[58] The name given for this marking by Ahü′l is ómowûh
moñwitûpeadta. It is an appeal to all the gods of the six regions to
bless these Kivas and houses.
[59] The performances with the clowns were not unlike others
in which they appear.
[60] The mound from which it was obtained is close to the base
of the foothills eastward from Walpi, and all the sand for all the
kivas was obtained from this particular mound.
[61] During the festival the women clip the hair of their
children. The hair is cut over the entire cranium of the little boys,
but in the case of the girls a fringe is left around the base of the
head, especially on each side, for the characteristic whorls worn by
maidens.
[62] The gap in the East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name
of the pueblo of Walpi at the western end of the same height.
[67] Hahaíwüqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely
went up the ladder two or three rungs and stood there just high enough
to bring her helmet on a level with the first terrace. She then gave
her shrill hoot, and when the women had brought out their children
spoke to them in high falsetto.
[68] A figure of Tuñwúpkachina with his pet (pókema) appears
on the reredos of the altar of the Nimánkatcina. (See Journal of
American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.) The sprig
which he is depicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent
a cornstalk, but from the new observations of the personification of
Tuñwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended.
[69] As I have already pointed out, the youth who dons the
mask of a Katcina is believed to be for the time transformed into a
deity (soul).
[71] Eótoto (“Aiwótoto”), has been described in my account of
the daybreak ceremonials of the Farewell Katcina (Journal of American
Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1). Hahaíwüqti has been
figured and described in my article on Certain Personages who Appear in
a Tusayan Ceremony (American Anthropologist, January, 1894).
[72] A society comparable with the “Priesthood of the Bow”
at Zuñi. This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power
than that of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pauwatíwa
is powerful, and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly
valuable friend to have in ethnologic work at Walpi.
[73] His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a
sheep scapula.
[74] Kawaíkakatcinas. Kawaíka is a Hopi name for the Laguna
people of Keresan stock.
[75] See figure in Naácnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore,
July–September, 1892.
[76] The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here
we have the symbolic broom of the purification ceremony, if I am right
in my interpretation that the Powámú is a lustral ceremony. In Nubuatl
ceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci, carries the broom, which is
her symbol in this celebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of
the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to
the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are
replastered in the course of the Powámú.
[77] Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds
is common.
[78] The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described
in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II,
No. 1.
[79] See Nimánkatcina altar, called nananivo poñya,
six-directions altar. The whole ceremony is an invocation to the six
world-quarter deities.
[80] It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands,
etc, with honey when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines.
(See “Snake dance,” Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
IV.)
[81] See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It is
redundant in this place to repeat these accounts, as the variations are
not important. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II, No. 1.) The Powámú altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.
[82] As the number of these personages was large in this
presentation, this summary mention of their names may be of interest.
[83] Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.
[84] It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony
vary in different years, but the variation depends simply on the kiva
presenting it. It is commonly said that the original wími of the
Pálülükoñti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water
people from the far south. Other observations support that statement.
[85] To these must be added the constant accompanying priests
in all ceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings.
[86] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II, No. 1.
[87] Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been
described and figured: (1) Humískatcina, Corn Flower; (2) Áñakatcina,
Long Beard; (3) Coyóhimkatcina, All; (4) Hehéakatcina; (5) Siokatcina,
Zuñi; (6) Málokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different
Katcinas are best shown in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan
Indians.” The Nimánkatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of
American Ethnology and Archæology, op. cit., and some of these
abbreviated Katcinas are accompaniments of the Nimán.
[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare
their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public
dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as páhos and nakwákwocis
are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in
this group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very
name “abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and
paraphernalia.
[89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set
up in the plaza.
[91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other
women of his household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as
at Zuñi in the kivas.
[92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of
dancers, and hence is ordinarily used.
[93] To these prayers he alone responds “Antcai,” right.
[94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house
walls rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the
Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuñi the
open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart
of the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described.
[95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology,
vol. IV, p. 66.
[96] “Adventures in Zuñi,” Century Magazine, vol.
XXV, p. 507 et seq.
[97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zuñi, while others
are peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the Síocálako and the
Hopi Cálako is different. No girls (mánas) were represented in the Síocálako.
[98] All the women and children of this family had been moved
to the mesa a few days before.
[99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of
Pálülükoñûh (Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893).
[100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and
Archæology, vol. I).
[101] The association of Eótoto with Íntiwa has already been
described in my account of the Nimánkatcina (Journal of American
Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1).
[102] Explanation of the diagram: a, b,
c, d and a′, b′, c′d′,
successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern and southern
sides of the plaza; e, Eótoto; h, Hahaíwüqti; i,
Íntiwa; k, Koyímise; m, accompanying celebrants. The
figures a–d and a′–d′ represent the circles
of meal, with cross lines, over which the effigy bearers stand in the
course of the ceremonials.
[103] The general character of the Wáwac described in my
article in the Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the
masks made use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at
this time was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it
would be a digression from the subject of this article.
[104] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II, No. 1.
[105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly
one for each cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciwáata, sisters
of the Pawíkkatcinas.
[106] I have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance
of the Kóko in the Zuñi kivas, where it is common, and was glad to
supplement my observations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In
the Katcinas which I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the
kivas.
[107] The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been
lit with a coal (burning corncob) brought by a woman from a house in
Sitcomovi. In most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of
páhos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties, but this
takes place in their own dwellings.
[108] The first reference which I have found to the use of
tobacco in the ceremonial smoke by the American Indians is by Monardes.
This interesting description of tobacco and its uses, accompanied with
a figure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590)
which I have seen.
[109] Íntiwa is Katcina móñwi, chief of the Katcinas; Kópeli,
chief of the Snakes; Hóñyi, hereditary Snake-Antelope chief; Wíki,
chief of the Snake-Antelopes; Pauatíwa, chief of warriors; Lésma, Bear chief.
[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II, No. 1.
[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in
which a sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to
entertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to
see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the píkami (mush)
and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo
to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred
dances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I
mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought
offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and
Archæology, vol. IV).
[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already
done so for other Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and
Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.)
[113] One marked difference between Katcina and Kóko, or Hopi
and Zuñi, dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs
in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the
feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in
the kiva at Zuñi is possibly a secondary modification for effecting
secrecy.
[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II, No. 1.
[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified.
The Paiakaíamû rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused
to give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to
kill the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of
course with no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics
the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch,
and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to
housetop touching the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and
child. During this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting
act of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine,
records the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says
that his life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by
his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.
[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is
sinistral. In this instance it began at the east. I believe this is
the prescribed circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told
me that in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same
sípapû as the Hopi, but from a sípapû to the east. Although some of
the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth,
from one sípapû, others believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral
geographical opening. The idea has been localized by environment, as is
so often the case with modified legends.
[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man’s
influences in dance paraphernalia in Zuñi than at Tusayan, such, for
instance, as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American
chairs, rifles, etc, etc.
[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed
out similarities between both these women’s celebrations and certain
Zuñi dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236,
note).
[119] Hówina (Zuñi, Ówinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance,
is distinctly a Zuñi dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I
have seen photographs of the celebration at Zuñi which bear such a
close resemblance to that called by the Hopi the Hówina that in all
probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated
at Zuñi and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo
are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization
has not the same power as with the Cibolans.
[120] Cipaulovi, or the “Place of Peaches,” would necessarily
have received its name after those who brought peaches came among the
Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from
the Rio Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded
about 1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony,
and the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would
thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came
to Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of
Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cuñopavi).
[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally
Christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal
societies has not been broken up to our time.
[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be
detected in Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to
the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kóko or Kâ′kâ is not
known to me. The word Katcina has the advantage of Kóko or Kâ′kâ as a
general designation.
[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure
in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but
occurs at about the same time that I witnessed it at Zuñi, near the
end of July (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
I, No. 1).
[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zuñi masks a
full face view be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better
expressed than by profile views.
[125] Pooatíwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the “Sun
Father.” I have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this
relationship for Paútiwa. There are some reasons for considering
Paútiwa the Mist Father, which speculation has led me to interpret
the Sälämobias as Paútiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six
world-quarters, but such an opinion is highly theoretical.
[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zuñi nákwipis
and handled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection
of Zuñi ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very
rare, indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and
similar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of
the characteristic symbolism of Zuñi and Hopi pottery is a complicated
one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can
readily be distinguished by a student of this subject.
[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this
symbolism are not later described.
[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology,
Chicago, 1894, p. 315.
[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as “rain
priests.” I am not able to definitely decide from the text whether
these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not
clear to me in which group Mrs Stevenson places the “Mud-heads” and
“Gluttons,” well described by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and
later by herself and Cushing from Zuñi, and by other writers from the
Rio Grande pueblos.
[130] If these statements are true one sees that they tell in
favor of the theory which the ritual emphasized, and that while in a
general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the
two people, it is absurd to say that “what is written of one is true
also of the other.” Long ago their systems may have been identical; at
present they have more or less differentiated one from the other. In
Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “at the winter and summer solstices
synchronal meetings of most of these societies are held, and also at
other times.” After having carefully studied the ceremonials at the
time of the summer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal
meetings of the societies which correspond with those mentioned as
occurring at Zuñi at that time.
[131] It is desirable that the names of the priests who
officiate in ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order
that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be
made out. Until the names of the members of the different societies
are complete we are more or less hampered in our studies. The Zuñi
equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake
priests from tcihtola, snake, and kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to
tell to what priests in Tusayan the “Ahshiwanni” correspond. The Tawa
(Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in common with them,
but this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I have
elsewhere described the Tewa ceremony in which the Sun priests make
the páhos and their chief, Kálacai, appeals directly to the rising
sun. In that same ceremony páhos are likewise made to the Rain gods
directly. In the Katcina celebrations some of the same Sun priests,
however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to bring them rain, and
this personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I
think we justly can, that the Katcinas are intercessors between men
and gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan the possible equivalent
of the “Ahshiwanni (rain priests)” intrusting their prayers to a
zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage. The prayer of a
single chief for rain for the people, showing something similar to the
so-called Ahshiwanni at Zuñi, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In Tusayan
an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present
day from the other societies. All holders of wímis are Rain priests, as
well as the organization called the Sun priests, and all at times make
special prayers to the Rain gods.
[132] Op. cit., p. 314. I believe many facts might be
marshaled to prove that ancestor worship is a most vital part of the
Tusayan religious system.
[133] See “The Graff collection of Greek portraits,” New
England Magazine, January, 1894. Mr J. G. Frazier (Jour. Anth. Inst. of
Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XV, p. 73) from comparative
studies of burial customs suggests that the habit of masking the dead
is “to keep the way to the grave a secret from the dead man.” This
explanation seems to me much more labored than that given above.
[134] Hahaíwüqti. I have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect
that several personages may be the same “Earth goddess.” Kókyanwüqti,
the Spider woman, is also an “Earth goddess.” As everything, even man
himself, came from the womb of the earth, symbolized by the spider, it
is not surprising that an Indian should call the spider the creator. It
is a very different thing, however, to interpret such information by
our philosophic ideas. That the primitive should consider the earth as
the mother of everything, its creator in one sense, is natural; that
the Pueblo Indian should symbolize that mother by the Spider woman is
probable, for other races have done likewise; but that he associates
with mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the Creator is
absurd. His cosmogony bears no evidence that he rose, in pre-Columbian
times, to the belief in a Great Spirit who created the universe.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Blank pages have been removed.
Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.