Tusayan Katcinas | Project Gutenberg

The only other Kóko[122] dance which I know of from personal observation is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the Húmiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, differs from the Húmis, and while in a speculative way I regard them the same we must await more research to prove them identical. The subject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zuñi or Síohúmiskatcina.

I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sío (Zuñi) Katcina, which I have elsewhere described, is a Zuñi celebration derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been described by any of the students of the Zuñians.

We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by Cushing of the Zuñi Shálako, and from his account we can gather a few of the main points of difference between it and the Síocálako performed at Walpi and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi, however, have a Cálako of their own. They distinguish it from the Síocálako, which they not only recognize as of Zuñi origin, but are also able to designate the family which brought it from the Zuñians. The name of the celebration and the use of Zuñi words in it both point to this conclusion.

The correspondence between the Héemashikwi, or last[123] dance—the tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the series of Kókos—is probably the same as the Nimánkatcina. There are many similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we know nothing of the secret observances connected with it, I suspect that a similarity between them and those described in the Móñkiva will later be made known.

Dolls in imitation of the Héemashikwi are reported in the catalogue of Colonel James Stevenson’s collection from Zuñi in 1881, and I have no doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still survives, at the celebration of this dance at Zuñi the characteristic habit in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the Katcinas.

Mrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zuñi Kókos and figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible for me to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they are interesting in studies of symbolism. The “flogging Kókos,” for instance, seem to function the same as Túñwup among the Hopi, but as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Saiāhlias, is not given by Mrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same personage is intended or not. The time of year when the flagellation is inflicted by the Saiāhlia of Zuñi would be an interesting observation, and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for comparison with the Powámû.

I have not been able to find the equivalents of the Sälämobias among the Hopi, but the symbolism of Pooatíwa agrees almost exactly with that of the Hopi Paútiwa.

The Sälämobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with those assigned by the Hopi to the same points, with the exception of those for the above and below. In Zuñi, according to Cushing and Mrs Stevenson, the above is all colors, the below black. Among the Hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors. This discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for future students, both in Tusayan and Zuñi.

In reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages I have been unable to find any homology with the Sälämobias. The views of the masks[124] given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of the figures of Sälämobias with indication of a connecting band between the eyes, which recalls Paútiwa’s[125] symbolism. There does not seem to be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Paútiwa and Sälämobia of the different world-quarters.

The environment of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so similar and the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that, a priori, we should expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in Zuñi as in Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the description of Zuñi ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi symbols of the rain clouds, the semicircles and the parallel lines of falling rain (plate CVIII). If the rain clouds at Zuñi are limited to the terraced[126] figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the same made in sacred meal we certainly have a significant difference between the symbolism of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear as symbols. Thus far students of the Zuñi ceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used.[127]

The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kólowisi) with attendant ceremonials at Zuñi, by Mrs Stevenson, shows the existence of archaic rites with the Plumed Serpent which have been observed in a different form (Pálülükoñti) at Tusayan. The time of the year when the Zuñi effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given; nor is the special name of the ceremony. The conch shell is similarly used to imitate the voice of the Plumed Serpent at Zuñi, as at Walpi, in the Soyáluña and the Pálülükoñti. In neither of these ceremonials, however, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about the pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Pálülükoñti and Kólowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and symbolism on Zuñi and Hopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on the head of Zuñi pictures of the Plumed Snake, and the arrowhead decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on the body of the Zuñi figures have not been observed in Hopi pictographs or effigies.

It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tusayan and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at, for only on rare occasions has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred sometimes developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked and pueblos destroyed.

In her article, “A chapter of Zuñi mythology,”[128] Mrs Stevenson says: “The Ahshiwanni,[129] a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for rain; the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen esoteric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi.... The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic gods by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir, and these rooms present fantastic scenes when the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomorphic gods.... The esoteric societies, with but one or two exceptions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category of gods being zoomorphic.”

Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the “three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi” I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some instances zoomorphic. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members of each of which in the Powámû personify different Katcinas. I have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different cardinal world-quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuñi. The esoteric societies of the Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “with but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings.” I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in Zuñi, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can be detected. From an examination of Cushing’s article in the Century Magazine, in which the esoteric societies of Zuñi are briefly defined, I am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuñi several of them are not identical.[130]

Mrs Stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so-called Ahshiwanni are, but calls them “rain priests.” She intimates that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to the rain makers, while the “societies” address “the beast gods of their worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers.” There is apparently no parallelism between these conditions and those at Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the Hopi that “no society convenes without giving much time to invocations for rain.” I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this particular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans.[131]

The custom of the Yókimoñwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to be seen at the Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of sandstone, 15 feet long, 5 feet wide, and 4 feet thick. Its flat face is about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the story that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to within about 2 feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The interior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain and zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there sixteen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He was able by his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long ago, but even now there are páhos strewn about the chamber, and devout persons visit the place at the present day with a nakwákwoci and pray for rain. Although the Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen days there, it is a holy place for the purposes mentioned.

“The earth,” says Mrs Stevenson,[132] “is watered by the deceased Zuñi of both sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd jugs from the six great waters of the world, and pass to and fro over the middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks.”

I find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of the dead among the Hopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain persons die, after the chin has been blackened, the body washed, and prescribed feathers placed on different parts of it, a thin wad of raw cotton in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a mask and is called a rain-cloud or “prayer to the dead to bring the rain.” In general, as many writers have said, the use of the mask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same,[133] and as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Ómowûhs, however, are the Rain gods, and so far as I can explain the significance of the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the dead and the black color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divinized dead to the Rain-cloud deities. Among the Hopi the earth is watered by the Rain-gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to affect them. In this view of the case the Hopi may be said to believe that the earth is “watered by the deceased of both sexes.”

The Hopi believe that the breath body of the Zuñi goes to a sacred place near Saint Johns, called Wénima. There the dead are supposed to be changed into Katcinas, and the place is reputed to be one of the homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the house of Cálako, and it is believed that the Zuñi hold the same views of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and not far away Mr Hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in which were large collections of pottery. Tótci, a Hopi resident of Zuñi, is the authority for the statement that the Cibolans do not use the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divinization of the breath body into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuñi as among the Hopi.

According to Mrs Stevenson the father of the Kokko is Kaklo (Kyäklu), whose servants are the Sälämobiyas. The name of their mother is not known to me. The Katcinas are said to be the offspring of an Earth goddess,[134] who figures under many names. Their father’s name on comparative grounds is supposed to be Táwa, the sun, or Túñwup, their elder brother.

A study of the group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the Kóko brings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of the Tusayan people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuñi. If variations exist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion, which observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, that there are even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo has a general conception of the character of all, but changes due to suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out of societies, and many other causes have modified the pueblos in different ways. The character of the ancient system is adulterated in all. We can form an idea of this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study science is at the very threshold.

The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature which I have not attempted to develop. My greatest solicitude has been to sketch the outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at the Hopi village of Walpi in Tusayan.

[1] These studies were made while the author was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author.

[2] The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; ă, as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, as a in fate; i, as in pique; î, as in pin; u, as in rule; û, as in but; ü, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indistinguishable; tc, as ch in chink: c, as sh in shall; ñ, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling sound; l, m, n, k, h, y, z, as in English.

[3] These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition.

[4] “Souls” in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor’s animistic theory.

[5] The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later.

[6] It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduction due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated “soul” or “deified ancestor,” and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, “Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; it is never and nowhere the whole of religion.”

[7] By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their own “moons” have been given elsewhere.

[8] The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined, the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the Nimán, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year.

[9] There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wüwütcímti.

[10] The word mü′iyawû means “moon,” by which it would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year.

[11] From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counterpart of the earth’s surface, and a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequent references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the “breath-body” of the deceased, who enter it through a sípapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned.

[12] The Táwaki of tátyüka is the sun house. There is no sun house at hópoko nor at tévyuña. The names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiníwi, northwest; tevyü′ña, southwest; tatyúka, southeast, and hopokyüka (syncopated hópoko), northeast.

[13] Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. See “A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,” American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. VI, No. 3. Quecholli, however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbreviated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyáluña, the warriors’ return, in December. There are important comparative data hearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcála and Quecholli (Kwetcoli).

[14] Müyiñwûh, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.)

[15] The Soyáluña has been called the Katcina’s return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors’ celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Katcinas appear in force in the Pa celebration.

[16] I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the Flute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies.

[17] Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 13, 1894.

[18] Clowns, called likewise “mudheads” and “gluttons.”

[19] The típoni is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the wími or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the insignium of his official standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the contents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lálakoñti típoni (called bundles of páhos).

[20] Páhos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities.

[21] The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892.

[22] Ibid., July, 1892.

[23] Erroneously identified as Cálako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mamzraúti in 1891.

[24] The four societies who celebrate the Wüwütcímti are the Aálwympkiya, Wüwütcímwympkiya, Tataükyamû, and Kwákwantû.

[25] Chief of the Kwákwantû, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Másaüwûh is the Fire God.

[26] The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle.

[27] The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwákwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyauĭna, desirable. The right hand is called tünúcmahtu, food hand.

[28] The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tíhus, many examples of which I have described in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians” in Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the symbolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique.

[29] For a description of the Áñakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[30] I have also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humískatcina bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the “large pasteboard [skin over framework or wooden board] tower,” it was a tablet or nákci, the personification mentioned by Ten Broeck may have been a Humískatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humís, but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck observed.

[31] During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others.

[32] The Katcinas, sometimes spelt Cachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuñi Kókos and possibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure; possibly it is from kátci, spread out, horizontal, the surface of the earth, náa, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuñi Kóko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Cushing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Kâ′kâ. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zuñi Child, has used the spelling Kok′ko, which introduces the o sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious observers shows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissection of Pueblo words. Many Zuñi words in the mouths of the Hopi suffer strange modifications, so that I am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect of the East mesa and that of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no one can tell, but the linguist must be prepared to find these differences very considerable.

[33] This person is said to have been the mother of the Katcinas. She also was the mother of the monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pü′ükoñhoya, and his twin brother is a constant theme in Tusayan folklore.

[34] Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[35] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[36] The Hopi report that the Zuñi believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sípapû, which they descend and tell the “chiefs” to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson’s statement that the dead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the lesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset.

[37] I have elsewhere pointed out that the típoni is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions of initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi. Címo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his típoni: “This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her necklace; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the típoni will take care of me.” From these words we learn how much the típoni is venerated, and it is not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated “the mother.”

[38] I mention this fact since, following Bandolier’s studios among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukúwympkiya, the Paiakyamû, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are the spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Tcukúwympkiya take no part in the ceremonials at the East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukúwympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, Lálakoñti, Mamzraúti, Wüwütcímti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accompaniments of the Katcina observances.

[39] The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, and its characteristics are treated in the several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Katcinas described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on the other hand, in the elaborate Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Síocalako, described in this article, affords an interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites.

[40] This might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina.

[41] The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 1892, but his fatal illness prevented his being in the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this dramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted.

The following men are distinctly called chiefs: Moñ′mowitû of Soyáluña, Kwátcakwa, Sakwístiwa Anawíta, Nasímoki, Kwáa, Sikyáustiwa, and Súpela.

[42] See figures of this effigy in my account of the Pálülükoñti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.-Dec., 1893.

[43] Here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the effigy itself.

[44] The dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called “sun dances,” which have been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features. This dance, it must be borne in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter solstice, and the dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact.

[45] On the authority of Cyrus Thomas, “Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic?” American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893, p. 266. His reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to represent this astronomical event is plausible but not conclusive.

[46] There are members of the American race living where the sun disappears at the winter solstice or succumbs to evil powers. Have the Pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to the north?

[47] The fact that the Snake dance follows the Nimán may be explained as follows: The sun begins to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing influence of this divinity is recognized, hence his children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with the prayers of men to cease his malign influence.

[48] At the Nimán in the preceding July.

[49] With Tatcü′kti (Mud-heads).

[50] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.

[51] Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katcinas. The symbolism of 3 and 8 is shown in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very limited.

[52] Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the predominance of the Earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places.

[53] American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894.

[54] The accompanying observations on the Powámû were made by the late A. M. Stephen in his work for the Hemenway Expedition.

[55] These men were from the Álkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle feather in the left hand, and had a pouch of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder. This held corn, beans, and other seeds, which they gave to the women and elders.

[56] With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell. I venture to suggest that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner: In times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back to the times of which I speak, consequently they are efficacious in the prayers of the present people. This is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees.