[270] Printed by Pamelius in his edition of Cyprian; by Ware in his Opuscula of St. Patrick (1656); by Migne, P.L. 40, 649 sqq.
[272] To this rule the MSS. present two exceptions, which should be corrected: v. 70, praeuidit, which has been corrected to praeuidet (cp. Atkinson, Lib. Hymn. ii. 13), and v. 66, qui ornatur uestimento nuptiale indūtus, where we ought evidently to read inclŭtus.
[273] 311₂₉, Rolls ed.
[274] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[275] 314₂₈; Ann. Ult. s.aa.
[276] See Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick (Eng. Hist. Rev. April 1902), p. 255.
[277] Ib. pp. 237, 238, 260.
[278] 311₂₃₋₂₅. Cp. Bury, ib. 261.
[279] 311-312.
[280] Bury, ib. 258. “His whole book is a practical service to the cause of the claims of Armagh. It is virtually a list of the churches which claimed to have been founded by Patrick. If it had been completed, it would have exhibited the full extent of the paruchia Patricii.”
[281] 313₂₇, 307₇, 313₂₈, 323₂₉, 319₅, 318₂₅ × 301₉.
[282] 311₂₈.
[283] In libro apud Ultanum, 302₃.
[284] Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir, 248-250.
[285] Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir, 239.
[286] 319₄. Bury, “Supplementary Notes” (Eng. Hist. Rev. Oct. 1902), 702-703.
[287] It stops at p. 331, l. 9, in the Rolls ed. See my paper in E.H.R. ut cit. p. 237.
[288] Proc. of R.I.A. (xxiv. sect. C, 3), 1903, p. 164 sqq.
[289] This has been fully recognised by Dr. Gwynn, loc. cit.
[290] Machia (330₂₂) probably means Domnach Maigen, not Armagh (Gwynn, loc. cit.).
[291] 348₁₈, d.g. [= Duma Graid, Reeves, but this is far from certain]; Ailbe i Senchui altáre; and Machet Cetchen Rodán Mathona. Compare also 350₈ with 331₄.
[292] The credibility of the Genealogy, as an independent record, is particularly strong; the Ballymote scribe was acquainted with the Tripartite, and quotes from it à propos of the sons of Forat, notwithstanding the contradiction. The discrepancy with the Patrician tradition is, in fact, a guarantee that the record is trustworthy.
[293] P. 269₁₃ Rolls ed.: patris mei Coguitosi, the brilliant correction of Bishop Graves for the corrupt cognito si in A. On the passage, and on Cogitosus, see his paper in the Proceedings R.I.A. viii. 269 sqq.
[294] See Graves, ib. The conjecture is accepted by Dr. Stokes (Trip. Life, 269, note 2).
[295] Colgan, Acta SS. p. 465 and n. 31.
[296] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[297] See Reeves, Adamnan, pp. l. li. Professor Kuno Meyer has just published an old Irish treatise on the “Law of Adamnan” passed at this synod (“Cáin Adamnáin,” in Anecdota Oxoniensia, 1905). The document contains a list of the bishops, abbots, and kings present at the synod which was held at Birr. Muirchu appears (p. 18): Murchu maccúi Machthéine. Muirchu appears in the Martyrologies under June 8 (see Calendar of Oengus, ed. Stokes, p. xciii.).
[298] I suggested this in the Guardian, Nov. 20, 1901, p. 1615, c. 2.
[299] Muirchu does not name his father’s work, but his expression ingenioli mei (269₁₄) may be an echo of the rusticus sermo ingenioli mei in the prologue to the Vita Brigidae.
[300] 271₁₇.
[301] 269₁₉.
[302] This is suggested by the use of the third person. In the Preface Muirchu writes in the first person. The note is similar to the note which is prefixed to the memoir of Tírechán and is obviously due to a copyist.
[303] See 495₃ Rolls ed. (ad Britanias nauigauit), and 495₂₆₋ (the second captivity).
[305] See Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick, p. 16; but I did not see then that the source was probably Irish.
[306] Tírechán, 330₁₅₋₁₉: Muirchu, 276₁₁₋₁₄, and 300₁₀₋₁₃: Bury, ib. p. 14.
[307] “The Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” in Hermathena, xxviii. pp. 199 sqq.
[308] On account of the notice of Auxilius (of Killossy) and Iserninus (of Kilcullen). It seems very probable that the notice of Iserninus in the Liber Arm. (f. 18) may have been derived from information furnished by Bishop Aed on the occasion of his visit to Armagh. See above p. 253.
[309] In the Table of Contents to Book II. this is the title of the first and the last section alike; but the last item in the table was wrongly taken to be a heading of sect. 1 (though there are no other headings to the sections), until the true explanation was pointed out by Dr. Gwynn.
[310] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[311] This is the conjecture of Zimmer, Celtic Church, p. 81.
[312] These parts were first published by Rev. E. Hogan, Anal. Boll. vol. i. I have had the advantage of using a photograph of the MS., kindly given me by Dr. Gwynn.
[313] See also Todd, St. Patrick, 489; Stokes, Intr. to Tripartite, cxi. sq.; Bernard and Atkinson, Liber Hymnorum, ii. 175-6.
[314] Criticised by Thurneysen, Revue celtique, 6, 326 sqq., who rejects the theory of interpolation except in the case of stanza 17. So too Stokes and Strachan.
[315] The stanzas which are abnormal, or defective, in metre, assonance, etc., are—2, 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33 (for criticisms on their subject-matter see Atkinson, ib. xliii. sqq.). Stanza 16 has a “glossatorial” character (ib. xlviii.). The ejection of 10 on ground of subject-matter may be confirmed by the abnormal endings (nua and tua, cp. Atkinson, xlii.). 18 (rejected by Zimmer and Atkinson) is clearly an imitation of 18, and this is indicated by the repetition of the rhymes. The rejection of 19 and 20 depends on the subject-matter, and 21 repeats 19. The irrelevance of 22 is obvious. I leave the second stanza as doubtful, for though there is a metrical anomaly (daec a disyllable), there is no objection on the ground of the subject-matter; but it could be dispensed with.
[316] Cp. Muirchu, 296₁₂.
[317] See Bury, Guardian, Nov. 27, 1901, p. 1647.
[318] There is no other edition.
[319] I have shown, from misunderstandings in V₄ that its author was ignorant of Irish, while the author of V₂ was an Irishman (op. cit. 197).
[320] Dr. W. Levison of Bonn kindly called my attention to a Vita preserved at St. Omer which proves to be a copy of the Vita Secunda different from that used by Colgan. It is contained in Cod. 716 (Legendarium beatae Mariae de Claromarisco), a book of the thirteenth century, vol. ii. ff. 155-9. For the text of Vita Quarta, the Stowe MS. 105A (Brit. Mus.) is important (see my Tradition, etc., p. 186 note).
[321] Except so far as to show that neither of the two existing MSS. was used by Colgan. The text is based on Rawlinson B. 512, but it is not explained why this was chosen as the basis in preference to Egerton 93 (which—I speak under correction—does not seem inferior).
[322] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[323] Ib.
[324] The Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, in Trans. of R.I.A., xxix. Pt. vi. 1889.
[325] A scribe of Armagh, ob. 725 (Ann. Ult.).
[326] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[327] The narrative here (c. 14) is very confused, and perhaps there is interpolation.
[328] I observe that Lanigan wished to derive Hermon from her, “great,” and maen, “rock.”—Todd, St. Patrick, 337 note.
[329] The literature which I have used in working through the Nennian problem is as follows:—Zimmer, Nennius Vindicatus, a brilliant and indispensable book, but too ingenious, and full of wiredrawn arguments; many of the conclusions have been upset by the Chartres text (Mommsen’s Z) which Zimmer left out of consideration. This text was published by Duchesne, Nennius retractatus, in Revue celtique, xv. 173 sqq.; and was used by Mommsen for his authoritative edition of the work in Chronica Minora, vol. iii. (it is much to be regretted that he did not devote a separate column to printing the text of Z in full). New light was then thrown on the problem by Thurneysen, Ztsch. f. deutsche Philologie, xxviii. 80 sqq. His interpretation of exberta in the title in the Chartres MS. as a mistake for excerpta (Incipiunt excerpta filii Urbagen) seems probable (Dr. Traube’s emendation experta has not convinced me); his identification of this son of Urbagen with Run map Urbgen, who baptized the Northumbrians in 627 (Hist. Britt. c. 63), though plausible, cannot be considered certain. Duchesne, in a judicious and instructive criticism with reference to Mommsen’s edition and Thurneysen’s article, has summed up the conclusions which may safely be drawn from the data: Revue celtique, xvii. 1 sqq. Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson, who had reached several of Professor Thurneysen’s conclusions independently, published his views in Ztsch. f. celtische Philologie, iii. 104 sqq. The most important point in this paper is that the true reading of the important words in the title of the Chartres MS. is: exberta fili vrba gen. See also L. Traube in Neues Archiv, xxiv. 721 sqq.
[330] Nennius, Preface, ed. Momms., p. 143; Elbodug died A.D. 809, Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 51.
[331] (1) Noteworthy is the explanation of sed prohibuit illum Deus quia nemo etc. (Muirchu 272₂₀) by the insertion of per quasdam tempestates after Deus. In the context this is incongruous, and it can hardly have been originated by Nennius. Had he a MS. of Muirchu containing additions inserted from Muirchu’s source? [Deus is in the Bruxellensis, but omitted in the Armachanus.] (2) He changes Muirchu’s Victoricus into Victor angelus Dei. (3) He says that Patrick’s first name was Maun (Magonus, Tírechán, 302₅). (4) It is to be observed that while Muirchu mentions two views as to the duration of Patrick’s sojourn with Germanus, namely, forty or thirty years, Nennius gives a much smaller period, per annos septem. Thus Muirchu’s Life does not explain Nennius, c. 52; he had some additional material.
Nennius agrees with Brux, and V₂ V₄ in recording that Palladius died in terra Pictorum.
[332] Todd Lecture, Series iii. The Codex Palatino-Vaticanus, 830, p. 354 sqq., cp. 252 sqq.
[333] Ib. 247 sqq.
[334] Cp. Columbanus, Epist. (M.G.H., Epp. iii.) 157, and the notice in the Würzburg MS. of St. Matthew, quoted by Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 252, note (Scheps, Die ältesten Evangelienhandschriften der Würzburger Bibliothek, 27).
[335] A genealogy of Brito is ascribed by Gilla Coemgin to senior nobilis Guanach, and Todd pointed out that the reference was to the Liber Cuanach (Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 250-1). Calling attention to the notice in Ann. Ult. s.a. 616, usque hunc annum scripsit Isidorus cronicon suum, Zimmer observes that the old recension (up to 616) of Isidore’s chronicle was known in Ireland, and conjectures that its arrival may have been the stimulus which prompted the work of Cuana.
[336] An older authority, Maucteus, was quoted by Cuana (Ann. Ult. s.a. 471).
[337] Dr. MacCarthy quotes appropriately the 20th canon of the Council of Milevi, A.D. 416.
[338] See Migne, P.L. 87, 969.
[339] For such entries in the blank spaces of a Paschal Table, compare, e.g. the Paschale Campanum (Chron. Min., ed. Mommsen, i. 745 sqq.).
[340] Mr. Phillimore’s suggestion that cum is a misrendering of the Old-Welsh cant = by, seems improbable, as the notice is not likely to be a translation. I should say that cum is simply a dittogram of the last syllable of dominicum, and has ousted a.
[341] We are indeed enabled to infer that before the tenth century A.D. 457 had been maintained by some to be the date of Patrick’s death.
[342] An examination of the dates in the sixth century suggests that the entries of contemporary events did not begin before the seventh. Certainly the erroneous date of the battle of Mons Badonis was a late insertion.
[343] For references see Tillemont, Mémoires, xv. 769. Leo had taken the step of writing to the Emperor Marcian on the matter in 453.
[344] Vit. Hilarii. Arel. 16. See Levison, Neues Archiv, xxix. p. 99.
[345] Levison, loc. cit. pp. 125 sqq.
[346] Compare Zimmer’s criticism, Celtic Church, 64-5.
[347] Stokes (Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, 198) and Rhŷs seek a Celtic etymology for Magonus. Rhŷs treats it as a derivation from Goidelic magus (whence the Irish mug, “servant”), meaning perhaps originally a “boy.”
[348] His day was Nov. 27; Mart. of Donegal, p. 319.
[349] Dichu of Saul appears in the Martyrology of Donegal under April 29 (p. 114).
[350] Instances are collected by Professor Rhŷs in Proceedings of R.S.A.I. Pt. i. vol. xxxii. p. 5; to which add the Donard stone (ib. Pt. ii. vol. xxxiii. p. 114).
[351] This comes from Muirchu’s Irish source for the legend. See above, App. A, ii. 3.
[352] For scriptum erat I would read scriptum quod scriptum erat.
[353] sine honore, supposed to mean “without recognition of my episcopal title.”
[354] male uidimus faciem designati nudato nomine (365₂₉). This gives much better sense than the ordinary rendering, which refers designati to Patrick, and nud. nom. to the suppression of the episcopal title. I observe that Mr. White, though he does not adopt it in his translation, gives it as an alternative interpretation in his note.
[355] Another petition (which in V. Trip., p. 116, appears in connexion with Mount Crochan) is added in V₃, c. 88. See Bury, Trans. of R.I.A. xxxii. C. Part iii. p. 223.
[356] I retract the date “c. A.D. 850” in my note †, op. cit. p. 218. I have abandoned a view of the relations of the Nennian MSS. which prompted me to assign this date.
[357] The Armagh tradition, connecting Columba with St. Patrick’s tomb, is referred to in the Additions to Tírechán (see Appendix C, 19).
[358] I have shown that this was possibly the original corruption, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 196.
[359] haut has been restored for -cha ut of the Brussels MS. The restoration, obviously right, is borne out by Probus (Colgan, Trias Thaum. 47), who here transcribes Muirchu. See Stokes, ad loc.
[360] Probus here, using another but related MS. of Muirchu, gives Nentriae prouinciae.
[361] Mr. Nicholson’s explanation that it is a corruption of Britanniae will hardly be accepted. Palaeographically it has no probability; it was hardly necessary, and we should rather expect Britanniarum.
[362] It is obvious how readily the corruption rose from bannauētabernie or -urnie.
[363] Stokes, Tripartite, Introduction, p. cxxxvii. He refers to Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. x. 28, in uico Nemptudoro. Skene (Celtic Scotland, ii. 436, n.) identifies Nemthur with Neutur in the Black Book of Caermarthen (Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. ii. p. 3).
[364] It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that Ammianus when he says that Theodosius instaurabat urbes does not refer to Valentia (which he has not yet mentioned) in particular, but to Britain in general.
[365] In A.D. 383 he was sent on an embassy to the Persians (whom Keller calls “Parthians,” p. 15), and married Serena soon after (384 or 385). In A.D. 386 he was engaged in the campaign with the Gruthungi.
[366] This seems to me a just remark of Mr. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, vol. i. (2nd ed.), p. 716.
[367] “Tyrants of Britain, Gaul, and Spain,” Eng. Hist. Review, 1886, i. 55, note 3. This is the chief study on the subject (republished in Western Europe in the Fifth Century, 1905, chaps. ii., iii.). Cp. App. 20 to Bury’s edition of Gibbon, vol. iii.
[368] II. k. Jan. ed. Mommsen, p. 465.
[369] Prosper’s notice, sub ann. 407, agrees with the implication in Olympiodorus.
[370] Preface to edition of Gildas (Chron. Min. iii. 1), p. 7.
[371] The Picts are described as a gens transmarina (the Picts of Dalaradia?).
[372] Ann. Ult. sub a. 461.
[373] Ann. Inisf. ed. O’Conor sub a. (“488” =) 493: anno ccccxxxii a passione Domini.
[374] Ed. Mommsen, p. 158-9.
[375] Rolls ed. p. 365₁₅, nescio, Deus scit, si habebam tunc annos quindecim.
[376] Ib.₁₁.
[377] 366₁₀.
[378] 365₁₀.
[379] So it is interpreted by Todd, St. Patrick, p. 392; by Neander, Allg. Geschichte der christlichen Religion u. Kirche, iii. 185, note; by Zimmer, Celtic Church, p. 43.
[380] I adopt the admirable correction of Dr. N. J. D. White for occasionum—inuenerunt me (MSS.).
[381] The truth is that the length of time which elapsed since the wrongdoing is not pertinent. The point is the interval between the confession of it to his friend, who offered no obstacle to his ordination as deacon (nor later to his ordination as bishop), and the occasion on which it was used against him. It is this lapse of 30 years which makes his friend’s conduct so unaccountable.
[382] It is interesting to note that this name is found on three ogam stones, in the genitive forms Gosoctas, Gossucttias, and Gosocteas (see Rhŷs, Ogam-inscribed Stones, in reprint from Proc. of Royal Soc. of Antiquaries of Ireland, Part i. vol. xxxii. 1902, p. 24).
[383] The force of adhuc here (not synonymous with iterum) is exactly like its force in adhuc capturam dedi. See above, Appendix B, note on p. 34.
[384] Muirchu’s et erat annorum triginta (496₁) must not be alleged; it is based on a misconception of the annos triginta of the Confession (365₁₀), and influenced by the Scriptural parallel to which Muirchu refers.
[385] Jerome, Ep. cxxiii. (ad Ageruchiam), Migne’s ed. vol. i. 1057-8.
[386] After A.D. 439.
[387] vii. § 50. Orosius, vii. 38 and 40, gives no details of the devastations.
[388] Edited by Brandes in the Corp. Script. Eccl. 1889.
[389] Compare the sketch of Professor Dill, based on these poems, in Roman Society, bk. iv. cap. 2 (p. 263, ed. 1).
[390] So I would amend the corrupt metuendis. Ellis reads tetricis, and suggests mediis. But there is greater point in nudis; it implies “without the crops, etc., which would naturally attract an enemy.”
[391] P. 18.
[392] Pp. 16-18, and Appendix B.
[393] Cp. Arrian’s Cynegeticus, esp. chaps. 1, 2, 3.
[394] The nature of the cargo is another argument against the view that Britain was the destination.
[395] Annis xxx. Tír. loc. cit. The numeral is less probably a mistake for iii. than the result of a mistaken attempt to account for the chronology of Patrick’s life on the hypothesis that he lived to the age of 120. Other schemes assigned 30 or 40 years to the Auxerre period (Muirchu, 271₂₂).
[396] For the traditions and legends connecting Palladius with Scotland see Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii. 29 sqq.
[397] Schoell, De ecclesiasticae Britonum Scotorumque historiae fontibus, 1851, p. 77; Loofs, De antiqua Britonum Scotorumque ecclesia, p. 51 (1882). Compare B. Robert’s criticisms on their arguments, Étude critique, etc., pp. 28 sqq.
[398] Professor Zimmer (Early Celtic Church, p. 38) regards Palladius as a Roman rendering of Patrick’s name Sucatus (warlike), following a suggestion of Mr. O’Brien (Irish. Eccl. Record, 1887, pp. 723 sqq.). This is quite unconvincing, in the absence of any evidence that Palladius was a Briton. Why should he not have belonged to the stirps Palladiorum of Bourges (Apoll. Sidon. Epp. vii. 9, 24)? Cp. Duchesne, Fastes épisc. ii. p. 26, note.
[399] P. cxxv. ed. Stokes (1871). This calendar, Mr. Stokes has shown, cannot be earlier than the end of the tenth century.
[400] The name of Palladius does not appear in any Irish calendar of saints. It appears under July 6 in the Breviary of Aberdeen. See Todd, St. Patrick, p. 299.
[401] Cp. Chron. Scot. pp. 24-25; Cormac’s Glossary sub Mogheime.
[402] M. d’Arbois de Jubainville has a note on Sen Patrick in Revue celtique, ix. p. 111 sqq. He thinks a second Patricius came over to Ireland as a mere name in a copy of the Hieronymian Martyrology towards end of sixth century; and that of him were made the two Patricks of August 24 in Mart. of Tallaght.
[403] See Bury, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 205.