*I not if it be ye or nay.
[Example of Dante.]
How Dante the poete answerde
1124
Nota exemplum cuiusdam poete de Ytalia, qui Dante vocabatur.
To a flatour, the tale I herde.2330*
Upon a strif bitwen hem tuo
He seide him, ‘Ther ben many mo
1125
Of thy servantes than of myne.
For the poete of his covyne
Hath non that wol him clothe and fede,
But a flatour may reule and lede
P. iii. 164
A king with al his loun aboute.’
So stant the wise man in doute
Of hem that to folie drawe:
For such is now the newe lawe,2340*
And as the comune vois it telleth,
Wher now that flaterie duelleth
In every lond etc. (as 2331 ff.)
In eny lond under the Sonne,
1126
Ther is ful many a thing begonne
Which were betre to be left;
That hath be schewed nou and eft.
Bot if a Prince wolde him reule
1127
Of the Romeins after the reule,
In thilke time as it was used,
1128
This vice scholde be refused,
Wherof the Princes ben assoted.
Bot wher the pleine trouthe is noted, 2340
Ther may a Prince wel conceive,
That he schal noght himself deceive,
Of that he hiereth wordes pleine;
For him thar noght be reson pleigne,
That warned is er him be wo.
And that was fully proeved tho,
Whan Rome was the worldes chief,
The Sothseiere tho was lief,
Which wolde noght the trouthe spare,
Bot with hise wordes pleine and bare 2350
To Themperour hise sothes tolde,
As in Cronique is yit withholde,
1129
Hierafterward as thou schalt hiere
Acordende unto this matiere.
[The Roman Triumph.]
P. iii. 165
To se this olde ensamplerie,
That whilom was no flaterie
1130Hic narrat super eodem, qualiter nuper Romanorum Imperator,
cum ipse triumphator in hostes a bello Rome rediret, tres sibi laudes
in signum sui triumphi precipue debebantur: primo quatuor equi
albissimi currum in quo sedebat veherent, secundo tunica Iovis pro tunc
indueretur, tercio sui captiui prope currum ad vtrumque latus cathenati
deambularent. Set ne tanti honoris adulacio eius animum in superbiam
extolleret, quidam scurra linguosus iuxta ipsum in curru sedebat, qui
quasi continuatis vocibus improperando ei dixit, ‘Notheos,’ hoc est
nosce teipsum, ‘quia si hodie fortuna
1133 tibi prospera
fuerit,
1134 cras
forte
1135
versa rota mutabilis aduersabitur.’
Toward the Princes wel I finde;
Wherof so as it comth to mynde,
Mi Sone, a tale unto thin Ere,
Whil that the worthi princes were 2360
At Rome, I thenke forto tellen.
For whan the chances so befellen
That eny Emperour as tho
1131
Victoire hadde upon his fo,
And so forth cam to Rome ayein,
Of treble honour he was certein,
Wherof that he was magnefied.
The ferste, as it is specefied,
Was, whan he cam at thilke tyde,
The Charr in which he scholde ryde 2370
Foure whyte Stiedes scholden drawe;
Of Jupiter be thilke lawe
The Cote he scholde were also;
Hise prisoners ek scholden go
Endlong the Charr on eyther hond,
And alle the nobles of the lond
1132
Tofore and after with him come
Ridende and broghten him to Rome,
In thonk of his chivalerie
And for non other flaterie. 2380
And that was schewed forth withal;
Wher he sat in his Charr real,
Beside him was a Ribald set,
Which hadde hise wordes so beset,
1136
P. iii. 166
To themperour in al his gloire
He seide, ‘Tak into memoire,
For al this pompe and al this pride
Let no justice gon aside,(2400*)
Bot know thiself, what so befalle.
For men sen ofte time falle 2390
Thing which men wende siker stonde:
Thogh thou victoire have nou on honde,
Fortune mai noght stonde alway;
The whiel per chance an other day
Mai torne, and thou myht overthrowe;
Ther lasteth nothing bot a throwe.’
With these wordes and with mo
This Ribald, which sat with him tho,
To Themperour his tale tolde:
And overmor what evere he wolde, 2400
Or were it evel or were it good,
So pleinly as the trouthe stod,
He spareth noght, bot spekth it oute;
And so myhte every man aboute
The day of that solempnete
His tale telle als wel as he
To Themperour al openly.
And al was this the cause why;
That whil he stod in that noblesse,
1137
He scholde his vanite represse 2410
With suche wordes as he herde.
[The Emperor and his Masons.]
Lo nou, hou thilke time it ferde
1138
Toward so hih a worthi lord:
Hic eciam contra adulacionem scribit quod primo die quo
nuper Imperator intronizatus extitit, latomi sui ab ipso constanter
peterent, de quali lapide sue sepulture tumulum fabricarent; vt sic
futuram mortem commemorans vanitates huius seculi transitorias facilius
reprimeret.
1139
For this I finde ek of record,
P. iii. 167
Which the Cronique hath auctorized.
What Emperour was entronized,
The ferste day of his corone,
Wher he was in his real Throne
And hield his feste in the paleis
Sittende upon his hihe deis 2420
With al the lust that mai be gete,
Whan he was gladdest at his mete,
And every menstral hadde pleid,
And every Disour hadde seid
1140
What most was plesant to his Ere,
Than ate laste comen there
Hise Macons, for thei scholden crave
Wher that he wolde be begrave,
1141
And of what Ston his sepulture
Thei scholden make, and what sculpture 2430
He wolde ordeine therupon.
Tho was ther flaterie non
The worthi princes to bejape;
The thing was other wise schape
1142
With good conseil; and otherwise
Thei were hemselven thanne wise,
And understoden wel and knewen.
Whan suche softe wyndes blewen
Of flaterie into here Ere,
Thei setten noght here hertes there; 2440
Bot whan thei herden wordes feigned,
The pleine trouthe it hath desdeigned
Of hem that weren so discrete.
So tok the flatour no beyete
1143
P. iii. 168
Of him that was his prince tho:
And forto proven it is so,
A tale which befell in dede
In a Cronique of Rome I rede.
[Caesar’s Answer.]
Cesar upon his real throne
Hic inter alia gesta Cesaris narrat vnum exemplum precipue
contra illos qui, cum in aspectu principis aliis sapienciores apparere
vellent, quandoque tamen simulate sapiencie talia committunt, per que
ceteris stulciores in fine comprobantur.
Wher that he sat in his persone 2450
And was hyest in al his pris,
A man, which wolde make him wys,
Fell doun knelende in his presence,
And dede him such a reverence,
As thogh the hihe god it were:
Men hadden gret mervaille there
Of the worschipe which he dede.
This man aros fro thilke stede,
And forth with al the same tyde
He goth him up and be his side
1144 2460
He set him doun as pier and pier,
1145
And seide, ‘If thou that sittest hier
Art god, which alle thinges myht,
Thanne have I do worschipe ariht
1146
As to the god; and other wise,
If thou be noght of thilke assisse,
Bot art a man such as am I,
Than mai I sitte faste by,
For we be bothen of o kinde.’
1147
Cesar ansuerde and seide, ‘O blinde, 2470
Thou art a fol, it is wel sene
Upon thiself: for if thou wene
I be a god, thou dost amys
To sitte wher thou sest god is;
P. iii. 169
And if I be a man, also
Thou hast a gret folie do,
Whan thou to such on as schal deie
The worschipe of thi god aweie
Hast yoven so unworthely.
Thus mai I prove redely, 2480
Thou art noght wys.’ And thei that herde
Hou wysly that the king ansuerde,
It was to hem a newe lore;
Wherof thei dradden him the more,
And broghten nothing to his Ere,
Bot if it trouthe and reson were.
1148
So be ther manye, in such a wise
That feignen wordes to be wise,(2500*)
And al is verray flaterie
To him which can it wel aspie. 2490
[Flatterers of a King.]
The kinde flatour can noght love
Bot forto bringe himself above;
Nota, qualiter isti circa Principem adulatores pocius a
Curia expelli, quam ad regie maiestatis munera acceptari, Policia
suadente deberent.
For hou that evere his maister fare,
So that himself stonde out of care,
Him reccheth noght: and thus fulofte
Deceived ben with wordes softe
The kinges that ben innocent.
Wherof as for chastiement
The wise Philosophre seide,
What king that so his tresor leide 2500
Upon such folk, he hath the lesse,
And yit ne doth he no largesse,
Bot harmeth with his oghne hond
Himself and ek his oghne lond,
P. iii. 170
And that be many a sondri weie.
Wherof if that a man schal seie,
As forto speke in general,
Wher such thing falleth overal
That eny king himself misreule,
The Philosophre upon his reule 2510
In special a cause sette,
Which is and evere hath be the lette
In governance aboute a king
Upon the meschief of the thing,
And that, he seith, is Flaterie.
Wherof tofore as in partie
What vice it is I have declared;
For who that hath his wit bewared
Upon a flatour to believe,
Whan that he weneth best achieve 2520
His goode world, it is most fro.
And forto proeven it is so
Ensamples ther ben manyon,
Of whiche if thou wolt knowen on,
It is behovely forto hiere
What whilom fell in this matiere.
[Ahab and Micaiah.]
Among the kinges in the bible
I finde a tale, and is credible,
Hic loquitur vlterius de consilio adulantum, quorum fabulis
principis aures organizate veritatis auditum capere nequiunt. Et narrat
exemplum de Rege Achab, qui pro eo quod ipse prophecias fidelis Michee
recusauit blandiciisque adulantis
1150 Zedechie adhesit, Rex Sirie Benedab
in campo bellator ipsum diuino iudicio deuictum interfecit.
Of him that whilom Achab hihte,
Which hadde al Irahel to rihte;
1149 2530
Bot who that couthe glose softe
And flatre, suche he sette alofte
In gret astat and made hem riche;
Bot thei that spieken wordes liche
P. iii. 171
To trouthe and wolde it noght forbere,
For hem was non astat to bere,
The court of suche tok non hiede.
Til ate laste upon a nede,
That Benedab king of Surie
Of Irahel a gret partie,
1151 2540
Which Ramoth Galaath was hote,
Hath sesed; and of that riote
He tok conseil in sondri wise,
Bot noght of hem that weren wise.
And natheles upon this cas
To strengthen him, for Josaphas,
1152
Which thanne was king of Judee,
He sende forto come, as he
Which thurgh frendschipe and alliance
Was next to him of aqueintance; 2550
For Joram Sone of Josaphath
Achabbes dowhter wedded hath,
Which hihte faire Godelie.
And thus cam into Samarie
King Josaphat, and he fond there
The king Achab: and whan thei were
Togedre spekende of this thing,
This Josaphat seith to the king,
Hou that he wolde gladly hiere
Som trew prophete in this matiere,
1153 2560
That he his conseil myhte yive
To what point that it schal be drive.
1154
And in that time so befell,
Ther was such on in Irahel,
P. iii. 172
Which sette him al to flaterie,
And he was cleped Sedechie;
And after him Achab hath sent:
And he at his comandement
Tofore him cam, and be a sleyhte
He hath upon his heved on heyhte 2570
Tuo large hornes set of bras,
As he which al a flatour was,
And goth rampende as a leoun
And caste hise hornes up and doun,
And bad men ben of good espeir,
For as the homes percen their,
He seith, withoute resistence,
So wiste he wel of his science
That Benedab is desconfit.
Whan Sedechie upon this plit 2580
Hath told this tale to his lord,
Anon ther were of his acord
Prophetes false manye mo
To bere up oil, and alle tho
Affermen that which he hath told,
Wherof the king Achab was bold
And yaf hem yiftes al aboute.
But Josaphat was in gret doute,(2600*)
And hield fantosme al that he herde,
Preiende Achab, hou so it ferde, 2590
If ther were eny other man,
The which of prophecie can,
To hiere him speke er that thei gon.
Quod Achab thanne, ‘Ther is on,
1155
P. iii. 173
A brothell, which Micheas hihte;
Bot he ne comth noght in my sihte,
For he hath longe in prison lein.
Him liketh nevere yit to sein
1156
A goodly word to mi plesance;
And natheles at thin instance 2600
He schal come oute, and thanne he may
Seie as he seide many day;
For yit he seide nevere wel.’
Tho Josaphat began somdel
To gladen him in hope of trouthe,
And bad withouten eny slouthe
That men him scholden fette anon.
And thei that weren for him gon,
Whan that thei comen wher he was,
1157
Thei tolden unto Micheas 2610
The manere hou that Sedechie
Declared hath his prophecie;
And therupon thei preie him faire
That he wol seie no contraire,
Wherof the king mai be desplesed,
For so schal every man ben esed,
And he mai helpe himselve also.
Micheas upon trouthe tho
His herte sette, and to hem seith,
1158
Al that belongeth to his feith 2620
And of non other feigned thing,
That wol he telle unto his king,
1159
Als fer as god hath yove him grace.
Thus cam this prophete into place
P. iii. 174
Wher he the kinges wille herde;
And he therto anon ansuerde,
And seide unto him in this wise:
‘Mi liege lord, for mi servise,
Which trewe hath stonden evere yit,
Thou hast me with prisone aquit: 2630
Bot for al that I schal noght glose
Of trouthe als fer as I suppose;
And as touchende of this bataille,
1160
Thou schalt noght of the sothe faile.
For if it like thee to hiere,
As I am tauht in that matiere,
Thou miht it understonde sone;
1161
Bot what is afterward to done
Avise thee, for this I sih.
I was tofor the throne on hih, 2640
Wher al the world me thoghte stod,
1162
And there I herde and understod
The vois of god with wordes cliere
Axende, and seide in this manere:
“In what thing mai I best beguile
The king Achab?” And for a while
Upon this point thei spieken faste.
Tho seide a spirit ate laste,
“I undertake this emprise.”
And god him axeth in what wise. 2650
“I schal,” quod he, “deceive and lye
With flaterende prophecie
In suche mouthes as he lieveth.”
And he which alle thing achieveth
P. iii. 175
Bad him go forth and don riht so.
And over this I sih also
The noble peple of Irahel
1163
Dispers as Schep upon an hell,
Withoute a kepere unarraied:
And as thei wente aboute astraied, 2660
I herde a vois unto hem sein,
“Goth hom into your hous ayein,
Til I for you have betre ordeigned.”’
Quod Sedechie, ‘Thou hast feigned
This tale in angringe of the king.’
And in a wraththe upon this thing
He smot Michee upon the cheke;
The king him hath rebuked eke,
And every man upon him cride:
Thus was he schent on every side, 2670
Ayein and into prison lad,
For so the king himselve bad.
The trouthe myhte noght ben herd;
Bot afterward as it hath ferd,
The dede proveth his entente:
Achab to the bataille wente,
Wher Benedab for al his Scheld
Him slouh, so that upon the feld
His poeple goth aboute astray.
Bot god, which alle thinges may, 2680
So doth that thei no meschief have;
Here king was ded and thei ben save,
And hom ayein in goddes pes
Thei wente, and al was founde les
P. iii. 176
That Sedechie hath seid tofore.
So sit it wel a king therfore
To loven hem that trouthe mene;
For ate laste it wol be sene(2700*)
That flaterie is nothing worth.
1164
Bot nou to mi matiere forth, 2690
As forto speken overmore
1165
After the Philosophres lore,
The thridde point of Policie
I thenke forto specifie
[The Third Point of Policy. Justice.]
ix. Propter transgressos leges statuuntur in orbe,
Ut viuant iusti Regis honore viri.
Lex sine iusticia populum sub principis vmbra
Deuiat, vt rectum nemo videbit iter.
What is a lond wher men ben none?
What ben the men whiche are al one
Hic tractat de tercia Principum regiminis
1166 Policia, que
Iusticia nominata est, cuius condicio legibus incorrupta vnicuique quod
suum est equo pondere distribuit.
Withoute a kinges governance?
What is a king in his ligance,
Wher that ther is no lawe in londe?
What is to take lawe on honde, 2700
Bot if the jugges weren trewe?
These olde worldes with the newe
Who that wol take in evidence,
Ther mai he se thexperience,
What thing it is to kepe lawe,
Thurgh which the wronges ben withdrawe
And rihtwisnesse stant commended,
Wherof the regnes ben amended.
For wher the lawe mai comune
The lordes forth with the commune,
1167 2710
P. iii. 177
Ech hath his propre duete;
And ek the kinges realte
Of bothe his worschipe underfongeth,
To his astat as it belongeth,
Which of his hihe worthinesse
Hath to governe rihtwisnesse,
As he which schal the lawe guide.
And natheles upon som side
His pouer stant above the lawe,
To yive bothe and to withdrawe 2720
The forfet of a mannes lif;
But thinges whiche are excessif
Ayein the lawe, he schal noght do
For love ne for hate also.
The myhtes of a king ben grete,
Bot yit a worthi king schal lete
Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis, set eciam legibus
oportet esse armatam.
Of wrong to don, al that he myhte;
For he which schal the poeple ryhte,
It sit wel to his regalie
That he himself ferst justefie 2730
Towardes god in his degre:
For his astat is elles fre
Toward alle othre in his persone,
Save only to the god al one,
Which wol himself a king chastise,
Wher that non other mai suffise.
So were it good to taken hiede
That ferst a king his oghne dede
Betwen the vertu and the vice
Redresce, and thanne of his justice 2740
P. iii. 178
So sette in evene the balance
Towardes othre in governance,
That to the povere and to the riche
Hise lawes myhten stonde liche,
He schal excepte no persone.
Bot for he mai noght al him one
In sondri places do justice,
1168
He schal of his real office
With wys consideracion
Ordeigne his deputacion
1169 2750
Of suche jugges as ben lerned,
So that his poeple be governed
Be hem that trewe ben and wise.
For if the lawe of covoitise
Be set upon a jugges hond,
Wo is the poeple of thilke lond,
For wrong mai noght himselven hyde:
Bot elles on that other side,
If lawe stonde with the riht,
The poeple is glad and stant upriht. 2760
Wher as the lawe is resonable,
The comun poeple stant menable,
1170
And if the lawe torne amis,
The poeple also mistorned is.
[Justice of Maximin.]
And in ensample of this matiere
Nota hic de iusticia Maximini Imperatoris, qui cum alicuius
prouincie custodem sibi substituere volebat, primo de sui nominis fama
proclamacione facta ipsius condicionem diligencius inuestigabat.
Of Maximin a man mai hiere,
Of Rome which was Emperour,
That whanne he made a governour
Be weie of substitucion
Of Province or of region, 2770
P. iii. 179
He wolde ferst enquere his name,
And let it openly proclame
What man he were, or evel or good.
And upon that his name stod
Enclin to vertu or to vice,
1171
So wolde he sette him in office,
Or elles putte him al aweie.
Thus hield the lawe his rihte weie,
Which fond no let of covoitise:
The world stod than upon the wise, 2780
As be ensample thou myht rede;
And hold it in thi mynde, I rede.
[Gaius Fabricius.]
In a Cronique I finde thus,
Hou that Gayus Fabricius,
Which whilom was Consul of Rome,
Hic ponit exemplum de iudicibus incorruptis. Et narrat
qualiter Gayus Fabricius nuper Rome Consul aurum a Sampnitibus sibi
oblatum renuit, dicens quod nobilius est aurum possidentes dominio
subiugare, quam ex auri cupiditate dominii libertatem amittere.
Be whom the lawes yede and come,
Whan the Sampnites to him broghte
A somme of gold, and him besoghte(2800*)
To don hem favour in the lawe,
Toward the gold he gan him drawe, 2790
Wherof in alle mennes lok
A part up in his hond he tok,
1172
Which to his mouth in alle haste
He putte, it forto smelle and taste,
1173
And to his yhe and to his Ere,
Bot he ne fond no confort there:
And thanne he gan it to despise,
And tolde unto hem in this wise:
‘I not what is with gold to thryve,
Whan non of all my wittes fyve 2800
P. iii. 180
Fynt savour ne delit therinne.
So is it bot a nyce Sinne
Of gold to ben to covoitous;
Bot he is riche and glorious,
Which hath in his subjeccion
Tho men whiche in possession
1174
Ben riche of gold, and be this skile;
For he mai aldai whan he wile,
Or be hem lieve or be hem lothe,
Justice don upon hem bothe.’ 2810
Lo, thus he seide, and with that word
He threw tofore hem on the bord
The gold out of his hond anon,
And seide hem that he wolde non:
1175
So that he kepte his liberte
To do justice and equite,
Withoute lucre of such richesse.
Ther be nou fewe of suche, I gesse;
For it was thilke times used,
That every jugge was refused 2820
Which was noght frend to comun riht;
Bot thei that wolden stonde upriht
For trouthe only to do justice
Preferred were in thilke office
To deme and jugge commun lawe:
Which nou, men sein, is al withdrawe.
To sette a lawe and kepe it noght
Ther is no comun profit soght;
Bot above alle natheles
The lawe, which is mad for pes, 2830
P. iii. 181
Is good to kepe for the beste,
For that set alle men in reste.