“It was arranged this morning that I am to go to Furnes with several of my comrades, on Saturday; and there, dear father, I shall await your wise decision as to whether I shall return home to you or go to join the Prince de Condé.”
Furnes is a small village about fifteen kilometres from Dunkirk. It was then on Austrian territory, and had been chosen as the rendezvous for the fugitive officers.
On Friday, June 24, in the afternoon, each of these “gentlemen” received a secret message from Colonel de Théon, giving them his instructions.
“Set out for Furnes” (he told them) “immediately on reading this; make no preparations; just take whatever money you may have, and do not worry about your other possessions; they will be seen to later. I invoke the aid of Heaven upon our enterprise—may we all meet that same night at Furnes.
“Your friend for life,
“Théon.”
At the same time, he made to his soldiers a last supreme appeal, conjuring them to respond to it, and to come back to the path of duty.
“Soldiers, your King was put in irons and the news of his capture is false. Surely it is impossible that the leading regiment should fail to join him, to form his bodyguard, and to shield him from the knives of the assassins who have, of course, been sent after him. We, who bear the ensign of the General of Infantry, shall find all good Frenchmen and true patriots ... rallying round our colours. Believe me, when that happens, the Royalist party, which is very numerous, will declare itself, and when it sees that it can do so without endangering its sovereign’s life, will flaunt the white cockade. Let us, too, wear this as our symbol of France—not the colours of a regicide and factious prince, the scandal of his country and the author of all the evils which are now rending it. Your officers, your real friends, await you at Furnes, where the august brother of your Queen has given orders (as on all the frontiers) that the faithful servants of the unhappy Louis XVI. are to be received, when they arrive there on his service....
“Come there, then—meet there, renew your early oath of fidelity to the most upright of kings. But as for such as you as are infected with the maxims of the Club, such of you as think you are patriots, because you have neither faith, nor law, nor honour—such as these had better stay in their dens. Only those are adjured to come whose hearts still tell them they are Frenchmen. Long live the King!”[26]
But it was too late. The hour for such an appeal had gone by.
Towards five o’clock on the evening of the same day, just as the roll-call was ending in the barracks, the officers of the Colonel-Generals (and several brother-soldiers from the Viennois regiment) left the town in groups of three. They took with them the white cornette of the infantry, and the flags of their regiments, which they had torn from the handles. They had not been able to make up their minds to leave their colours behind. When they had passed the ramparts some of them went to the right over the downs which run along the coast, and which the fugitives intended to use as their path to the frontier; the others struck into the open country, and crossed the canal; as soon as they were out of sight, however, they rejoined the first lot. At eight o’clock that evening the boatmen on the Furnes ferry took over two more, and these were MM. d’Averton and De La Motte.
Now, at that hour, the Royal berlin and its freight had just left la Ferti-sous-Jouarre, on the high-road to Châlons, and was proceeding slowly through the dust, followed and accompanied by a noisy, drunken crowd, towards Meaux. It was caught at Varennes; and the fugitives, foiled in their attempt, went back to Paris, from that day forth to be their prison.
The news of their capture, so unluckily contradicted by de Théon in his manifesto, might possibly have altered the plans of the officers from Dunkirk. But we hardly think so. Their arrangements had long since been made, and the Varennes episode gave them, suddenly, an opportunity to carry them out. But imagine their discomfiture when they heard of the dramatic ending of the attempt.
It was again Frotté who had been sent to Brussels, to carry to his King the standard of the regiment.
He arrived there at night, met the Marquis de la Queville, and learnt the truth from him. Instead of the King, it was the King’s brother, the Comte de Provence, whom Frotté found there; for Monsieur, more fortunate than the others, had reached the frontier without any trouble.
Thus the affair had partly failed. There was nothing for the fugitive officers to do but go and join the ever-increasing tribe of émigrés who lined the frontier. They withdrew to Ath, in Hainault, the rendezvous of many exiles.[27]
What happened at Dunkirk when their absence was discovered? On the 25th, at 5 a.m., a “good patriot,” M. François, awoke the commandant of the Garde Nationale, M. Emmery, and presented to him the manifesto of the “Sieur de Théon.” The alarm spread instantly through the town; it was with indignation that people heard the news of the desertion of the officers, who had even been so infamous as to carry off the regimental colours. The soldiers chose new officers, and held a meeting on the parade-ground. M. Emmery came to them, and tried to pacify them by offering them one of the colours of the Garde Nationale, to replace those which had been filched from them. He was enthusiastically received. Hopes rose high once more. Grenadiers and gardes nationaux met in warmest comradeship; and the tricolour was sent for, and presented to the regiment, which was drawn up in battle-array. Vengeance was vowed against traitors and enemies of the Republic. “From that moment there reigned boundless confidence, perfect joy, and assured tranquillity.”
But this was not all. It had to be ascertained whether the runaways had left anything behind them. The Justice of the Peace for the Quartier-du-Midi, Pierre Taverne, betook himself to the officers’ quarters in the barracks. On the first storey, under the landing, there was a door which led into the room that was known to have been Frotté’s. That door was sealed, as were those of all his brother-officers’ rooms. Five days later the seals were broken. The inspection brought nothing noteworthy to light. In Frotté’s room they found two helmets, a cross-belt, and a gorget. The others were still less exciting; a cap and two portmanteaus, “containing a little music,” were found in M. Derampan’s quarters; a cap and a double-barrelled gun in M. Metayer’s; a trunk in M. de Dreuille’s; a cap and a cross-belt in M. Demingin’s, and so on. The Royal tent contained a cabriolet belonging to M. de Théon; the stables, “near the fuel-stores,” yielded another old cabriolet, the property of M. de Frotté. Everything was confiscated, and taken to the Municipality.
The only thing which interested the authorities was a trunk full of papers, which had been seized in Frotté’s quarters. It was examined, but no proofs were found of the suspected conspiracy. It was then tied up, sealed, and sent to the Research Committee of the National Assembly, with a curt account of the occurrence. On the evening of June 28 this was read to the Deputies of the Assembly, some of whom were very angry on hearing the defiant appeal of de Théon to his soldiers.[28]
Was Lady Atkyns at Lille to hear the issue of the adventure? She had more probably left France by that time, terrified by all that was going on around her, and the more so that she was alone, for her friends on every side had left her.
While her lover was languishing among the émigrés (made miserable by their inaction and selfishness) she regained her old home at Ketteringham, uneasy in her mind, but not despairing. She saw plainly what her own path was to be; for her love for the Queen and the Queen’s people was henceforth to rule her life, and carry her on from one devoted action to another.
[2] Victor Derode, Histoire de Lille et de la Flandre Wallonne, 1848, in 8vo, vol. iii. p. 26. For the account of these military disturbances at Lille, we have also made use of a MS. narrative by the Chevalier de Frotté, Archives Nationales D. XXIX., 36; and of a statement addressed to the King by the Marquis de Livarot, regarding his conduct, a printed copy of which is at the Bibliothèque Nationale, L.K. 4008.
[3] These words are underlined in the text.
[4] L. de la Sicotière, Louis de Frotté et les Insurrections Normandes, 1793-1832, Paris, 1889, two volumes in 8vo.
[5] His father married again, a Dumont de Lamberville, whose brother was one of the best friends of Louis de Frotté.
[6] The future journalist, founder of the Courrier de Versailles.
[7] This approximate date is furnished us by the death certificate of Lady Atkyns; but these certificates are known to have been for the most part very inaccurately made out, especially with regard to the date of birth, when they had reference to a foreigner dying at Paris.
[8] Will of Robert Walpole of March 14, 1803, by which he bequeathed all his worldly goods to his wife, Blancy Walpole, and to his three daughters, Mary, Frances, and Charlotte. Inventory after death of the effects of Lady Atkyns.—Unpublished Papers of Lady Atkyns.
[9] Genest: History of the Stage.
[10] Genest: History of the Stage. “This musical entertainment was written for the sake of exhibiting a representation of the camp at Coxheath.... Miss Walpole, as a young recruit, went through her exercises adroitly.”
[11] The Gentleman’s Magazine and Historical Chronicle, by Sylvanus Urban, Gent., London, vol. xlix., for the year 1779, p. 326.
[12] Diaries of a Lady of Quality, from 1797 to 1814, edited, with notes, by A. Hayward, Esq. London: Longman, Green & Co., 1864, pp. 216-219.
[13] “Milady Charlotte, English, pensioner of France, twelve livres; for one servant in 1789, two livres; twelve livres, two servants for 1790, four livres.”—Register of the Poll-tax of the Seven Parishes, 1790. Parish of St. André, Rue Princesse, No. 337, p. 46. Municipal Archives of Lille.
[14] “To-day, October 28, 1790, in the Assembly of the General Council of the town of Lille ... having heard the solicitor for the Commune, the Council proceeded to the continuation of the work of sur-taxation, and of taxation for the patriotic contribution.... After which, it proceeded to the taxation of those able to contribute, having an income of more than 400 livres, as follows:—Parish of St. André ... Rue Princesse, Milady Charlotte, because of her pension from the Royal Treasury ... 300 livres....”—Register No. 1 of the Deliberations of the Corporation of Lille. Archives of Lille.
[15] “On the 20th March, 1791, I the undersigned, Curate of this Parish, baptized Antoine-Quentin Atkyns, born yesterday at 8 o’clock a.m., the illegitimate son of Edward, native of England, and of Geneviève Leglen, native of Lille; attested by M. Warocquier, junior, registered accoucheur; verified by Derousseaux, clerk. God parents: Antoine-Quentin Derobois, and Therése Cordier, the undersigned,
Signed: “Derobois. Cordier,
“F. Dutheil, Curate.”
Civil Registers. Parish of St. Catherine. Baptisms. Archives of Lille.
[16] “After having loved and served the unhappy Marie-Antoinette with a love that was almost idolatry.”—Mémoires manuscrits de Frotté; La Sicotière, Louis de Frotté, etc., vol. i. p. 49. “O exquisite woman, let our Revolution end as it may, and even if you should have no part in it, you will still and for ever be to me the tender and devoted friend of Antoinette ... and she to whom I hope some day to owe all my happiness.”—Letter from de Frotté to Lady Atkyns, November, 1794. V. Delaporte, Centenaire de la mort de Marie-Antoinette. Études religieuses, October, 1893, p. 265.
[17] National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[18] Unpublished letter to Frotté, May 7, 1790. National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[19] In the course of a search made at Dunkirk, in Frotté’s dwelling-place (in circumstances of which we shall speak directly), the greater part of the articles seized were sent to the Committee of Research of the National Assembly, and it was in the Archives of this Committee that we discovered them. National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[20] The entire text will be found, published by M. A. Savine, in the Nouvelle Revue Retrospective, 1900, vol. xiii. pp. 217-233.
[21] “You will have got a letter from me, explaining my apparent neglect; I wrote it the day before I went to Vaux, as well as I remember. Your father, who may have told you in a moment of irritation that you were a burden to him (it was only a letter after all), charged me then to send you his love. My sister has often spoken of you with the most sincere and tender affection. You would be most unkind if you did not write to her; she would have every reason to be angry with you; you would pain her, and that would pain your father.... Dear fellow, don’t, don’t despair; you make me very uneasy by the way you write.”—Letter from Lamberville to Frotté. April 5, 1791. National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[22] To Fours, in the Eure district, whence the letter comes.
[23] Letter from Vallière to Frotté, November 13, 1790. National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[24] Letter dated “Lille, December 14” (1790). The address runs: “To M. le Vicomte de Frotté, officer in the Regiment Colonel-General of infantry at Dunkirk.” National Archives, D. XXIX. 36.
[25] Municipal Archives of Dunkirk, p. 60.
[26] Municipal Archives of Dunkirk, p. 60.
[27] It was from that place that they addressed, on July 3, 1791, a petition for the restoration of their effects left in the garrison, and also asked for the liberation of their regimental chaplain, whom the Corporation had had arrested, on the charge of having aided the plot.—Archives of Dunkirk, p. 60.
[28] Moniteur, June 30, 1791.