias” died. On 11th May, 1628, a certain Oliver Hooton married Elizabeth Carrier; it is uncertain whether this Elizabeth was the convert to Quakerism, for from further entries in the record of Baptisms and Burials it seems probable that there were two men of the same name living in the parish at that time, and in 1629 the wife of one whose name was Elizabeth died: it is clear, however, that later on an Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton were living in Ollerton, for there on 4th May, 1633, “Samuell s. of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton” was baptized.
Hardly a trace of the seventeenth century village of Ollerton remains except the ancient churchyard; in 1797 Throsby[3] describes Ollerton as follows:
This lordship belongs to the hon. Lumley Savile of Rufford Abbey. It contains about 1,300 acres of land enclosed. Many hops are grown hereabouts. This place has a little market on Friday, and two fairs, one on May day, and the other the 26th of September for hops; in which month there is a kind of market or hop club every Tuesday. The town contains about 600 inhabitants. The bridge here like many others was thrown down (or blown up as it is called) in the flood of 1795. The church, or rather chapel, is small and is newly built, consequently no food there for the mind of the antiquary; but at the Hop-pole, near the church, I have more than once after journeying from village to village completely tired, found comfortable refreshment for the body.
The principal inn still bears the name of “The Hop-pole”—all that remains to tell of the vanished industry, but the ancient forest still surrounds the village, and the quiet stream flows gently on as in the time long past.
Between the years 1633 and 1636 Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton appear to have migrated to Skegby, a village about four miles west of Mansfield. The Parish Registers there show that in 1636 “Thomas [?] yᵉ sonne of Olive Hooton and Elizabeth” was baptized, and in the years 1639 and 1641 the names of John and Josiah appear. There is no entry of the births of her two children, Oliver and Elizabeth, so possibly they were born at Ollerton between the years 1633 and 1636, when no entries appear in those Registers.
The owners of the village of Skegby in 1612 were stated by Thoroton to be “William Lyndley Gent: Lord of the Mannor, Roger Swinstone, Clark, Richard Tomlinson, William Butler, Francis Swinstone, Will. Osborne, James Cowper of Tibshelf, Thomas Jackson of Askham,” and as the name of Hooton does not appear on the Manor Rolls it is evident Oliver Hooton did not own the property on which he settled. In 1650 Thomas Lyndley of Skegby was appointed a Commissioner to assess the fines of confiscated Royalist estates. Thomas Lyndley applied for and received a licence for the holding of Divine service in part of his house. This particular building still remains (1914) and is now used as a laundry for Skegby Hall.
Francis Chapman, in his return made in accordance with the order issued by the Archbishop of Canterbury, July 1669, “to enquire after all Conventicles, or unlawful meetings under pretence of religion and the worship of God, by such as separate from the unitie and conformitie of the Church as by law established,”[4] says:
In reply to your worshipful Archdeacon’s letter, I know nothing but this: that in Mansfield Woodhouse we have no conventicle but one of Quakers, at the house of Robert Bingham (excommunicated for not comynge to church) but who they are who frequent it I cannot say. At Skegby, alsoe, there is a conventicle of Quakers at the house of Elizabeth Hatton [Hutton] widow; but I cannot learn who they are who frequent them, they being all of other towns. In the same town of Skegby, alsoe, there is another conventicle, reputed Anabaptists and fifth monarchy men, held at Mr. [Mrs.] Lyndley’s (excommunicate also) but I know neither their speakers or hearers.
Possibly it was with these last-named people Elizabeth Hooton associated before her meeting with George Fox, for it is evident from the following[5] that she had dissociated herself from the Church before that time and joined a Baptist community:
Oliver Hutton Saith
And my Mother Joyned with yᵉ Baptists but after some time finding them yᵗ they were not upright hearted to yᵉ Lord but did his work negligently and she haveing testifyed agᵗ their deceit Left yᵐ who in those parts soon after were scatered & gone: about the year 1647 George ffox Came amongst them in Nottinghamshire & then after he went into Lestershire where yᵉ mighty power of yᵉ Lord was manifest that startled their former separate meeting & some Came noe more but most yᵗ were Convinced of yᵉ truth stood of wᶜʰ my mother was one and Jmbraced itt:
Oliver Hutton writes in his hystry pag: 46:
Soe here you may see yᵗ they were Called Baptists and Separates not Children of yᵉ Light till after G: ff: had preached yᵉ Light of yᵉ Gospell to them & they Received itt.
The memorable meeting with George Fox in 1646-7 changed the whole tenour of her life. At first she met with opposition at home.
Her husband (says Fox in his Testimony concerning her)[6]
being Zealous for yᵉ Priests much opposed her, in soe much that they had like to have parted but at Last it pleased yᵉ Lord to open his understanding that hee was Convinced alsoe & was faithfull untill Death.
But clearly her faithfulness had its reward, for he further adds:
She had Meetings at her house where yᵉ Lord by his power wrought many Myracles to yᵉ Astonishing of yᵉ world & Confirming People of yᵉ Truth wᶜʰ she there Received about 1646.
During these years Fox appears to have spent much time in Mansfield and the neighbourhood, and in his Journal at this period are noted some of his deepest religious experiences. Here was revealed to him that over the sorrow and suffering, the sin and pain, of the world,—“the ocean of darkness and death,” as he termed it, there for ever flowed the infinite ocean of God’s light and love; and this perception brought added strength, for he tells us, “I had great openings”; and who can doubt that this deeper spiritual experience and its resultant strength proved an inspiration to his early disciple?
The rapid development of the Mansfield of to-day has brought many changes, and but little remains to remind one of the seventeenth century town. The “steeple house” mentioned by Fox has been restored but its interesting features have been preserved; near it there still stands on old house, a survival of the past in the midst of modern surroundings, which was undoubtedly in existence when he walked “by the steeple house side in Mansfield.” Hard by lived Elizabeth Heath, that benefactress to the town whose thoughtful charity has brightened the lives of so many aged pensioners. Though it does not appear that she ever openly joined the followers of Fox, she still held their honesty and probity in such high esteem that she appointed all the trustees of her charity from amongst them, and to-day the trust is still administered by members of the Society of Friends.[7]
In the year 1649 George Fox suffered imprisonment at Nottingham and in his “Short Journall”[8] we read: “There came a Woman to mee to the Prison & two wᵗʰ her and said yᵗ shee had been possessed two and thirty years.” He goes on to describe her symptoms and how “the Priests had kept her, and had kept fasting days about her, and could not do her any good.” After his release from prison he bade “friends have her to Mansfield.” Her conduct there was apparently so extraordinary that she
would set all friends in a heat and Sweat.... And so she affrighten’d the World from our meettings; and then they said if that were cast out of her while she were wᵗʰ us and were made well, Then They would say yᵗ wee were of God: this said The world.... And Then it was upon mee that wee should have a meetting at Skekbey at Elizabeth Huttons house, where wee had her there, and there were many friends almost overcome by her ... and yᵉ same day shee was worse then ever shee was.
Another meeting was held and a cure was effected. Then the narrative continues:
Wee kept her about a fortnight in yᵉ sight of yᵉ world, and she wrought and did Things and then wee sent her away to her friends. And Then the Worlds Professors Priests & Teachers never could call us any more false prophetts deceivers or witches after but it did a great deal of good in yᵉ Countrey among People in relac̄on to yᵉ Truth and to yᵉ stopping the mouths of yᵉ world & their Slandrous Aspersions.
Shortly after this time Elizabeth Hooton’s active ministry commenced and bonds and bitter persecutions awaited her. At Derby in 1651 she suffered imprisonment for “speaking to one of the Priests there, who so resented her Reproof that he applied to the Magistrate to punish her. For it is common with Men who most deserve Reprehension, to be most offended with those who administer it.”[9] Although 1651 is the date given, there is preserved a letter from E. Hooton written from Derby gaol and bearing two endorsements, the first in the handwriting of George Fox: (1) “To the meir of darby from Elliz: hoton 1650.” (2) “This was sent to the meir of darby from Goodde hutton.” The letter consists entirely of religious exhortations, and is similar to many others bearing her signature. It concludes: “Would you have me put in beale wᶜʰ have not trensgresed your lawe nor mes be haved my selfe—Conseder is this the Good ould way that you was touth [taught?].” It is addressed to “noaH Bullocke of derby in the towne” and is chiefly interesting as the earliest letter of hers known to be in existence, addressed to a public official.[10]
There is no record of the length of her imprisonment at Derby but in 1652 she was committed to York Castle for speaking in the Steeple House at Rotherham and remained there for sixteen months. There are interesting allusions to Elizabeth Hooton and her husband in letters from Thomas Aldam[11] written from York Castle in the above year; he says:[12]
... We have great friendship and love from yᵉ governor of the Towne, and many of yᵉ Souldiers are very sollid & loveing. Oh his wonderful love and oh the exceeding riches of his grace held forth to vs. to him alone all glorie, honour, and praise, now & for ever; My Sister Elizebeth Hooten remembers her dear love vnto you in yᵉ lord, and my sister Mary ffisher[13] who was brought to prison from Selbie for speakeing to yᵉ preist in yᵉ Steeple house there, she was as servant with Richard Tomlingson of Selbie.
And again:[14]
... My sister Elizebeth Hooton & I did looke for noe Calling to goe before the Judge & Elizabeth husband in the flesh came to the Assize & went backe againe shortly: the Justices told him shee might not bee Called here but at their Sessions: but at the end of their Assizes they called vs all together to goe before them; ... an inward peace & rejoiceing was given mee in goeing up.... I was made to Cry out, Woe to the partiall Judge.... My sisters was made to speake in great bouldnes at the Bench against the deceite of their Corrupt Lawes & Governements & deceitfull Preists we are Kept all of vs in greate friedome in these outward bonds, & the Lord is p̄sent wᵗʰ vs in power; to him alone bee praises for ever & ever.... Your deare Brethren & Sisters in the Lord,
There are two letters signed by Elizabeth Hooton which were probably written at this period. The first is as follows:[17]
Deare Freind Cap: Stothers[18] & the wife: my deare and tender love to yᵘ both, my deare freinds I am moved to writ to you my brethren, yᵗ wee are well, the lord is pleased to recover me and shew me abundance of his mercy, makeing me acquainted with Satans wiles and Cuning devices, to trap the simple Seed, and to ensnare and bondage the people of god, with his subtil bayts Continually, O deare frends, when the lord hath set you free and brought you into joy, then you thinke you have over come all, but there is a daiely Crosse to bee taken vp, whilst yᵗ the fleshly will remaineth, if any of yᵗ stand vncrucified, the Serpent there getts hould and brings into death, & darkenesse, soe yᵗ there is a continuall Warfare for there is noe thing obtained but throug Death & Suferings, which is by the power of Faith, which Caryes through all troubles, keepeing Close to it the power of darkenes cannot hurt, but lookeing out to satisfie the will of the flesh, there doth the Serpent get in & tells the Creature of ease, & liberty in the flesh. and say thou needest to take vp the Crosse noe longer, for thou art now come to thy rest, thou may eate & drinke and bee merry & I will give thee joy enough, & thus many a pore soule is drowned and runs on in lightnes & wantonnes, tho become odious both in the sight of god and men, & cause Scandalls to arise against yᵉ Church, & soe through backesliders we are rendered odious to the world putting on yᵗ which was once put of, disobedience is the beginner of these things: O deare frends beeware & exort others, yᵗ wee may sit doune in the lowest roome, taking vp the Crosse dayely and foloweing Christ & yᵗ hee may goe before vs & leade vs at his one pleasure, I have experience of the wiles of Satan, the lord hath exercised mee, but there is noe way but sit doune and submitt to his will, & there is rest and peace.
farewell. my love to Richard Hatter & his wife & to Will: Tomlinson.
your frend Elizabeth Hooton
The second of the two letters is a plea on behalf of James Halliday,[19] of Northumberland, imprisoned in York Castle:[20]
Yoᵘ that sitt on the Bench doe Justice and Equity to those honest hearted people Called Quakers whome yoᵘ putt in prison and Call them to the Barr & sett them at Liberty for they have done yoᵘ noe wrong nor hurt the cause is for worshiping of God as hee requires in Spᵗ & in Truth that they Suffer—James Holliday who hath Laine in Six Months being A North Country freind the Geoler hath very much Abused By Taking away his Victualls & Beateing of him till hee hath been black & Blew & his Skin broake & soe oʳ desire is that yoᵘ would sett this poore man at Liberty whome the Geoler keepeth for his fees
Elizabeth Hooton.
In a very vigorous and lengthy letter[21], endorsed by Fox: “e hoten at the gale at yorke to olefer Cromwell 1653,” in which she describes herself as a Prisoner of the Lord at York Castle, she reminds the Protector:
The Lord hath beene pleased to make [the] an Instruement of warr and Victorie; hee hath given the power over thy enemies & ours, hee hath given much into thy hand, & thou hast beene Looked vppon, & sett vpp wᵗʰ many, and wᵗʰ my selfe.
She denounces in no measured terms the corruptness of Judges, Magistrates, teachers and clergymen and all officers and gaolers and compares them to Herod and Pontius Pilate; and continues:
Your Judges Judge for reward, And at this Yorke many wᶜʰ Committed murder escaped throughe frends & money, & pore people for Lesser facts are put to death; many Lighe in prison for fees yet; they Called their Assize a generall Gaole Delivʳie, but many was but delivʳed from the p̄sence of the Judges in to the hands of two greate Tirantes vizᵗ. the Gaoler & the Clearcke of the Assize & these two keepes many pore Creatures still in prison for fees, the Gaoler hee must have Twenty shillinge four pence for his fee; & the Clearcke of the Assize hee must have fifteene shillinges eight pence, & this they will have of pore Creatures; or els they must starve in prison, They Lighe worse then doggs for want of strawe, Many beinge in greate want, that they have not to releeve them wᵗʰall; yet these Tirants keepe them in this pore Condic̄on The Judges & Magistrates they might as well have put them to death at the Assize as put them into the hands of these two tirants who keepes men for money starveing them in a hole till they be ruined [?] or starved to death.
She next complains of the way she and her fellow sufferers for the Truth are treated and tells the Protector: “Wee have not that Libertie that Paull had of the Heathenish Romans.” She then appeals to him as follows:
O man what dost thou there except thou stand for the truth which is trampled under foote Who knowes but thou was Called to deliver thy brethren out of bondage & slaverie, & that the Truth may bee set free to speake freely, wᵗʰout money or wᵗʰout Prize.... O frend thou must lighe downe in the dust & Cast thy Crowne at the feete of Jesus, how Can you beleeve that seeke honor one of another & seekes not the honor wᶜʰ is of god onely; Distribute to the pore, & Denie thy honor, & take up the Crosse & followe Jesus Christ.
Much more follows in the same strain, mingled with warnings of the woes that will come upon him and the nation generally if justice is not done. The whole is a very good example of the epistolary methods of the period, and at the same time throws an interesting light on the condition of prisoners, and the way Justice was administered—or rather not administered—during the Commonwealth.
A Tract entitled, False Prophets and false Teachers described, signed by Thomas Aldam, Elizabeth Hooton, William Pears, Benjamin Nicholson,[22] Jane Holmes, and Mary Fisher; “Prisoners of the Lord at York Castle, 1652,” is an eloquent testimony to their unceasing activity in Truth’s service.[23]
Another detailed account of this imprisonment is given in a further letter, sealed and directed: “ffor Capt Stodard at his house in Long Aley in more fields this đ đ đ in London.” E. Hooton writes:[24]
Deare friends [paper torn] unto you Concerning yᵉ assise but we 3 sisters were not Called, but they keepe us still in prison, with the Rest of oure brethren, 3 of them was Called, but the corupt Judge sett fines vpon them, for Comeing wᵗʰ their hatts on, but they keepe yᵉ truth murdred, in a whole & will not suffered it to speake in shutting us vp, what yᵉ truth should be declared, Some of our brethren was bold & did speake freely to them, but my bro: Thomas [Aldam] they would not let him stay nor sufer him to speake, but we are maide to Rest in yᵉ will of god ... if we would submitt to their wills, then would they take of our fines, but we dare not deny yᵉ lord, for at yᵗ time yᵗ he hath apointed he will sett vs fre, from vnder yᵉ bondage of men, but our fredom is wᵗʰ yᵉ father & yᵉ sone, whom yᵉ sone hath maide fre is fre indeede.... O noble Captaine yᵉ lord hath manifested his love to the, & he hath maide the an instrument of good to his people, now it stands yᵉ vpon to stand vp for the leberty of yᵉ gospell, yᵗ them yᵗ hath frely Received it, may have fredome to preach itt, & hold it out to yᵉ world, yᵗ hierlings may be putt downe & have no more hier, for they through there deceits deceives yᵉ people & Raises vp yᵉ Magestraites for persecution, for they, yᵉ Clergy & yᵉ gentry, hath yᵉ lande betwixt them, & yᵉ people of god & yᵉ power doe they persecute & treade vnder feete, & those Corupt Magestraits wᶜʰ knowes noe true Justice, keepes yᵉ poore people in bondage & ꝑsecutes according to their own will, many of vs are put heare in prison, not ofending their owne way, Consider of these things and as thou art moved soe speake to yᵉ generall [Cromwell] yᵗ yᵉ truth may be sett fre, though we be willing to waite the lords laysure. I did sende some letters to yᵉ generall, & would know whether they ever was seene, or noe, & one to yᵉ Parlement, I would know wᵗ became of them, whether they were brought to light or noe, any of them.
Elizabeth Hooton,
A prisoner of yᵉ lord in Yorke Castle.
At what period her liberation from York Castle took place is as yet undetermined—on the 11th June, 1653, she wrote from the Castle to George Fox,[25] but when free, undeterred by this imprisonment, she went forward in her religious service. Here follow some glimpses of her further labour and suffering.
ELIZABETH HOOTON TO GEORGE FOX.
To face p. 12.] [See p. vi.
Margaret Killam[26], writing to George Fox, in 1653, says:[27]
I was moued of the lord to goe to Cambridge, & I went by Newarke side & was att a meetinge uppon the first day there, & I was moued to goe to the Steeplehouse & I was kept in Silence whilst their teacher had done, & hee gaue ouer in subtilty, a litle, & after began againe, thinkinge to haue ensnred mee, but in the wisdome of god I was p̄served, & did not speake untill hee was come downe out of the place.... His hearers were uery silent & attentiue to heare & did confesse itt was the truth wᶜʰ was spoken to them, & was troubled att their Teacher yᵗ hee fled away. Itt was the same wᶜʰ did Imprison Elizabeth Hooton, & did ensnare her by his craft, & hee had told them if any came & spoke in meeknesse hee would heare.
Besse has no record of the above-mentioned imprisonment of Elizabeth Hooton, so possibly it was not of long duration.
In the year 1654 George Fox says: “I came to Balby; from whence several Friends went with me into Lincolnshire; of whom some went to the steeple-houses and some to private meetings.”[28]
From the following interesting entry in an early Lincolnshire minute book[29] it appears likely that John Whitehead[30] and Elizabeth Hooton were of this company:
In the beginning of the Ninth Month in the yeare 1654 John Whitehead first came to preach the Light within, & for beareing Testimony in the High Place called the Minster in Lincoln that it is the Light of the Glorious Gospell that Shines in Man’s heart & Discovers Sin, He was buffetted & most shamefully intreated, being often knocked down by the Rude & Barberous People, who were encouraged thereunto by Humphrey Walcott who then was in Commission to have kept the peace; but brake it by striking of the said John Whitehead with his owne hands, wᶜʰ so encouraged the Rude People, that so far as could be seene they had slaine the said John, but that God stirred some Souldiers to take him by fforce from amongst them.
Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned in Lincoln Castle in the 9ᵗʰ month 1654 by the Procurement of Joseph Thurston, then Priest of Beckingham, for speaking to him in the Steeplehouse, she was kept Prisoner about 6 months. She was Imprisoned againe by procurement of the same priest at Lincoln Castle in Ninth Month 1655 for speaking to him after the Exercise was done, & at that time kept prisoner eleven or twelve weeks.
According to Besse, E. Hooton was the first sufferer for the Truth in Lincolnshire.[31]
BECKINGHAM CHURCH.
To face p. 14] [See p. vi.
There is an imperfect letter from Elizabeth Hooton in existence, which, though undated, appears to belong to this period and naturally finds a place here. It is endorsed: “E. H. Prisoner in Lincolne Castle, pleads to him in Authority to reforme the abuses of yᵉ Goal,” and contains a striking description of the state of the gaols of the Commonwealth and of the many abuses connected with their management.[32] Her protests against strong drink, her plea for the separation of the sexes and for the employment of the prisoners reads more like an appeal from Elizabeth Fry two centuries later.
O thou that artt sett in Authoryty to doe Justice and Judgmente, and to lett the oppressed goe free, thease things are required att thy hands, looke vpon the pore prissonors, heare is that hath not an[y] [al]lowance all though thear be a greatte sume of mony comes out of the country suffic[ien]tt to hellpe them all that is in want, booth theare dew alowance and to sett them aworke which would labor, And those that are sentt hether for deb[ts] that theare rates for beds, which is ten grots the weeke may be taken downe [paper torn] at to reasonable raites, And theare beare which is sould at such an vnreasonab[le] [paper torn] thear meseuers being so extreame littell that itt may be amendid [paper torn] and equity, for many pore detters is sett in heare for a small dett and [paper torn] a great deale of the score fare more then thear dette. And it is [? a place of g]reate dissorder and of wickednes, so that for oppression and prophaines J neuer came in such a place, because a milignant woman keeps the gole.
Opprission in meat and in drinke and in feese, and in that which they call garnishes, and in many other thinges, And J my selfe am much abused, booth hir and hir prissonars, and hir houshould, so that J cannott walke quiatly abroade but be abused with those that belonge vnto hir. When a drunken preist comes to reade command praire, or to preach aftar his owne in vention or Jmmaginations, then thay locke me up, and all the rest are comanded to come forth to heare, and so is keptt in blindnes.
And so in drinking and profaines and wantonnes, men and women to gether many times partte of the night, which grefes the spiritt of god in me night and day. This is required of the o man, to reforme this place, as thy power and Authority doth alow, ether remove strong drinke out of this place or remove the Golar, seckondly that theare rates for theare beds may be taken dowen. That theare garnishes and theare greate fese may be taken of, and thease oppresed prissonors may come to some hearing, such as is wrongfuly prissoned, And that theare may be some beter order amongst the men and woman which is prissonars to keepe them assunder and sett them a worke, and sett them att libbirty that is not able to pay the feese, and to take out the dissordred person, which kipeth all in dissorder, in carding and dicinge, and many other vaine sportes, and so J leave itt to thy Concsence to redres the dissorders in this rewde place, and so have J discarged my Concsence [paper torn] much vpon me, that thou mightest know itt and itt redres.
Elizebeth Houton,
prisonr in linckoln Castell.
George Fox, after his missionary visit into Lincolnshire, accompanied by Robert Craven, the Sheriff of Lincoln (who had been convinced by his preaching) and by Thomas Aldam, passed into Derbyshire and thence into Nottinghamshire to Skegby, “where,” he records, “we had a great meeting of divers sorts of people: and the Lord’s power went over them and all was quiet. The people were turned to the spirit of God, by which many came to receive his power, and to sit under the teaching of Christ their Saviour. A great people the Lord hath in these parts.”[33] No mention is made of Elizabeth Hooton, possibly she was in Lincolnshire at the time, but it may be that her fostering care of the infant Church and her unwavering steadfastness to the Truth which she had received had been mainly instrumental in raising up “a great people to the Lord.” In 1655 we know she was again in Lincolnshire, but the brief entry in the Lincoln Minute Book appears to be the only record of her labours in that county at this period. She was one of the first Quaker preachers to visit Oxfordshire as evidenced by an early Minute which runs: “Also Eliz Hutton, a good ould woman, came and vised us early.”[34]
In 1657 her husband, Oliver Hooton, died. The entry in the digest of Friends’ burial registers preserved at Nottingham reads:
Oliver Hooton died 30 4 1657 Seckbie, Mansfield Mo. Meeting Buried 30 4 1657. Seckbie.
This is confirmed by the Parish Register at Skegby where he is described as the Elder, but there is a slight discrepancy as to day and month, the latter stating he was buried 24th July, 1657.[35]
At an early date Friends acquired a Burial Ground at Skegby where members of the Society from the district were interred. The entries in the Register show that many Mansfield Friends were buried there, for until Elizabeth Heath gave a piece of ground as a burial place in 1693, Friends of Mansfield had no place of sepulture there.
Quite recently, in the course of repairs to the house at Skegby, which up to 1800 was the property of Friends and was known as the Meeting House, and by some was believed to be the house in which Elizabeth Hooton lived, a stone used as a shelf in the pantry was found on which there were remains of an inscription and the date 1687. An old lady of Skegby, aged ninety-eight, states that she fancies she can remember seeing some tombstones in the garden which covers the site of the old graveyard.
No record of Elizabeth Hooton’s ministry, or allusion to her, has been found in contemporary documents for the years 1658-1659, but in the early part of the year 1660 she was in Nottinghamshire, and Besse gives the following graphic description of an apparently unprovoked assault on her by Priest Jackson of Selston: “On the 2d of the Month called April, Elizabeth Hooton, passing quietly on the Road, was met by one Jackson, Priest of Selston, who abused her, beat her with many Blows, knockt her down, and afterward put her into the Water.”[36]
With this incident, the record of her early service in England ends. We next follow her in her perilous journeyings in a distant land.
Falſe Prophets and falſe Teachers deſcribed. 1652.