[1323] At Exton in Rutlandshire, children were allowed at the beginning of the nineteenth century to play in the church on Innocents’ Day (Leicester and Rutland Folk-Lore, 96). Probably a few other examples could be collected.

[1324] At Mainz, not only the pueri, but also the diaconi and the sacerdotes, had their episcopus (Dürr, 71). On the other hand at Vienne the term used at all the feasts, of the triduum and on January 1 and 6, was rex (Pilot de Thorey, Usages, Fêtes et Coutumes en Dauphiné, i. 179). The Boy Bishops received, for their brief day, all the external marks of honour paid to real bishops. They are alleged to have occasionally enjoyed more solid privileges. Louvet (Hist. et Ant. de Beauvais, cited Rigollot, 142), says that at Beauvais the right of presentation to chapter benefices falling vacant on Innocents’ Day fell to the pueri. Jean Van der Muelen or Molanus (De Canonicis (1587), ii. 43) makes a similar statement as to Cambrai: ‘Immo personatus hic episcopus in quibusdam locis reditus, census et capones, annue percipit: alibi mitram habet, multis episcoporum mitris sumptuosiorem. In Cameracensi ecclesia visus est vacantem, in mense episcopi, praebendam, quasi iure ad se devoluto, conferre; quam collationem beneficii vere magnifici, reverendissimus praesul, cum puer grato animo, magistrum suum, bene de ecclesia meritum, nominasset, gratam et raram habuit.’ At Mainz lost tradition had it that if an Elector died during the tenure of office by a Boy Bishop, the revenues sede vacante would fall to him. Unfortunately the chapter and verse of history disprove this (Dürr, 67, 79). On the other hand it is certain that the Boy Bishops assumed the episcopal privilege of coinage. Rigollot, 52 sqq., describes and figures a long series of fifteenth-and sixteenth-century coins or medals mostly struck by ‘bishops’ of the various churches and monastic houses of Amiens. They are the more interesting, because some of them bear ‘fools’ as devices, and thus afford another proof of the relations between the feasts of Boys and Fools. Lille monetae of the sixteenth century are figured by Vanhende, Numismatique Lilloise, 256, and others from Laon by C. Hidé, in Bull. de la Soc. acad. de Laon, xiii. 126. Some of Rigollot’s specimens seem to have belonged, not to Boy Bishops, but to confréries, who struck them as ‘jetons de présence’ (Chartier, L’ancien Chapitre de N.-D. de Paris, 178); and probably this is also the origin of the pieces found at Bury St. Edmunds, which have nothing in their devices to connect them with a Boy Bishop (Rimbault, xxvi).

[1325] Ivo Carnotensis, Epist. 67, ad papam Urbanum (P. L. clxii. 87)

Cf. Rigollot, 143.

[1326] Lucas Cusentinus (†1203-24) Ordinarium (Martene, iii. 39): ‘Puero episcopello pontificalia conceduntur insignia, et ipse dicit orationes.’

[1327] The Ritual (†1264) of St. Omer (Mém. de la Soc. des Antiq. de la Morinie, xx. 186) has the following rubric for St. Nicholas’ Day ‘in secundis vesperis ... a choristis incipitur prosa Sospitati dedit egros, in qua altercando cantatur iste versus Ergo laudes novies tantum, ne immoderatum tedium generet vel derisum.’ The same rubric recurs on St. Catherine’s Day. At St. Omer, as at Paris (cf. p. 363), these were the two winter holidays for scholars. Cf. also p. 289, and A. Legrand, Réjouissances des écoliers de N.-D. de St. Omer, le jour de St.-Nicholas, leur glorieux patron (Mémoires, ut cit. vii. 160). The St. Omer Episcopus puerorum also officiated on Innocents’ Eve and the octave. Dreves, Anal. Hymn. xxi. 82, gives various cantiones for St. Nicholas’ Day; e.g.

In England it is probable that the Beverley Boy Bishop also officiated on St. Nicholas’ Day. A chapter order of Jan. 7, 1313, directs the transfer of the ‘servitium sancti Nicholai in festo eiusdem per Magistrum Scholarum Beverlacensium celebrandum’ to the altar of St. Blaize during the building of a new nave (A. F. Leach, Memorials of Beverley Minster, Surtees Soc. i. 307).

[1328] Tille, D. W. 32; Leach, 130. The connexion of St. Nicholas with children may be explained by, if it did not rather give rise to, either the legend of his early piety, ‘The first day that he was washed and bained, he addressed him right up in the bason, and he wold not take the breast nor the pap but once on the Wednesday and once on the Friday, and in his young age he eschewed the plays and japes of other young children’ (Golden Legend, ii. 110); or the various other legends which represent him as bringing children out of peril. Cf. Golden Legend, ii. 119 sqq., and especially the history of the resurrection of three boys from a pickle-tub narrated by Mr. Leach from Wace. A. Maury, (Croyances et Légendes du Moyen Âge (ed. 1896), 149) tries to find the origin of this in misunderstood iconographic representations of the missionary saint at the baptismal font.

[1329] Leach, 130; Golden Legend, ii. 111.

[1330] Cf. ch. xi. The position of St. Nicholas’ Day in the ceremonies discussed in this chapter is sometimes shared by other feasts of the winter cycle: St. Edmund’s (Nov. 20), St. Clement’s (Nov. 23), St. Catherine’s (Nov. 25), St. Andrew’s (Nov. 30), St. Eloi’s (Dec. 1), St. Lucy’s (Dec. 13). Cf. pp. 349-51, 359, 366-8. The feast of St. Mary Magdalen, kept in a Norman convent (p. 362), was, however, in the summer (July 22).

[1331] Specht, 229; Tille, D. W. 300; Wetze and Welte, iv. 1411. Roman schoolmasters expected a present at the Minervalia (March 18-23); cf. the passage from Tertullian in Appendix N (1).

[1332] Martin Franc, Champion des dames (Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, v. 58).

[1333] Du Tilliot, 87.

[1334] Julleville, Les Com. 241.

[1335] Julleville, Les Com. 193, 256; Du Tilliot, 97. The chief officers of the chapel fous were the ‘bâtonnier’ and the ‘protonotaire et procureur des fous.’ In the Infanterie these are replaced by the emblematical Mère Folle and the ‘Procureur fiscal’ known as ‘Fiscal vert’ or ‘Griffon vert.’ Du Tilliot and others have collected a number of documents concerning the Infanterie, together with representations of seals, badges, &c., used by them. These may be compared in Du Tilliot with the bâton belonging to the Chapel period (1482), which he also gives. The motto of the Infanterie is worth noticing. It was Numerus stultorum infinitus est, and was taken from Ecclesiastes, i. 15. It was used also at Amiens (Julleville, Les Com. 234).

[1336] At Amiens the ‘feste du Prince des Sots’ existed in 1450 (Julleville, Les Com. 233), but the ‘Pope of Fools’ was not finally suppressed in the cathedral for another century. But at Amiens there was an immense multiplication of ‘fool’-organizations. Each church and convent had its ‘episcopus puerorum,’ and several of these show fous on their coins. Rigollot, 77, 105, figures a coin with fous, which he assigns to a confrérie in the parish of St. Remigius; also a coin, dated 1543, of an ‘Evesque des Griffons.’

[1337] Julleville, Les Com. 144.

[1338] The term cornard seems to be derived from the ‘cornes’ of the traditional fool headdress. Leber, ix. 353, reprints from the Mercure de France for April, 1725, an account of a procession made by the abbas cornardorum at Evreux mounted upon an ass, which directly recalls the Feast of Fools. A macaronic chanson used on the occasion of one of these processions is preserved:

Research has identified Dom de la Bucaille and Donna Venissia as respectively a prior of St. Taurin, and a prioress of St. Saviour’s, in Evreux.

[1339] A coquille is a misprint, and this société was composed of the printers of Lyon.

[1340] Conc. of Avignon (1326), c. 37, de societatibus colligationibus et coniurationibus quas confratrias appellant radicitus extirpandis (Labbé, xi. 1738), forbids both clerks and laymen ‘ne se confratres priores abbatas praedictae societatis appellent.’ The charges brought against the confréries are of perverting justice, not of wanton revelry, and therefore it is probably not ‘sociétés joyeuses’ that are in question; cf. Ducange, s. v. Abbas Confratriae, quoting a Paris example. Grenier, 362, however, mentions a ‘confrérie’ in the Hôpital de Rue at Amiens (†1210) which was under an ‘évêque’; cf. the following note.

[1341] I find an ‘évesque des folz’ at Béthune, a ‘M. le Cardinal’ as head of the ‘Joyeux’ at Rheims (Julleville, Les Com. 242; Rép. Com. 340), and an ‘évesque des Griffons’ at Amiens (Rigollot, 105). Exceptional is, I believe, the Société des Foux founded on the lines of a chivalric order by Adolphe, Comte de Clèves, in 1380 (Du Tilliot, 84).

[1342] Julleville, 236; Guy, 471.

[1343] Julleville, 88, 136. The Paris Basoche was a ‘royaume’; those of Chambéry and Geneva were ‘abbayes.’

[1344] Cf. p. 304.

[1345] Julleville, Les Com. 152.

[1346] Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, v. 690; Julleville, Les Com. 297; Rashdall, Universities of Europe, ii. 611. It was probably to this student custom that the Tournai rioters of 1499 appealed (cf. p. 301). In 1470 the Faculty of Arts ordered the suppression of it. Cf. C. Jourdain, Index Chartarum Paris. 294 (No. 1369). On Jan. 5 they met ‘ad providendum remedium de electione regis fatuorum,’ and decreed ‘quod nullus scolaris assumeret habitum fatui pro illo anno, nec in collegio, nec extra collegium, nisi forsan duntaxat ludendo farsam vel moralitatem.’ Several scholars ‘portantes arma et assumentes habitus fatuorum’ were corrected on Jan. 24, and it was laid down that ‘reges vero fatuorum priventur penitus a gradu quocumque.’

[1347] Grenier, 365; Ducange, s. v. Deposuit, quoting Stat. Hosp. S. Iacobi Paris. (sixteenth century), ‘après le diner, on porte le baton au cueur, et là est le trésorier, qui chante et fait le Deposuit.’ Stat. Syn. Petri de Broc. episc. Autiss. (1642) ‘pendant que les bâtons de confrérie seront exposez, pour être enchéris, l’on ne chantera Magnificat, et n’appliquera-t-on point ces versets Deposuit et Suscepit à la délivrance d’iceux; ains on chantera quelque antienne et répons avec l’oraison propre en l’honneur du Saint, duquel on célèbre la feste.’

[1348] Cf. ch. iii and Appendix F; and on the general character of the puys, Julleville, Les Com. 42; Guy, xxxiv; Paris, 185. Some documents with regard to a fourteenth-century puy in London are in Riley, Liber Custumarum, xlviii. 216, 479 (Munim. Gildh. Lond. in R. S.); Memorials of London, 42.

[1349] Julleville, Les Com. 92, 233, 236, 241.

[1350] Clément-Hémery, Fêtes du Dép. du Nord, 184, states on the authority of a MS. without title or signature that this fête originated in a prose with a bray in it, sung by the canons of St. Peter’s. The lay form of the feast can be traced from †1476 to 1668. Leber, x. 135, puts the (clerical) origin before 1282.

[1351] Julleville, Les Com. 92, 204, 247.

[1352] F. Guérard, Les Fous de Saint-Germain, in Mélanges d’Hist. et d’Arch. (Amiens, 1861), 17. On the Saturday before the first Sunday in May children in the rue St. Germain carry boughs, singing

In the church they used to place a bottle crowned with yellow primroses, called ‘coucous.’ The dwellers in the parish are locally known as ‘fous,’ and an historical myth is told to account for this. Probably May-day has here merged with St. Germain’s Day (May 2) in a ‘fête des fous.’ Payments for decking the church appear in old accounts.

[1353] Guérard, op. cit. 46.

[1354] Leber, x. 125, from Mercure de France for April, 1726; Gasté, 46.

[1355] ‘ludunt ad quillas super voltas ecclesiae ... faciunt podia, choreas et choros ... et reliqua sicut in natalibus.’

[1356] Leber, ix. 261.

[1357] Julleville, Les Com. 233, quotes a decree of the municipality of Amiens in 1450, ‘Il a esté dit et declairié qu’il semble que ce sera tres grande recreacion, considéré les bonnes nouvelles que de jour en jour en disoit du Roy nostre sire, et que le ducée de Normendie est du tout reunye en sa main, de fere la feste du Prince des Sots.’

[1358] Ibid. 214.

[1359] Cf. ch. vii.

[1360] Julleville, Les Com. 209.

[1361] Leber, ix. 150, reprints the Recueil de la Chevauchée faicte en la Ville de Lyon le dix septiesme de novembre, 1578. Another Lyon Recueil dates from 1566. Cf. Julleville, Les Com. 234 (Amiens), 243 (Lyon), 248 (Rouen).

[1362] Cf. chs. xiii, xiv. The theatrales ludi of Pope Innocent III’s decree in 1207 probably refers only to the burlesque ‘offices’ of the feasts condemned; and even the terms used by the Theological Faculty in 1445—spectacula, ludi theatrales, personagiorum ludi—might mean no more, for at Troyes in the previous year the ‘jeu du sacre de leur arcevesque’ was called a ‘jeu de personnages,’ and this might have been a mere burlesque consecration. However, ‘jeu de personnages’ generally implies something distinctly dramatic (cf. ch. xxiv). It recurs in the Sens order of 1511. The Beauvais Daniel was possibly played at a Feast of Fools: at Tours a Prophetae and a miraculum appear under similar conditions; at Autun a Herod gave a name to the dominus festi. At Laon there were ‘mysteries’ in 1464 and 1465; by 1531 these had given way to ‘comedies.’ Farces were played at Tournai in 1498 and comedies at Lille in 1526.

[1363] Cf. ch. xv. The Toul Statutes of 1497 mention the playing of miracles, morals, and farces. At Laon the playing of a comedy had been dropped before 1546.

[1364] Julleville, Rép. Com. 321 (Catalogue des representations), and elsewhere, gives many examples. The following decree (†1327) of Dominique Grima, bishop of Pamiers, is quoted by L. Delisle, in Romania, xxii. 274: ‘Dampnamus autem et anathematizamus ludum cenicum vocatum Centum Drudorum, vulgariter Cent Drutz, actenus observatum in nostra dyocesi, et specialiter in nostra civitate Appamiensi et villa de Fuxo, per clericos et laycos interdum magni status; in quo ludo effigiabantur prelati et religiosi graduum et ordinum diversorum, facientes processionem cum candelis de cepo, et vexilis in quibus depicta erant membra pudibunda hominis et mulieris. Induebant etiam confratres illius ludi masculos iuvenes habitu muliebri et deducebant eos processionaliter ad quendam quem vocabant priorem dicti ludi, cum carminibus inhonestissima verba continentes....’ The confrates and the prior here look like a société joyeuse, but the ‘ludus cenicus’ was probably less a regular play than a dramatized bit of folk-ritual, like the Troyes Sacre de l’arcevesque and the Charivaris. The change of sex-costume is to be noted.

[1365] Cf. ch. xx.

[1366] Julleville, Les Com. 33; La Com. 73 ‘Le premier qui s’avisa, pendant l’ivresse bruyante de la fête, de monter dans la chaire chrétienne et d’y parodier le prédicateur dans une improvisation burlesque, débita le premier sermon joyeux. C’est à l’origine, comme nous avons dit, “une indécente plaisanterie de sacristain en goguette.”’ A list of extant sermons joyeux is given by Julleville, Rép. Com. 259.

[1367] Julleville, Les Com. 32, 145; La Com. 68; E. Picot, La Sottie en France (Romania, vii. 236). Jean Bouchet, Épîtres morales et familières du Traverseur (1545), i. 32, thus defines the Sottie:

[1368] Cf. ch. viii.

[1369] Creizenach, i. 395; Julleville, Les Com. 46; La Com. 19; Rép. Com. 20; E. Langlois, Robin et Marion, 13; Guy, 337; M. Sepet, Le Jeu de la Feuillée, in Études romaines dédiées à G. Paris, 69. The play is sometimes called Le Jeu d’Adam. The text is printed in Monmerque et Michel, Théâtre français au Moyen Âge, 55, and E. de Coussemaker, Œuvres de Adam de la Halle, 297.

[1370] The extant sotties are catalogued by Julleville, Rép. Com. 104, and E. Picot, in Romania, vii. 249.

[1371] Creizenach, i. 406; G. Gregory Smith, Transition Period, 317; Goedeke, Deutsche Dichtung, i. 325; V. Michels, Studien über die ältesten deutschen Fastnachtspiele, 101. The latter writer inclines to consider the Narr of these plays as substituted by fifteenth century for a more primitive Teufel. The plays themselves are collected by A. von Keller, Fastnachtspiele aus dem 15. Jahrhundert (1853-8).

[1372] C. H. Herford, Literary Relations of England and Germany, 323 sqq.; cf. G. Gregory Smith, op. cit. 176. On an actual pseudo-chivalric Order of Fools cf. p. 375.

[1373] F. C. Hingeston-Randolph, Register of Bishop Grandisson, ii. 1055, Litera pro iniqua fraternitate de Brothelyngham. ‘Ad nostrum, siquidem, non sine inquietudine gravi, pervenit auditum, quod in Civitate nostra Exonie secta quedam abhominabilis quorundam hominum malignorum, sub nomine Ordinis, quin pocius erroris, de Brothelyngham, procurante satore malorum operum, noviter insurrexit; qui, non Conventum sed conventiculam facientes evidenter illicitam et suspectam, quemdam lunaticum et delirum, ipsorum utique operibus aptissime congruentem, sibi, sub Abbatis nomine, prefecerunt, ipsumque Monachali habitu induentes ac in Theatro constitutum velut ipsorum idolum adorantes, ad flatum cornu, quod sibi statuerunt pro campana, per Civitatis eiusdem vicos et plateas, aliquibus iam elapsis diebus, cum maxima equitum et peditum multitudine commitarunt [sic]; clericos eciam laicos ceperunt eis obviam tunc prestantes, ac aliquos de ipsorum domibus extraxerunt, et invitos tam diu ausu temerario et interdum sacrilego tenuerunt, donec certas pecuniarum summas loco sacrificii, quin verius sacrilegii, extorserunt ab eisdem. Et quamvis hec videantur sub colore et velamine ludi, immo ludibrii, attemptari, furtum est, tamen, proculdubio, in eo quod ab invitis capitur et rapina.’ There is no such place as Brothelyngham, but ‘brethelyng,’ ‘brethel,’ ‘brothel,’ mean ‘good-for-nothing’ (N. E. D., s. vv.).

[1374] Du Tilliot, pl. 4.

[1375] Ibid. pll. 1-12 passim.

[1376] Julleville, Les Com. 234.

[1377] Ibid. 246; Rigollot, lxxxiv.

[1378] Marot, Epistre du Coq en l’Asne (ed. Jannet, i. 224; ed. Guiffrey, iii. 352):

For other Paris evidence cf. Julleville, Les Com. 144, 147; E. Picot, in Romania, vii. 242.

[1379] Picot, in Romania, vii. 245; Keller, Fastnachtspiele, 258.

[1380] Rigollot, 73, 166, and passim; Strutt, 222; Douce, 516; Julleville, Les Com. 147. There are many examples in the literature referred to on p. 382.

[1381] Rigollot, lxxix.

[1382] F. de Ficoroni, Le Maschere sceniche e le Figure comiche d’antichi Romani, 186, pl. 72.

[1383] Dieterich, 237, traces the coxcomb to Italian comedy of the Atellane type; cf. ch. xxiii, on ‘Punch.’

[1384] Douce, pl. 3; cf. Leber, in Rigollot, lxi. 164, quoting the proverb ‘pisa in utre perstrepentia’ and a statement of Savaron, Traité contre les Masques (1611), that at Clermont in Auvergne men disguised ‘en Fols’ ran through the streets at Christmas ‘tenant des masses à la main, farcies de paille ou de bourre, en forme de braiette, frappant hommes et femmes.’ I suppose the bauble, like the hood, was originally part of the sacrificial exuviae and the marotte a sophistication of it.

[1385] Julleville, Les Com. 147, quoting Réponse d’Angoulevent à l’archipoète des pois pillez (1603):

[1386] Leber, in Rigollot, lxviii.

[1387] Julleville, Les Com. 195, 203.

[1388] Du Tilliot, 84.

[1389] See e. g. the plate (p. 9) and description (p. xii) of Touchstone in Miss E. Fogerty’s ‘costume edition’ of As You Like It.

[1390] Twelfth Night, i. 5. 95, 101; Lear, i. 4. 220.

[1391] To the English data given by the historians of court fools may be added Wardrobe Account 28 Edw. I, 1299-1300 (Soc. Antiq.), 166 ‘Martinetto de Vasconia fatuo ludenti coram dicto domino Edwardo,’ and Lib. de Comp. Garderobae, temp. Edw. II (MS. Cotton, Nero, C. viii. ff. 83, 85), quoted by Strutt, 194 ‘twenty shillings paid to Robert le Foll to buy a boclarium ad ludendum before the king.’ Robert le Foll had also a garcio. For fools at the Scottish court of James IV cf. L. H. T. i. cxcix, &c.; iii. xcii, &c.; and on Thomas, the fool of Durham Priory in the fourteenth century, Appendix E (1).

[1392] Rigollot, 74; Moreau, 180, quoting a (clearly misdated) letter of Charles V to the municipality of Troyes, which requires the provision of a new ‘fol de cour’ by that city as a royal droit. The king’s eulogy of his fool is rather touching: ‘savoir faisons à leurs dessus dictes seigneuries que Thévenin nostre fol de cour vient de trespasser de celluy monde dedans l’aultre. Le Seigneur Dieu veuille avoir en gré l’âme de luy qui oneques ne faillit en sa charge et fonction emprès nostre royale Seigneurie et mesmement ne voult si trespasser sans faire quelque joyeuseté et gentille farce de son métier.’

[1393] Moreau, 177, 197.

[1394] Quoted by Julleville, Les Com. 148:

[1395] Requestes présentées au Roy ... par le S. de Vertau (1605), quoted by Leber, in Rigollot, lxvi; Julleville, Les Com. 147 ‘un habit ... qui estoit faict par bandes de serge, moitié de couleur verte et l’autre de jaune; et là où il y avoit des bandes jaunes, il y avoit des passemens verts, et sur les vertes des passemens jaunes ... et un bonnet aussi moitié de jaune et vert, avec des oreilles, &c.’

[1396] Kempe, Loseley MSS, 35, 47, 85.

[1397] Douce, 512; Doran, 293. Lodge, Wits Miserie (1599), describes a fool as ‘in person comely, in apparell courtly.’ The Durham accounts (Appendix E (1)) contain several entries of cloth and shoes purchased for the fool Thomas, but there is no mention of a hood.

[1398] Douce, 510.

[1399] Ibid. 510, 511. Hence the common derived sense of ‘coxcomb’ for a foolish, vain fellow.

[1400] Douce, 509, quoting ‘the second tale of the priests of Peblis,’ which, for all I know, may be a translation, ‘a man who counterfeits a fool is described “with club and bel and partie cote with eiris”; but it afterwards appears that he had both a club and a bauble.’

[1401] Douce, 510.

[1402] Douce, 512, quoting Gesta Grayorum, ‘the scribe claims the manor of Noverinte, by providing sheepskins and calves-skins to wrappe his highness wards and idiotts in’; cf. King John, iii. 1. 129 ‘And hang a calf’s-skin on those recreant limbs.’

[1403] Douce, 511.

[1404] Twelfth Night, i. 5. 63; As You Like It, ii. 7. 13, 43; King Lear, i. 4. 160; Midsummer Night’s Dream, iv. 1. 215. But the ‘long motley coat guarded with yellow’ of Hen. VIII, prol. 16, does not quite correspond to anything in the ‘habit de fou.’

[1405] King Lear, i. 4. 106. Cf. Taming of the Shrew, ii. 1. 226 ‘What is your crest? a coxcomb?’

[1406] All’s Well that Ends Well, iv. 5. 32. There are double entendre’s here and in the allusion to the ‘bauble’ of a ‘natural’ in Romeo and Juliet, ii. 4. 97, which suggest less a ‘marotte’ than a bauble of the bladder type; cf. p. 197.

[1407] As You Like It, ii. 4. 47.

[1408] Cf. ch. xxv.

[1409] Twelfth Night, ii. 3. 22.

[1410] Fools appear in As You Like It (†1599), All’s Well that Ends Well (†1601), Twelfth Night (†1601), King Lear (†1605); cf. the allusion to Yorick, the king’s jester in Hamlet, v. 1. 198 (†1603). Kempe seems to have left the Shakespearian company in 1598 or 1599.

[1411] According to Fleay, Biog. Chron. i. 25, Armin’s Nest of Ninnies, of 1608 (ed. Shakes. Soc.), is a revision of his Fool upon Fool of 1605.

[1412] As You Like It, v. 4. 111. Cf. Lionel Johnson, The Fools of Shakespeare, in Noctes Shakespearianae (Winchester Sh. Soc.); J. Thümmel, Ueber Sh.’s Narren (Sh.-Jahrbuch, ix. 87).

[1413] Tille, Y. and C. 162; Sandys, 20. At Christmas, 1065, Edward the Confessor ‘curiam tenuit’ at London, and dedicated Westminster Abbey on Innocents’ day (Florence of Worcester, Chronicle, ed. Thorpe, i. 224).

[1414] Tille, Y. and C. 160; Ramsay, F. of E. ii. 43.

[1415] Sandys, 23; Ashton, 9.

[1416] Sandys, 53; Ashton, 14; Drake, 94.

[1417] Ashton, 26; Stubbes, i. 173. Cf. Vaughan’s Poems (Muses Library, i. 107):