Salvaterra, August 18, 1809.
My Dearest Mother,
I take the opportunity of being able to write to give you some account of myself and our proceedings. My hand, as you will see by my being able to write, is nearly well, though still weak. I suffered a good deal from it, from not applying the proper remedies, and supposing I had merely dislocated two of my knuckles, for my hand and arm had swelled so much, from travelling day after day in the excessive heat, that it was not till I arrived at the English Head Quarters express a month after, and consulted an English surgeon, that I discovered that one of the small bones in the back of the hand was broken. Nature, however, has joined it, and I trust in a few weeks I shall be entirely as strong as ever. It has been a serious inconvenience, particularly when near the enemy, and expecting to be engaged. Except in writing, however, it never has prevented my duty, though I confess sometimes, after a sleepless night, I could almost have cried from pain and vexation.
I dictated a letter to my father from Acebo and Los Hoyos, fearing you would be very anxious at not hearing from me, which I hope has been received. We have now made a forward movement to Moralega in order to straiten the enemy in his foraging. They constantly dislodged a post we had at Coria, where they came for provisions, nor was it in our power to prevent them, and the inhabitants, who had not fled, either from fear or treason, seemed more ready to supply them than us, so much so in every direction, added to the ignorance and want of arrangement in our Commissaries, that our troops have suffered greatly from want of provisions, particularly bread. The selfish unfriendly conduct of the Spaniards high and low, not giving us any hopes of a supply, Marshal Beresford has been forced to retreat towards this place, on his way to Castello Branco, in order to feed his troops, who are in great distress, without even seeing the enemy, or his making the least forward movement towards us, except in small foraging parties, to Coria, near where they have caught a valuable convoy of English hospital stores, I cannot help thinking, in a great measure from the excessive ignorance and want of energy in the Purveyor, who was seven days considering whether the French would come there or not.
As to the conduct of the Spaniards, both to the English and this army, it has been most shameful. I shall not enlarge on this disagreeable subject. It is enough to say both armies are very much irritated. They have every wish that we should fight for them, but do not deign to treat us with common civility, or our men, when sick or wounded, with common humanity. They conceal their provisions, drive away their cattle, and when possible escape themselves, leaving either friends or foes to subsist as well as they can, complaining however most loudly and bitterly if a single cabbage is taken without leave. When our men have been starving they have refused to sell even a loaf, and if they did, at a most exorbitant price. They will rob your very stores almost in your sight, and, though every town and village expects you are to stay for its defence, they will not, except forced, contribute in any way to assist. This is the complaint, and universal in both English and Portuguese armies, and as for their soldiers fighting, I never thought they would. They never have. The French treat them with the utmost contempt. 5300 and odd brave soldiers of the British were killed or wounded at Talavera without 45,000 Spaniards, who were present, moving in any way to their support; and since, 3000 wounded of these were abandoned by that old brute Cuesta in Talavera, contrary to Sir A. Wellesley’s orders or intention, and without any attack on the part of the enemy.
This obstinate surly old ignorant fellow is, thank God, removed. He was, to say the best of him, quite superannuated, and so violent and obstinate that everybody feared him but his enemies.
There never was such folly as sending an army into Spain again. The character of the Spaniards is so selfish, jealous, and proud, with all the surliness of Englishmen, and not a spark of their good qualities, that a foreign army in their country must always risk being abandoned. They, besides, will not fight for themselves, and it is impossible England alone can defend them. This picture is perhaps strong, and I really feel much irritated against them, but I am sure it is the opinion of almost every individual. The inhabitants fly in all directions at the approach of the enemy, and whenever your army comes, they fancy the enemy are coming also. You are therefore unable to procure subsistence, and of course equally so to defend them. The magistrates fly, to avoid the trouble of providing you, as everything is concealed. All the towns we have been in are nearly abandoned, and we have been forced to break into empty houses for a lodging. In short, war in any shape is a horrid scourge to the inhabitants.
We are in very low spirits at the bad accounts from Austria. A peace in that country will decide the fate of these most undoubtedly. We may prolong the war and sacrifice many lives, but I am convinced that it will be to no purpose, and even should Sir A.W., who, it is reported, is to be made Commander in Chief in Spain, and a most clever fine fellow as ever existed, be able to avert their ultimate destruction, another brilliant victory, or even more, if the Tyrant overruns Germany, and Austria falls, cannot alter my opinion, and I shall doubly regret every British life that is lost after that country makes peace.
Poor Whittingham, who is a Brigadier in the Spanish Service, was shot through the cheek and hurt severely, while endeavouring most gallantly to rally a Spanish regiment of cavalry. He is however doing well. I am much annoyed at not being able to get any account of Harvey. Milman is badly wounded. These are the only officers I have heard of that you know. Fremantle is well.
Castello Branco, August 20th.
We arrived here yesterday, and will, I hope, remain some days to refresh our poor patient half-starved soldiers, and observe the enemy’s motions. A strong corps of theirs forced the Pass of Baños defended by Sir R. Wilson and about 3000 men, Portuguese and Spaniards. They resisted the whole day, but had no guns, and were forced to retreat to avoid being surrounded.
It is impossible to judge yet of what the plans of the French can be, particularly this Corps, which has re-entered Castile and marched towards Salamanca, leaving 10 or 12,000 men at Placencia; nor have I the least idea of what Sir A. Wellesley’s intentions are. I over and over again wish I was with his brave army. It is wretched unsatisfactory work being with this; nothing but constant vexation and disgust, particularly of their Officers. The men, poor devils, are patient and obedient, voilà tout, I think, yet the British Officers with the regiments think they would fight. I am convinced this would depend entirely on circumstances, and if they do unfortunately get beaten, I fear they will at any rate not hazard it again. What a different army I was with a year ago! How gloriously employed where with such soldiers! If Austria makes peace, I shall soon have the happiness again of embracing my beloved family, for the game will be soon settled in these countries.
I think the French will move towards Zamora, and threaten Portugal immediately, to draw away our army from this quarter, and Sir A. W., if possible, out of Spain, to protect it.
Adieu, my dearest Mother, kindest love to my Father, etc., etc., etc., from Your Ever Affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
You sent me out last year, which I never got, a new Aide-de-Camp’s coat. If it is in existence and not lost, pray send it to Lisbon to me, as I sometimes wear it, and do not wish to make another Portuguese, which is very expensive.
Hd. Qrs., Lisbon, Sept. 6, 1809.
My Dearest Father,
I wrote to my mother from Castello Branco, as soon as my hand which I broke would permit me without inconvenience, which I hope you have received. My hand is now quite well. We left Castello Branco on the 30th. The greatest part of the army having marched, in different divisions, to occupy cantonments at Abrantes, Thomar, Vizeu, Coimbra, etc., in order to be able to feed them and clothe them, so as to be enabled to take the field again, with some chance of health, as soon as the enemy, who has also retired into cantonments, shall attempt anything. We know they want rest as much as we do, and have divided their corps, Soult at Coria, Placencia, Larza, etc., Marchand at Salamanca, etc., etc., Mortier at Zamora, Toro, etc. This is the army that was in our front. Of that of Victor I know nothing. Nor do I even know where Sir A. Wellesley is.
We quitted Spain (Coria, Placencia, etc.), partly from orders from Sir A. W. partly because we were absolutely starved, and the cursed Spaniards would do nothing for us, concealed all means of subsistence, and fled as fast as approached. The French, who have not the same necessity of temporising as we have, will know how to extract what is left, though we know from deserters that they are very badly off. At Castello Branco also the army would not exist many days longer together, and our Commissariat, and even distribution of what little we had was infamous. There was no remedy left but to divide the army into corps, station them where they may be assembled at the shortest notice, and at whatever point we may be attacked, and meantime employ ourselves in getting them clothed and disciplined, of which there is much want after all their exertions. The men, poor fellows, are well enough, very obedient, willing, and patient, but also naturally dirty and careless of their persons, dreadfully sickly, and they have a natural softness, or want of fortitude, which makes them yield immediately without exertion to sickness or fatigue. The Officers, for the most part, are detestable, mean, ignorant, and self-sufficient. It is incredible the little mean intrigues, the apathy, and want of military sentiment, Marshal Beresford has had to work against. Nothing but a very severe discipline can overcome these, and which I hope he will follow.
Should however Austria fall, and France turn her whole force this way, I fear the ruin of these countries could but be for a short time delayed, and at the expense of many lives. The events in Germany, as I before wrote, should decide your conduct with regard to this. I merely venture an opinion in a military point of view. I confess in this last campaign I felt not the least wish to see the Portuguese troops engaged. If we had been beat, we were lost, and the state of our men from hunger, fatigue, want of proper clothing, made me feel but slender hopes of the contrary. We were, however, most anxious to afford every assistance in our power by a diversion in favour of our gallant noble countrymen with Sir A. W., and in such light would have regretted no loss, and certainly dared any danger.
We came from Castello Branco to Abrantes in one day by Niza, in a day nearly 20 leagues, or 70 odd English miles. It was dreadfully hot, and I think I never suffered more from fatigue and heat. We left Castello Branco at 12 at night, and I rode my own horse to Niza, where, however, I got a tired post mule, who could only get half way to Gaveon, and made me walk a great part of the way. In consequence it was near 7 P.M. before I got into Abrantes. The rest had arrived at two. We left that next day in a boat for Lisbon at 5 in the morning, and arrived about 6 next morning. It was rather a tiresome voyage, nor can I say much for the beauties of the banks of this famous River. It is also very shallow above Vallados, so that even in an English flat we were constantly on shore. Just about Abrantes, (which the Marshal has made very strong) and Santarem, it is pretty enough. Also near Barcinha and Tancos, where the banks are higher than they are generally.
Rankin has turned out one of the greatest villains I ever met with. He had latterly behaved most infamously, and I had reason to suspect him of stealing, but could bring no absolute proof. I, however, had determined he should join his Regt. as soon as I should come near it. However at Castello Branco I detected him in falsifying a ration return from 2 to 12 rations of bread and wine, adding the 1, and turned him off at Niza to a party of the 23rd. On coming to Lisbon, however, I have discovered that he has robbed not only me of a great many articles of value, but in every place we have been he must have done the same, as on examining his trunk, which, however, a friend of his had removed out of my room here, and opened, but had not had time to secrete, I discovered a large amount of Bank Notes and silver and gold, many stolen articles, among others a spoon belonging to this house, a very valuable gold and agate snuff-box; and, though he made me buy him clothes just before we left Lisbon, saying he was quite naked, a large quantity of every kind. I have sent off to General Crawford who commands at Niza, to have him confined closely, and shall write to Sir A. Wellesley for a Court Martial on him. I do not so much mind what I have myself lost, however provoking, but am vexed beyond anything at his having plundered everybody wherever we went. Though I have sent up to General Crawford, I have no doubt he has deserted, as he asked me for money at Niza, stole one of my double barrelled Pistols and all my shaving things. As a great part of his money is in English Bank Notes, I should not at all wonder if he had robbed your house. You would be astonished at the rascality that has come out against him since he was detected, and that he should have so long deceived us.
I got a letter from Clara the other day. She was quite well. Should things go worse, I will get an order for her to quit the convent, and act for the best, as circumstances may occur, and as I think you wish.
Sept. 8th.—We are just returned from reviewing the Cavalry which has been for some time organising here, that is reducing some Regiments to act as dismounted, and from them endeavouring to complete some squadrons of the others effective. They are tolerably equipped, but I think no great things, certainly the worst arm of its kind in Portugal. They will, however, soon be able to march. It has rained incessantly during the 5 hours we have been out, and I suppose the Marshal staid in it to accustom them a não ter medo a chuva,[13] though I fear in consequence many will be troubled with dores de bariga,[14] a disorder we have found very prevalent among the officers going to Spain, and for which we had numberless petitions to go to Caldas, till it became proverbial for not wishing to serve. It is currently reported some of the wretched old crook-kneed horses we ran intend to petition for a like indulgence, fearing their strength will not be sufficient to carry them through the campaign. It should be granted. The 3 eldest cornets of one Regt. make up near 180 years age!
Pray give my kindest love to my dear mother, etc., and believe me most truly, my dear Father, your very affectionate son,
Wm. Warre.
Hd. Qrs., Lisbon, Sept. 11, 1809.
My Dearest Father,
I have been most truly vexed at not receiving your very affectionate letters of 5th July and 2nd August, annexed with my dear mother’s of 10th July, till yesterday, late in the evening. The stupid clerks in the army post-office sent them up to Lord Wellington’s army. I have for some time past been very fidgety at not hearing, and the three last packets do not bring me a line from anyone, or they also are gone to the English army while I am in Lisbon.
I am sorry my letter was so expensive. It was Col. Brown’s brother’s fault, who told me it would go free. With regard to the affairs of this country I have nothing new to communicate, and observe from your letter we are perfectly agreed. Nor shall I say anything further to Pedro Alvez, as you have given him your orders. Just what I intended to have done, had not the French army retired into cantonments. Only I will apprise him with all possible speed, should any unexpected danger arise.
Also about Clara, I had already determined to apply for a permission for her to quit the convent, which I will do, and act on it as circumstances may require. I think, however, she is better there as long as she can be so without risk. With regard to Madeira, I am unable on so short consideration to give any opinion. I am told there is a most respectable convent there, but the means of transport, admission, etc., etc., have of course some difficulty. I should also like to bring it about with her so that it should appear rather her own wish than ours, which may be done with a little management. On this subject, however, I will write further when better informed.
You wish to know my situation in the country, etc., etc. It is simply this, I have the rank of Major, but neither pay, nor allowances, or fixed regiment. It was intended to have given those who chose it the Portuguese pay, that is those who got no rank, by entering it, in their own service. This I refused, and have already informed you of my reasons, which I hope you approve. However, since I find we are not to get it, as we receive English staff pay, and Batt and Forage, I received the other day, which, however, they threaten to make me refund, (150 f. for horses), and besides this I neither have nor do receive one farthing from their Government, or any besides my English pay.
I could indeed make it out very well on my Staff pay, but for my losses in horses. Within this four months I have paid 80 guineas for one horse. He is completely lame and at Pinhel; 50 do. for another, left at Lamego, water in his chest. I have been forced to ride a black horse, which the General lent me, the whole campaign, as to buying horses at any price is impossible, except at Lisbon. Here I yesterday bought a mare blind of an eye, though a very nice one, for 40 gns. In this case, as you will suppose, with very expensive dress, I cannot save much towards my majority.
Since Rankin robbed me and was turned off, I have found it impossible to get a servant of any kind who would look after myself and horses, and am at last obliged to hire a Valet de Chambre (to avoid paying 800 Reis per diem to a Valet de place, who does nothing). He is highly recommended, has the care of everything, overlooks the stable, and finds himself in everything at 4 moidores a month. I shall not however keep him longer, when I can get an English groom.
I will send you the statement of losses at Coruña as soon as I can get an opportunity, and a printed form. The conduct of our Government towards the young men who entered the Portuguese service, and have exerted themselves very much, all meritorious young Officers, in not giving them the step of rank, in consequence of which most will quit it, at this most critical moment; and their giving rank to men totally out of the army, as Brigadiers, to come and command English Lt.-Cols. and Majors, is most extraordinary and disgusting. Beresford’s exertions have been constant and unremitting and their excellent effect daily visible, but the Government have behaved shamefully to him in many respects.
As to myself, I perfectly agree with you, though I think not quite so desconfiado as you suspect. I am much obliged to you for sending the encommendas and will write to Porto about them. I will make the Fidalgos pay, or nada feito.[15]
I do not yet know when we quit Lisbon. It of course depends much on the movements of the enemy. You shall hear from me when we do. I believe our army is getting on very well, but, unless Government will make the Magistrates do their duty, and most severe examples of what deserters are caught, it (will be) impossible to keep them together, while they know that they can return home with impunity when they like. There is also a disgusting delay in getting anything done, when everything should be vigour and activity, and I really sometimes wonder at Beresford’s perseverance and patience. A less firm man would have done nothing with them.
We look to Germany with the greatest anxiety. The renewal of hostilities is something, but the consequences are not less a matter of anxiety and fear than their Armistice. God prosper them. Their cause is that of Europe.
Adieu. Kindest love to all at home from, dearest friend, your ever affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
[15] Nada feito = no transaction, nothing done.
Lisbon, 25 Sept. 1809.
My Dear Father,
I avail myself of my friend Bushes going to England to send you my claims for losses at Corunna, which I will be much obliged to you to endeavour to recover for me from the Board of Claims which I hear is sitting. Van Diest can put you in the way, as also to recover for my horse killed at the Vimiero, which I was informed I had been allowed, at Salamanca, where I gave in my claim, by order of Sir John Moore, and which having done precludes my including it in my losses now; and being at a distance from Hd. Quarters I could never receive it.
I intended to have written a long letter from this to my dear mother by this conveyance, but have so much to do to-day that it is impossible. We go to St Ubes, Palmela, etc., to-morrow to visit the posts in that country, and I fear before we return, in two or three days, the Packet will have sailed, but she shall hear from me the very first opportunity. We are getting the army clothed and disciplined with all diligence during this quiet interval. The French are, I suppose, doing the same, as all the armies have been for some time in statu quo.
We long for a Packet. Never was a more anxious moment. I flatter myself with the idea that, if the affairs in Austria were favourable to the French, we should have heard them. Both parties seem to await some decisive news from that quarter, and the Spaniards, I hear, promise fair. I don’t believe a word they promise, unless I see more sincerity in them than hitherto.
I have taken no steps as yet about dear Clara. It is needless to alarm her or her friends, till we have more certain intelligence and reason to act, for, whatever I say or do, people draw conclusions from, and judge of the situation of affairs—and above all things we must avoid appearing to despond, or give the thing up. I will, however, shortly inform you of my plans, which I hope you will approve. I am in perfect health and latterly as idle as any private gentleman need to be. I wish we had something active going on, and were in the field again. I always think I like Lisbon best when away, and vice versâ. Such is human nature.
Adieu, my dearest Father; kindest love to all my dear friends at Hendon and elsewhere, from yours ever most Affectionately and Dutifully,
Wm. Warre.
Lisbon, 10th October 1809.
My Dear Father,
I have to thank you for your very kind letter of 18th September, and will, you may depend upon it, do everything that my affection can dictate, or yours wish, respecting dear Clara. I am, however, sorry you have written to Pedro Alvez who has sent me your letter, as in these times we cannot be too cautious in giving the slightest reason of mistrust or despondency. I do not by any means consider the danger as so pressing or near as you do, and my dear Father will suppose, I am sure, that if I did I would not risk the safety of one so dear to me. At the same time I cannot see the use of alarming her unnecessarily, particularly as being my sister, take what precautions we may and desire what secrecy we will, it will spread in the country. They will fancy that I, and consequently the Marshal, think there is danger to be apprehended. You know the nature of the people, and their malicious propensities are not improved by the unsettled revolutionary state in which they have latterly been. It is almost impossible I should not have notice of the danger approaching in time to remove her to a place of safety, and subsequently, wherever you may think proper. In the meantime I have already drawn up a petition to the Regency, which I have no doubt they will grant, to remove her to a respectable house in Lisbon. And then if occasion press, I can be at hand to assist her, and we need not at once send her to England with strangers, contrary to what I know also is her wish, unless there was absolute danger. I will write to Pedro Alvez, and wait your further orders. To her I will say nothing till it is time to act, and you may be quite at rest that I will not risk anything, and I think I can depend on the Marshal’s friendly assistance.
I am much vexed at ... bill being protested. He is a very brave gallant officer, was much distressed, and I felt happy in relieving him. I would have given him the money, raising it as I could, if that was all, for I admire his conduct as a soldier, but feel much hurt that he should have deceived me, and have written to him as much, and he will pay the money, I have no doubt. Genl. ... also had 41 fl. which he has not paid, and I have written to him, and sent him the account.
I am I confess much surprised at the manner of your letter with regard to my taking up money at Porto. I went there ill, and had no means of getting a farthing any other way. Expence with servants was inevitable, and when I was forced to pay 40 guineas for a horse unexpectedly, I was unable to remit to Porto, as I told Pedro I should, and desired him not to send the account home till he heard from me. I do not at the same time deny that I spent more than I absolutely need, but it was under particular circumstances, and intended to have been paid by my Bat. and Forage money, £42 odd I had to receive, which the loss of my horses prevented. Nor did I imagine at all events even with that expence, I exceeded my pay, which I hope you constantly receive in England, as I never receive any here but my Staff pay as A.D.C.
With regard to my Portuguese Commission, I refused the pay of it for reasons I already stated. From the tenour of your former letters, I was in hopes you would have approved, and most sincerely regret you do not. I have a feeling of dislike to taking the pay of any Sovereign but my own, and, as I am now circumstanced, I merely consider myself as indirectly serving my own King and country, and they have a right to my services, however insignificant, without any further pay or emolument, and shall think myself fully rewarded if Marshal Beresford’s exertions are successful, and that we can give the cursed oppressors of Europe a good beating with Portuguese troops. Under certain circumstances I have not a doubt we should. They are perfectly subordinate and their discipline progressively getting into a very good state. I hope they will soon be completely clothed and equipped and as respectable an army under British Officers as any.
From Spain we have no news. The French appear to wait accounts from Germany previous to any operation of consequence. The English army is getting healthy and is in good spirits. I see little of absolute despondency except in some English newspapers, or discontented Officers, and most sincerely hope the new Ministry will not discontinue their exertions for the defence of this country, if affairs go well in Germany.
The approaching rainy season renders the advance of an enemy into Portugal very difficult, and confines our defence to particular posts. The British army is, I believe, going into cantonments about Elvas, Badajos, etc., etc. Ours between Abrantes and Coimbra. The former in a very good state of defence commands the Tagus and secures our right, while we are in reach of all the passes of Muradal, etc., and within reach of the Douro if necessary.
The money for the encommendas I will remit, as also Drafts for two pipes of wine, sent by your house to Sir David Dundas and Capt. Otter by desire of Col. Delaney and Major Brown, who will forward the bills of loading. I am very much obliged by your kind attention about the encommendas; which are much approved, though I think particularly the hat ornaments tawdry, and such as I would not wear, and Souza’s sabre of wretched quality and badly finished, which it will be right to tell Hawkes. I am vexed at it, for the prices are for the best. Rankin I have had tried by a General Court Martial for robbery. Never was such a scene of iniquity as I discovered. I fear it will go very hard with him, and am therefore glad that I only prosecuted for what he stole from other people, passing over my own losses.
Pray give my kindest love to all at home, and believe me ever, my dear kind friend and affectionate Father, your most sincerely and affectionately,
Wm. Warre.
Pray tell my uncle Wm. with my love that I have received his empenho[16] for Corporal of the 6th, and will do what I can for him.
[16] Recommendation.
Lisbon, Oct. 26, 1809.
Many thanks, my dearest Mother, for your very affectionate letter.
It is still uncertain when we leave Lisbon and must depend on circumstances. I long for a more active life than this, though far from an unpleasant one. We yesterday received a pleasing account of the defeat of a French Division of 12,000 men commanded by Genl. Marchand, Ney having, it is said, returned to France. They attacked the Duque del Parque, who was in his position near Tamames, but he completely defeated them after a very sharp action, and took 300 arms, 1 12-pounder, 1 colour. They left 1200 men dead on the field, and were pursued 4 leagues by the Spanish Cavalry and Light Troops, who killed a great many more. Their loss is therefore estimated at 2000 or more, as they retired in great confusion to Salamanca, near 8 leagues. I most sincerely rejoice the Spaniards should have done this by themselves. It will give them confidence, and persuade them that with a little perseverance the invaders can be conquered.
The Spanish cavalry at first ran away, but falling back on their Infantry Regts. they fired on them and forced them to attack the enemy, when they regained what they had lost in so infamous a manner. The Spanish Horse Artillery, which is anything but light artillery, was taken in the beginning of the action, but most gallantly retaken by their Infantry with the bayonet, and they throughout appear to have behaved with great courage. I am ignorant of their force, but know that they had not been joined by Ballasteros’ Division, which they expect, and will, I hope, make some use of this victory. It augurs well in young troops, and I approve greatly of the system of firing on those that misbehave. It is thus the French Revolutionary Army gained such victories at the commencement, when indisciplined and badly officered. The Duque himself appears to have behaved with great valour and conduct, and to have exposed himself everywhere he thought that his presence might avail. I know him, and I confess am agreeably surprised, for, though very gentlemanly, I had little idea of him as a soldier on a great occasion.
Last night about 10 o’clock, just after I had gone to bed, I was alarmed by a very sharp shock of an earthquake. It lasted several seconds and was generally felt, even in the playhouse, and occasioned some alarm. From the long continued heat and dry weather it has been expected. But the rain seems now to set in. I hope we shall have no more. My curiosity is completely gratified. It was strong enough to wake me, and lasted some time after I sat up in my bed, not quite determined what to do. To-night we are all going to a very grand ball at Mr Villiers’ the envoy, on his going away, universally respected and regretted. I have the highest esteem for him and owe him some gratitude for his kindness to me. A better or kinder man could not be, and he was much esteemed by the natives. Lord Wellesley is expected here, though this is only what I hear as a report. Lord Wellington leaves this to-morrow for the army.
I wrote to dear Emily by the last packet about some friends of mine, most amiable good people, to whom I, as well as every English Officer, owe a great deal. I am sure you would like them, and I therefore beg you to second my petition for them to stay with you some time, should they be forced to quit the country, till they can get settled in some degree in England previous to going to Brazil.
With kindest love to all, believe me, My dear Mother, Yours affectionately,
Wm. Warre.
The Ball was very handsome, and also the supper in grand style, which table many of my Portuguese friends, who dined at No. 3, did not seem to disapprove.
Lisbon, October 26, 1809.
My Dear Father,
As I write to my mother by this conveyance, and tell her all the news, this merely serves to enclose 1st and 2nd of exchange, for some wine shipped by your house at Porto for Capt. Otter by the direction of Major Brown. I have not yet received that from Lt.-Col. Delaney, for a pipe shipped by his order to Sir D. Dundas, but will remit it as soon as I do. I also enclose my final account current with Messrs Armit & Borough, Dublin, and their bill on Hammersley’s for the balance, £53, 18s. 8d. Greenwood & Cox must therefore have 5 months’ pay of mine in their hands, and I enclose accordingly a bill for £90, which I will thank you to place to my credit.
I observe with the greatest surprise, in a letter from my Dear Mother, that my expences at Porto amounted to £500, nor can I imagine it possible, and accordingly write to Pedro Alvez for a statement. I should have thought £100 far beyond the mark exclusive of Genl. ... account, and ... bill for 133 dollars, and I really am completely at a loss to account for it. It is true I was in one respect at an unnecessary expence, and gave the servants a present each. Poor devils, they had lost all they had, and told me, except old Domingos, my uncle’s allowance to them had ceased, and compassion for their sufferings made me give more than at the time I thought I could afford.
Rankin previous to his execution confessed having robbed me at different times to the amount of 40£ or more. Others were perhaps more immediately guilty than this unfortunate fellow [but] I fear having no other proof than the confessions of a condemned man, it will be impossible to bring them to justice. I have fortunately discovered the most valuable part of the property, and am happy in being able to restore it to its owners. The sum of money found, and which he confessed to have been in great measure mine, the Court martial ordered to be given to the fund at Lloyds, as they were ignorant of the right owners. I have no objection to that, as I could not wish to possess this money after prosecuting him, but should have felt as well pleased to have given it myself. The money for the encommendas I will remit as soon as I can collect the whole.... I have written to about the protested bill and have no doubt he will pay, though I fear he is still much distressed. Public news of any consequence we have none. Lord Wellington leaves to-morrow for the army; when we go is uncertain. We most anxiously look for news from Austria. It must decide almost everything.
Adieu, my dearest Father; believe me ever yr. affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
Lisbon, Dec. 1st, 1809.
My Dearest Mother,
Your affectionate son does allow that you never miss an opportunity of doing or saying everything that can contribute to his happiness, and that it is indeed a very agreeable way you have chosen of making up to him for his anxiety at not hearing from home....
Poor Rankin died very penitent. It was the most afflicting scene I ever witnessed. Could my exertions have saved him, though duty forced me to prosecute him, I would have been happy indeed. I am sorry to tell you his accomplice, and I think instigator to wickedness, has been detected and tried, and will I fear share the same fate. He is a private servant of the General’s. I hope Ld. Wellington will think one example sufficient, and mitigate his punishment. However convinced I am that it was an imperious duty to society, who can help feeling much annoyed at the idea of being so instrumental in bringing these poor wretches to justice? Nature pleads sometimes louder than policy and right, and I regret I ever knew anything of the matter.
Our departure from Lisbon has been repeatedly postponed for some reason or other. It was fixed for next Monday, but I believe will not then take place. A tour round the provinces at this wet season will not be a journey of pleasure. But it is absolutely necessary we should know the board on which we are to play our game. We must do our best. The country possesses many great advantages for a defending army and the business may be prolonged. Providence, however, must decide the issue as it pleases, though I certainly think the Peace with Austria, and the late total rout[17] of the Spaniards, augur ill. No considerable reinforcements have yet arrived from France. A very large army must be left in Germany. The season is greatly unfavourable to attack, particularly in this country, which abounds in Rivers, in winter impassable, and in difficult passes. All these thoughts leave room for conjecture how long we may remain quiet. The Spanish army was completely destroyed and by their own ignorant dispositions, and their obstinacy in persisting in their old system, and if they continue, it will be so, every time they meet the French. Never was there a stronger proof of how unavailing courage and enthusiasm are against discipline and order. Their men are led, and go to the very mouth of certain destruction, by the ignorance of their generals and officers, and these are so bigoted to the system they fancy they know, that nothing but such woeful experience can cure them. I do not wonder the men run away. I wonder much more they ever go so far, knowing as they do the ignorance and often treason of their leaders. I send all the letters open enclosed to you, and beg you will seal and send them.
Dec. 2nd, Monday.—We certainly leave this on Wednesday next for our tour to the Northern frontiers and provinces.
I have nothing further to add but my kindest love to my dear Father. I am, etc., etc., from your ever affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
P.S.—Prior is going on very well, and desires to be remembered. He is a very good Officer and has a good heart, though very weak in some things. I have no doubt he will yet make an excellent member of society.
[17] Ocaña.
Thomar, Dec. 31, 1809.
My Dear Father,
I have to thank you for your very kind letters of the 15th Novr. and 20th Decr., the latter this moment received, and, as I have a short leisure I answer it immediately. Marshal Beresford is gone with Lord Wellington to Torres Novas to see the Algarve Brigade men, and left me to continue my translation of Instructions for Light Infantry, a tiresome undertaking, but most necessary, and for the appearance of which I am much hurried. While in Lisbon Dundas’ Book was translated under my direction, and has, I am happy to say, already been of essential use, and gained me some credit.
I have considered my account very carefully and am a good deal surprized at the amount. Some expences were unavoidable from circumstances such as horses and mules. My expences at Oporto in 1808 [were heavy], as, though Genl. Beresford insisted on paying many things, it was impossible for him to be there in my own house without great expence, particularly as I was then living as a guest in his family. The expences with Hams and Plumbs were most thoughtless. Indeed I never dreamt of the expence and thought they were to be paid for by those who ordered them. Genl. Payne has repaid me the 41$510 advanced for him at Porto. Genl. Beresford’s 46$085 in 1808 I will enquire about. In short, my dear Father, the expences for the last few years I feel are very great, and from the unfortunate turn of business I most sincerely regret it. I am most sensible and feel how happy you would be and always have been when in your power to make me the most liberal allowance, and hope for the future this conviction of your kindness will make me square my expences to my means. Hitherto, my greatest expences, horses, I have been most unfortunate in. I must be well mounted to be able to do the duty with Marshal B. Unfortunately though I have paid very high prices, all my horses and mules have turned out ill, and even both my last purchases have been unlucky. I bought a mare strongly recommended with the whole of my last Batt. and Forage money, but the day we left Lisbon she very near broke my neck, and falling upon me lamed me for a fortnight, but I am quite well again. The mule also I bought, when leaving Lisbon, for 100 dollars, and appeared so fine a one, has swelled in the legs and I scarce know what I shall do to get my servant on. I hate being obliged instantly to make excuses, but feel that you have an undoubted right to know why I do not make it out on my Staff pay. My Regimental pay I intend while I remain in Portugal shall go towards the bills you pay for me, and unless unforeseen accident occurs, hope to make it out on my Staff pay, though it will, I know, be with very considerable difficulty, for our expences are unavoidably not inconsiderable. With regard to the Maçarellos, I have written to my Uncle as you wish, and very strongly, and hope you are convinced that I cannot have greater pleasure than meeting them on every occasion.
With regard to dear Clara I intend asking leave in a few days at Coimbra to go to see her, and will write to you from Porto, what arrangements I have made. The Patriarch has promised to obtain the leave for her to quit the Convent, from the Nuncio, and, you may depend upon it, I will run no risk as to her safety. My friends, the Marquis and Marchioness of Louriçal, have offered to give her an asylum should it be necessary, and I should not wish to have her in a more amiable family, but this is really a very delicate step to take both in regard to her, who has many prejudices to overcome, besides her own, not small ones, as to quitting the Convent, and my official situation in this country. I will, however, see how the ground lies, and inform you further from Oporto.
I do not with you consider danger so near or that the French will attack us till the spring. The loss of the battle of Ocaña, though highly disastrous, and, moreover, the loss of the Duque del Parque’s army, might have decided much, if the French had forces to follow up their success, but as it is I think the Dons will have time to recover themselves, and have (at least we hope so) gained in experience. The causes of their defeats are very apparent. Their Cavalry are always placed in a situation where, even if they were brave, which we have no reason to suppose, they are exposed to certain destruction. Their Officers are even worse than those of the Infantry, which is decidedly brave and deserves much more our pity than contempt for their misfortunes.
In the battle at Ocaña, the Genl. in Chief left the field before his army, and left them to fight it out in their own way, and set off in a different direction, to avoid even the confusion of his own routed Army. All the fine squibs in the papers about him are not true. The Duque del Parque’s army, after having fought most gallantly and effected its retreat, dispersed in a panic occasioned by some Dragoons galloping in, and calling out, vienen, vienen, when there was not an enemy within several leagues. So much for their disposition and Officers, who could never rally them at all. The loss I most regret on these occasions are the arms, which the fools throw away in their flight, and more irreparable than men of which they ought to have no want.
The French will have a difficult job to drive us out, both from the nature of the country, want of provisions and means of transport, and the very improved state of the Portuguese army, which in itself speaks sufficiently for Beresford’s exertions, and the propriety of the severe, or rather firm, conduct he went upon from the first. In many respects he has been infamously used by both Governments, but I suppose he has the good of his country and common sense too much at heart to complain or remonstrate. I think he could not feel annoyed at the appointment of Ld. Wellington to be Marshal-General and Comr.-in-Chief of the troops while in the field only, which he is, but the manner in which it was done has much disgusted us all. His own feelings I know not, and indeed I am not fond of writing or speaking on these subjects, and merely mention it to you as my own ideas.
The Portuguese army, notwithstanding the numberless difficulties to which he is constantly exposed, from imbecility and mean contemptible jealousy and intrigue, will be a sufficient testimony, I have no doubt, both in its apparent discipline and conduct before the enemy, whenever it shall be our fortune to meet him. I confess myself rather anxious for the trial. It will shew us what Officers are subject to dores de bariga and enable us to get rid of them, and make examples of this worst part of their army, though now there are really many very promising young Officers, and the old ones have in great measure been got rid of. Lord W. as well as every British Officer have been very much, though agreeably, surprised at the state of our troops. I am inclined to think that had they justice done unto them in the common comforts, I may say necessaries of life, clothing and food, they would make as good soldiers as any in the world. None are certainly more intelligent or willing, or bear hardships and privation more humbly.
As to Custine,[18] I see not the least occasion for your advancing him a farthing more. My obligations to him I think quite sufficiently repaid, and has behaved dishonorably about the bill. Therefore in future I cannot think you have any occasion to answer his letters.
I am much obliged to you for your kindness to young Lacerda, but I certainly had no idea of your asking his family to stay in the house. The Louriçals are the only people I would think of asking so great an inconvenience for, and for them only for the great friendship they have shown me, and the very bad health of the Marchioness, and this only had you been at Hendon. In town I know it is quite out of the question, and even at Hendon it would not much signify, as we could assist them in getting a lodging or house. But at all events I hope, whether I am in England or not, should they be forced out of the country, you will be very civil to them.
Pray give my kindest love to them and to all, the dear uncle of Hendon Place, when you meet again, and believe me ever, my dear Father, your very affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
I shall join Marshal B. at Oporto from Arouca, and when they make the tour of the Northern Province, which would have been very pleasant in summer. The Marshal desired me to remember him most kindly to you and my mother, whom pray thank for her kind letter to me, which I will answer very soon.
Note on Back.
[18] See Memoir.