Character of Associates. Prisoners.
Absolute Number. %
Positively bad 4,511 54.2
Less bad 3,614 43.4
Doubtful 81 1.4
Good 113 1.0
Total 8,319 100.0

A second proof of the influence of the contagion of crime is found in the fact that the criminality in the cities, where people come more into contact with each other, is in general greater than that in the country. Although it is evident that we cannot impute this exclusively to imitation (it is due, among other things, in part to the great differences of fortune found in the cities), it still plays an important part.323 The following figures give a picture of the criminality in the large cities and in the country.324 [530]

England and Wales, 1894–1898.

Districts. Crimes Known to the Police, to the 100,000 of the Population.
All Indictable Offenses. Crimes Against Property. Crimes Against Persons.
Crimes of Violence. Sexual Crimes.
1894. 1898. 1894. 1898. 1894. 1898. 1894. 1898.
London 416.77 391.56 386.24 358.90 11.95 10.63 5.93 5.72
Mining districts 234.33 230.84 214.32 211.07 8.39 7.19 8.11 7.89
Manufacturing cities 351.84 325.93 332.48 306.21 6.66 6.74 4.43 4.00
Sea-ports 643.60 611.10 597.91 575.60 22.54 16.72 8.44 5.95
Watering places, etc. 265.70 302.25 250.37 283.34 4.38 5.93 4.14 6.16
Agricultural districts divided into:
1st. Eastern 128.20 120.23 119.06 107.84 3.76 3.22 3.63 5.45
2nd. South-eastern 182.97 195.86 163.52 176.55 5.29 6.22 8.10 8.70
3rd. Around London 202.13 198.07 185.97 181.41 4.29 4.94 6.53 6.32
England and Wales 296.70 284.20 275.93 262.83 7.28 7.39 6.09 5.94

The following table325 relates to

Bavaria, 1883–1897.

Crimes. Number of Convicts to 10,000 of the Population over 12 Years of Age.
1883–1887. 1888–1892. 1893–1897.
City. Country. City. Country. City. Country.
Assault 19.9 27.7 19.9 31.2 22.4 32.8
Theft 37.4 26.6 39.7 26.1 37.3 25.9
Fraud 10.2 5.0 12.1 6.9 12.5 6.9
Violence and threats against public officials 4.7 2.7 4.5 2.4 4.9 2.6
All crimes 137.1 114.0 133.7 119.6 139.4 123.1

As in England the criminality in the cities is in general greater than in the country.

We find the same picture in the figures for [531]

France, 1881–1900.326

Residence. Number of Persons Arraigned to 100,000 of the Population.
1881–1885. 1896–1900.
Urban 15.4 11.1
Rural 7.8 5.4

The following table gives figures for certain important crimes.327

Crimes. Percentage of Persons Arraigned.
Living in Rural Communes. Living in Urban Communes.
1881. 1900. 1881. 1900.
Murder 64 50 36 50
Homicide 58 54 42 46
Assaults 50 56 50 44
Indecent assaults 55 53 45 47
Forgery 37 37 63 63
Breach of trust 35 14 65 86
Arson 77 74 23 26
Theft 33 21 67 79

In studying the preceding table it must be noted that in the two periods 34% and 39% of the population respectively were urban.

Netherlands, 1901.328

Places where the Offense was Committed. Percentage of Convicts who had Committed their Crimes in the Groups of Communes Designated. Percentage of Whole Population Living in the Groups Designated.
Total. Rebellion. Simple Assaults. Simple Theft. Aggravated Theft.
Communes of more than 20,000 inhabitants 38.3 45.3 21.2 41.7 50.4 36.8
Communes of less than 20,000 inhabitants 61.7 54.7 78.8 58.3 49.6 63.2

[532]

An examination of the statistics given shows that except for a few offenses the cities are more criminal than the country.329 However, it must not be forgotten that the cities have proportionately a greater number of inhabitants at the age at which there is the greatest tendency to crime, and that the figures therefore give the criminality of the cities as a little greater than it is. On the other hand there is a greater proportion of crimes that are not prosecuted, or whose authors remain undiscovered. The English statistics, which do not speak of the persons arraigned or convicted, but of the crimes known to the police, are better in this regard.

It is unnecessary to treat more fully of the rôle of imitation in the etiology of crime; no one will deny it. As I have already noted, in Part I, in my criticism of the theory of Tarde, imitation is not an independent factor, but dependent upon others. In our present society, with its pronounced egoistic tendencies, imitation strengthens these, as it would strengthen the altruistic tendencies produced by another form of society. Man does not imitate that which is egoistic simply, but also that which is altruistic. It is only as a consequence of the predominance of egoism in our present society that the error is made of supposing the effect of imitation to be necessarily evil.


k. Conclusions. In recapitulating now the egoistic tendencies of the present economic system and of its consequences, we see clearly that they are very strong. Because of these tendencies the social instinct of man is not greatly developed; they have weakened the moral force in man which combats the inclination towards egoistic acts, and hence towards the crimes which are one form of these acts. To mention only the most important things, in a society in which, as in ours, the economic interests of all are in eternal conflict among themselves, compassion for the misfortunes of others inevitably becomes blunted, and a great part of morality consequently disappears. The slight value that is attached to the opinion of others is also a consequence of the strife of economic interests, for we can be responsive to that opinion only when we do not see adversaries in our fellows.

The fluctuations of the mind of the person in whom the criminal [533]idea is born may be compared with the oscillations of a balance; and it is upon sociology that must devolve the task of examining the forces which throw a weight on one side or the other. When the organization of society influences men in an altruistic way there is then a considerable force which can prevent the balance from inclining towards the egoistic side. In our present society, the organization of which does not exert an altruistic influence, this force is very weak, or does not exist at all. Since, however, in every society, man must abstain from a number of egoistic acts, substitutes have been devised to take the place of the weak or wanting social sentiments. The hope of reward (whether terrestrial or celestial) and the fear of being punished (whether by man or God) are charged with the duty of keeping men in order. As believers themselves know very well, most men are not very responsive to divine rewards and punishments—heaven and hell are too far off. Is it not believers who are the strongest partisans of rewards and punishments here below for human acts? However, this expedient is only a very insufficient one. We know too well that the rewards are very often lacking, and the punishments as well. This is why many persons take the risk of committing the crime they have planned.

The present environment exercises an egoistic influence upon all men. We all participate, for example, in exchange, which, as we have seen, is a great egoistic factor; and other similar factors could be named that act upon all. On the other hand there are other egoistic factors which exercise their influence only upon some of us.

Let us compare two totally different environments in which an individual grows up. Let us place him first in the slums of a great city; his father is alcoholic, his mother a prostitute; he has never attended school, passing his time in vagabondage up to the day when, still young, he has been committed to prison, where his education in crime is completed. Now let us suppose this same individual to have grown up in a healthy environment, where neither poverty nor extreme riches exercised their pernicious influence. He has been brought up by rational and loving parents, his mind has been developed, he has found later a good career, in which the greed of gold has not been aroused in him. We shall then have before us two extremes, between which a great many degrees are to be found. The environment is a very important cause of the great diversity among men. However, it is not the only one; we still must give our attention for a moment to: [534]