[1] Aevi brevis, ‘of short duration.’ Aevum, in the sense of aetas,
is rather poetical, and does not occur till a rather late period;
whence the common expression medium aevum, ‘the middle ages,’ is
not exactly in accordance with the best Latinity.
[2] Invenias; supply quam naturam humanam.
[3] Grassatur, the same as ingreditur, ‘advances towards;’ but
grassari has the additional meaning of power and vehemence, whence
it is often used to mark the progress of something bad.
[4] Paulisper, ‘for a short time.’
[5] Auctores contains a whole clause — ‘every one transfers his own
fault, though he himself is the author of it, to circumstances;’
that is, to the things which he himself has done.
[6] Quodsi, ‘if, however.’ Zumpt, § 807.
[7] ‘And at the same time very dangerous.’ In many cases one feels
inclined to assign to the adverb multum the meaning of ‘often,’
but with adjectives, it is used only to strengthen their meaning.
[8] Regerentur; supply casibus.
[9] Eo magnitudinis; that is, ad eam magnitudinem, ‘to that
greatness.’ See Zumpt, § 434.
[10] According to the common arrangement of words, it would be alia
corporis, alia animi; but Sallust abandons this order just because
it is common. For the same reason he prefers alii — pars to
alii — alii. Naturam corporis (or animi) sequuntur, ‘they
follow the nature (that is, they are of the same kind) of body and
mind.’ Regarding the change of anima into animus, it must be
observed that anima is ‘the soul,’ the seat and basis of animus
(mind), which is the activity of the anima.
[11] ‘But the mind is not subject to corruption’ (that is, to dissolution
and annihilation), for a perfect participle with the negative prefix
in frequently denotes a passive impossibility, which is usually
expressed by adjectives ending in ilis or bilis; as invictus
miles, an invincible soldier.
[12] ‘The mind possesses all things, but itself is not possessed;’ that
is, it is free. This is an imitation of a well-known Greek phrase,
εχω, ουκ εχομαι.
[13] Admirari signifies not only ‘to admire,’ but also ‘to wonder,’ at
anything which is surprising or displeasing; and in the latter sense
it is the same as mirari.
[14] Respecting ceterum as an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt,
§ 349.
[15] Hac tempestate, the same as hoc tempore. Sallust frequently uses
tempestas in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints
in such dark colours — namely, the period after the murder of Caesar,
in B.C. 44 — was an agitated and stormy one.
[16] ‘Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,’
quibus honos contigit.
[17] Honestus, ‘honoured,’ or ‘honourable;’ for honestus (from
honor) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office,
and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken
of were honesti in the first, but not in the second sense.
[18] It might seem doubtful as to whether parentes here means ‘obeying
persons’ — that is, subjects of the Roman state — or ‘kinsmen,’
‘relatives.’ We believe the latter to be the case, because to control
subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust
elsewhere also combines patria et parentes (Catil. 6, Jug. 87),
thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal civitas, which is
to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen
by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word importunus
properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or
tyrant.
[19] ‘Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes
in the state’ — whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government
may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been
the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with quamquam,
because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an
indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare
Zumpt, § 831, 3.
[20] Portendere is here the same as ‘to bring with one’s self,’ or ‘to
be followed by.’ It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes
in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at
the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of
injustice and crime.
[21] Frustra niti, ‘to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements),
if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme
folly.’
[22] Nisi forte, ‘unless perhaps’ — which surely cannot be the case
with any sensible man. Respecting this use of nisi forte,
expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, § 526.
[23] Libido — gratificari, ‘the inclination to gratify;’ for libido
tenet is only a paraphrase for libet. This statement is striking,
and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to
sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of
pleasing persons in power.
[24] Memoria rerum gestarum, ‘the recording of events ;’ that is, the
writing of history, the usefulness (virtus) of which is
acknowledged.
[25] The words per insolentiam belong to laudando extollere,
and the meaning is, ‘that no one may believe me to extol my own
occupation with excessive praise.’ Per insolentiam is the same as
insolenter, per expressing manner.
[26] ‘At least those to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,’ &c.
Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the
relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, § 765.
[27] ‘And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a
distinction.’ Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the
senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of
difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain
either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many
undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to
co-operate with whom was no honour. Quae genera hominum refers to
the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and
even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious
upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in
the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J.
Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In
consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he
was justified in withdrawing from public life.
[28] That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who
distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War.
P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal.
We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus
the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must
lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio.
[29] The images (imagines) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but
from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we
have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest
ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts
(portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule
office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax
portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the
illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices
with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at
public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep
alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits
of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily
appearance.
[30] Scilicet, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as
in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for scire
licet, ‘one may perceive,’ or ‘it is self-evident,’ and is
accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive.
[31] ‘The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their
merit had obtained the fame and glory’ (namely, of those ancestors).
[32] His moribus, ‘in the present state of morality;’ an ablative
absolute.
[33] Instead of neque, the author might have used aut, for both
particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt,
§ 337.
[34] Homines novi, ‘new men,’ so called by the Romans, were those
persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices,
as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times,
Sallust says, such homines novi distinguished themselves by their
ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party
strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls
latrocinium.
[35] Proinde quasi, ‘just as if,’ and afterwards perinde habentur ut,
‘they are considered as of equal value.’ Compare Zumpt, §§ 282 and
340.
[36] Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation,
see Zumpt, § 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this
war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at
Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which
was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only
the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (studiis
civilibus), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and
afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of
the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the
greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome
at that time.
[37] The same meaning might have been expressed by ut omnia ad
cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint. See Zumpt, § 106.
[38] That is, ‘after the Roman name had become great;’ for in earlier
times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses,
especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself.
But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods.
[39] Africano. See Zumpt, § 421.
[40] About et after multa, see Zumpt, § 756.
[41] Magnum atque late, the connection of an adjective and adverb is
somewhat singular — ‘the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one,
and had a wide extent;’ for he possessed the whole of western
Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli,
while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe
of the Massyli.
[42] ‘He had left him behind in a private station;’ that is, he had not
appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But
his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa
had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the
royal family.
[43] Luxu for luxui. See Zumpt, § 81.
[44] ‘The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender
age of his children.’
[45] Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with
great mental powers) away from the right path. Transversus, ‘that
which turns away to one side.’
[46] ‘In the war against Numantia.’ Numantia was the capital of the
Arevaci, a tribe of the Celtiberians in Spain, and was situated
on the upper Durius (now Duero), in the mountainous district whence
the Durius and Tagus flow westward, and other rivers eastward,
into the Iberus (Ebro), and southward into the Mediterranean. This
city carried on a desperate war against Rome to defend its own
independence. After a brave resistance of many years, it was taken
and destroyed, B. C. 133, by Scipio the younger, the destroyer of
Carthage. Its ruins are believed to be in the neighbourhood of the
modern Soria.
[47] Qui tum erat — that is, quem tum Romani imperatorem habebant.
[48] Difficillimum in primis, like difficillimum omnium; that is, the
most difficult among those that were the first or foremost in
difficulty.
[49] The one — namely, to be good in council — usually produces
timidity; the other — namely, to be bold in battle — rashness.
Alterum — alterum, takes up the things mentioned before, but in an
inverse order; respecting which, see Zumpt, § 700, note.
[50] Erat for the usual subjunctive esset.
[51] ‘To whom wealth was of more importance than that which is good and
noble.’
[52] For the meaning of pro in this and similar expressions, see
Zumpt, § 311.
[53] Not to make presents to individuals, quibus being used for
aliquibus. Scipio must have seen with displeasure the intimacy
between Jugurtha and certain young ambitious Romans of an equivocal
character.
[54] ‘In his own mode of acting,’ must be understood here of his
honourable mode of acting; though there are also malae artes, such
as faithlessness, cunning, flattery, and the like.
[55] Certo scio; we also find certe scio. See Zumpt, § 266, note.
[56] Verba habere is sometimes used in the sense of orationem habere.
[57] Me falsum habuit for me fefellit. We remarked before (Cat. 51)
that Sallust is fond of using habere in certain phrases.
[58] Amicissimos. See Zumpt, § 410.
[59] Per regni fidem, ‘by the conscientiousness which is observed in
governing, and must be observed;’ so that it is almost the same as
per regiam fidem, or per fidem regum, which kings owe to one
another.
[60] Adjungere; supply tibi, ‘connect yourself with strangers,’ as
opposed to supporting and maintaining friendly relations with his
friends and kinsmen.
[61] Sallust here changes his expression. He might have said parantur,
but parere also occurs in other authors in the sense of parare,
or ‘to acquire.’
[62] Ante hos, ‘in preference to these.’
[63] Observare has a sense similar to that of colere, ‘to honour’ and
refers to the observance of all the duties of devotedness, especially
in the external relations of social life.
[64] Reguli may be petty kings with small dominions as well as young
kings — that is, princes. We here take the latter to be the meaning.
[65] Adherbalem assedit, or Adherbali assedit, ‘he sat himself down
at the right-hand side of Adherbal.’ See Zumpt, § 386, note. There
accordingly remained for Jugurtha only the place on the left of
Adherbal — that is, the least honourable of the three places.
[66] Fatigatus is commonly construed with an ablative, which is here to
be supplied (precibus); but without such an addition, fatigare
signifies ‘to importune a person with prayers and requests.’
[67] ‘Within the last three years;’ but as the author is here speaking
of the time at which something happened, it is used instead of
ante triennium, or triennio ante.
[68] Cum animo habere, the same as cum, or in animo agitare,
volvere, reputare. Here, again, we must attend to the use of
habere.
[69] Alius alio, ‘one in one direction, and the other in another.’ See
Zumpt, § 289.
[70] Proximus lictor is the one of the lictors who, when they precede
the praetors or consuls, walks last, and is therefore nearest to his
commander; and this lictor, according to Roman custom, had the
highest rank among his fellow-lictors. The customs of the Romans were
imitated at the courts of allied princes.
[71] Claves adulterinae, ‘imitation keys.’
[72] Respecting the quum in descriptions, where it is commonly preceded
by interea, or interim, see Zumpt, § 580.
[73] Parat, in the sense of se parat, ‘he prepares himself,’ or ‘sets
about;’ and thus parare is not unfrequently used by Sallust
absolutely in the sense of statuere and instituere.
[74] Provincia here is the Roman province of Africa, consisting of the
territory of Carthage which had been destroyed, and containing the
towns of Leptis, Hadrumetum, Utica, and Carthage, which was
gradually rising again as a Roman town. That territory now belongs
to the dey of Tunis, a vassal prince of the Turkish sultan. Numidia,
in the west of the Roman province, was bounded in the west by the
kingdom of Mauretania, and comprised the modern Algeria which is
possessed by the French.
[75] Paucis diebus, ‘within a few days;’ that is, a few days after.
See Zumpt, § 480.
[76] Singulos ambire, ‘to go about addressing individual persons,’ has
at the same time the meaning of ‘attempting to gain them over by
intreaties or promises.’
[77] ‘That no severe decree might be passed against him,’ ne gravius
consilium in eum caperetur.
[78] Adherbal says that only the administration of Numidia belongs to
him, but that the legal title and supremacy belong to Rome — the
language of abject servility, by which he wishes to recommend himself
to the protection of the senate.
[79] Affines are those connected with one another by marriage, whereas
cognati are relations by blood.
[80] Sustinere is here the same as ferre.
[81] ‘As I was to come to such misery;’ that is, as it had been ordained
by fate that I should come to such misery. See Zumpt, § 498.
[82] Adherbal wishes to be able to solicit the aid of the Romans, in
consequence of his own services, rather than those of his ancestors;
he then again divides that wish, considering it as most desirable
that the Roman people should owe him services without his being in
want of them, and next in desirableness that the services which he
requires should be performed as services due to him. By this latter
sentiment he returns to the point from which he set out — namely, his
wish to have done good services (beneficia) to the Romans. Vellem
in this sentence is followed twice by the accusative with the
infinitive (posse, to which me is to be supplied, and beneficia
deberi), and then by a clause with ut (uti; that is,
ut — uterer). Secundum ea, ‘next to,’ or ‘next after this,’
according to the etymology of secundum from sequor.
[83] In manu fuit, an expression not uncommon in the comic poets; in
manu alicujus est, ‘it is in a person’s power.’
[84] ‘At a time when the good fortune of the Romans did not render it so
desirable to enter into connection with them as their fidelity and
trustworthiness.’
[85] ‘Do not allow me in vain to pray for your assistance.’ Me in this
sentence is accompanied by two accusatives in apposition, first
progeniem, and then nepotem Masinissae.
[86] Observe the unusual combination Romani populi for populi Romani,
which is to be explained by the fact, that here Romani is the more
emphatic word, placing the Roman people in contrast with other
nations.
[87] ‘O I, unfortunate man! to what result, father Micipsa, have thy good
services led!’ For the accusative me miserum, see Zumpt, § 402; and
for the double suffix in hucine, § 132.
[88] ‘Never, then, will our family be at peace!’ an exclamation to which
afterwards an interrogative sentence with ne is appended. The
former also might have been expressed by numquamne ergo, &c.
[89] The subjunctive jussissetis indicates a repeated action. See
Zumpt, § 569. The senate and people of Rome had the right to make war
and peace throughout the extent of the Roman dominion, so that the
allied nations and kings were obliged to regard those against whom
the Romans declared war as their own enemies; as, for example, not
long since, the Numantines.
[90] ‘Who being a brother, was at the same time a relation.’ Respecting
this use of the pronoun idem, when the two predicates are added to
one subject, see Zumpt, § 697.
[91] Non queo; that is, nequeo, or non possum.
[92] Extorris (from terra), as exsul from solum, ‘homeless.’
Respecting the ablative denoting separation or privation, see Zumpt,
§ 468.
[93] Tutius; the adjective tutior also might have been used.
Respecting the use of adverbs with esse, see Zumpt, § 365.
[94] Maxime tutos; that is, omnium tutissimos.
[95] ‘Whatever was in the power of our family;’ quod per familiam
nostram stetit.
[96] This inserted clause belongs to the following propinquus. The
demonstrative id (or is) is omitted, and the relative clause
precedes the word to which it refers. See Zumpt, §§ 765, 813.
[97] Pars — pars; that is, alii — alii; whence the verb is in the
plural.
[98] Exigere vitam for agere vitam, but implying a long and sorrowful
life.
[99] ‘Which out of friendly things (circumstances), have become hostile.’
The neuter necessaria also comprises the persons who are termed
necessarii, ‘persons connected by ties of relationship or
friendship;’ such as in particular Jugurtha, the adoptive brother of
the speaker.
[100] ‘Whither shall I turn myself? whom shall I call to my assistance?’
Donatus, an ancient grammarian, in his commentary on Terence, quotes
from Sallust quo accidam? ‘whither shall I turn myself for
assistance?’ but none of the manuscripts has that reading in this
passage.
[101] He alludes to the nations and kings who were still independent and
had not yet been incorporated with the Roman empire, especially
the kings of Syria and Egypt, and perhaps also the king of
Mauritania.
[102] Sallust might have said hujus imperii, but he prefers the dative,
which is a dativus incommodi.
[103] Secundus, ‘favourable,’ according to its derivation from
sequor, is especially used of a favourable wind, but also in the
general sense of ‘assisting,’ or ‘devoted to.’
[104] Fatigare, ‘to importune a person with prayers.’ See note chap. 3.
[105] Quodutinam connects this sentence in an animated manner with the
preceding, otherwise utinam alone might be used. ‘Yes, would that I
could but see Jugurtha feigning these very things.’
[106] Nae ille — reddat; as far as the sense is concerned, this sentence
forms the apodosis to the preceding wish: ‘would that I could see
him in like circumstances, and would that at length the gods opened
their eyes; then he would surely have to pay a heavy penalty for
his impiety, for the death of my brother and for my sufferings.’
The present subjunctive in the apodosis corresponds with the same
tense in the protasis, and differs very little from the future
indicative. See Zumpt, § 524, note.
[107] ‘Although life has been taken from thee before the age of maturity,
and by a person who should have done it least of all.’ Unde,
the more general relative, is here used for a quo homine. In like
manner the Romans, in legal phraseology, called the defendant
unde petitur; that is, the person of whom payment is demanded.
[108] Doleo, ‘I grieve at,’ is construed with de, as de casu tuo,
with the ablative alone, casu tuo, and also as a transitive verb
with the accusative, doleo casum tuum. Laetari here follows the
construction of doleo, for it is generally followed by de, or the
ablative alone. See Zumpt, § 383.
[109] Namely, the life and death of the persecuted Adherbal depends
upon the power of Jugurtha.
[110] Adherbal wishes two things: first, that a speedy death may
terminate his misfortunes; and second, not to be obliged to live in
contempt, if he should yield to Jugurtha. But neither of these
things, says he, can be done. Jugurtha will continue to lay snares
for him, and if he yields, and gives up to him his kingdom, he must
live despised. These two wishes are here uttered to move the hearts
of the senators, expressed as they are by a king.
[111] Per vos liberos atque parentes vestros. The words per liberos
belong together; to vos supply oro. See Zumpt, § 794. Adherbal
intreats the senators by their children and parents, because Jugurtha
has so criminally trampled on the sacred rights of the family. Others
read per vos per liberos vestros; but this is wrong, and the
repetition of per is bad: we never intreat persons by themselves,
but by something that is dear to them.
[112] Tabescere, ‘to waste away,’ ‘perish;’ the proper meaning is, ‘to
be consumed by some disease.’
[113] Ante facta, &c. It would have been more common to say factis
suis anteponerent. In Cicero, ante is not used to denote
preference as in Sallust, Cat. 53: Graeci ante Romanos fuere for
Graeci Romanis praestabant.
[114] According to Sallust’s mode of speaking, we should have expected
depravati, pars being only another form for alii. But nothing
can be said against the grammatical agreement pars depravata, it
being that form which, according to grammar, should be used.
[115] Scaurus dreaded the stained audacity of those who accepted bribes
from Jugurtha without any scruple or shame, and would have liked to
stir up against them the hatred and envy of others. Licentia is the
conduct of a man who thinks he is allowed to do anything, and
accordingly here signifies to accept bribes by which statesmen
disgrace themselves. The adjective which properly refers to men
(pollutus) is here transferred to licentia. Sallust describes
Aemelius Scaurus, one of the most eminent men of his age (he was
twice consul and princeps senatus), as a prudent aristocrat, anxious
to keep up a respectable appearance, and to avoid suspicion as much
as possible; although in secret he, too, had recourse to unfair means
to obtain influence and wealth. The events which Sallust has related
hitherto, the murder of Hiempsal, the expulsion of Adherbal by
Jugurtha, and Adherbal’s flight to Rome, belong to the year B.C. 116,
a time when, if we except some trifling wars against barbarous tribes
on the frontiers, the Roman Republic was not engaged in any military
undertaking.
[116] Opimius had been consul in B.C. 121, and in that year he had,
with the authority of the senate, crushed the democratical party of
G. Gracchus by force of arms. In consequence of that victory,
several very harsh measures had been adopted by the aristocracy
to strengthen and increase the power of the senate and the nobility.
Opimius, too, was a statesman of loose principles, as is clear from
the narrative of Sallust.
[117] Fide for fidei. See Zumpt, § 85, note 3.
[118] Possedit, ‘he took possession of.’ The present possideo only
means ‘to possess;’ but the past tenses, possedi, possessum, at
the same time have the meaning of ‘taking possession,’ as if they
were formed from a present possido, possidere. Compare the
similarly-formed compounds of sido, sidere, in Zumpt, § 189.
[119] Frequentata sunt, ‘they have been frequented.’ The participle is
in the neuter, the subjects being both animate and inanimate.
Asperitas refers to the inaccessible nature of mountainous
districts.
[120] Other editions have in partem tertiam, and this deviation from
the common mode of speaking (which is to use pono with in and the
ablative) commentators explain by the remark, that the division was
not yet made, but only supposed. But the Latin language knows of no
such distinction.
[121] In the earliest times, before the earth was divided into three
parts, it was rather customary to consider Africa, especially Egypt
and the countries about the Nile, as belonging to Asia. To connect
Africa with Europe could only have been an idea of those who divided
the earth into an eastern and a western half, and did not know the
vast extent of Africa to the south.
[122] Fretum, &c.; that is, the Fretum Herculeum, or the Straits of
Gibraltar. It is clear that Sallust wants to state only the northern
frontier of Africa on the Mediterranean, and the frontiers in the
east and west. The extent of Africa southward was too little known to
him to speak about it.
[123] ‘The inclined plain,’ or, as the geographer Mela says, ‘the valley
which inclines towards Egypt.’ The length of this valley extends from
south to north as far as the Mediterranean, and in the upper part it
separates the immense desert in the west from the oasis in the east,
which is considered as a part of Egypt. The easternmost country in
Africa on the Mediterranean was Cyrenaica. It is therefore quite
clear that Sallust does not include Egypt in Africa.
[124] Sallust wants to give a short account of the original inhabitants
of Africa, and their amalgamation with new immigrants, such as it
was translated for him from the Punic books of King Hiempsal. This
Hiempsal is not the same as the one already mentioned, who had been
murdered by Jugurtha, but a later descendant of Masinissa, who ruled
after Jugurtha, and was still alive in the days of Cicero, about
B. C. 60. Interpretatum est, in a passive sense. See Zumpt, § 632.
[125] Within the clause expressed by the ablative absolute
(multis — petentibus) there is inserted another stating that each
did so for himself, and that in the nominative case, because multis
petentibus is, after all, only a different form for quum multi
peterent. Grammatically speaking, it ought to be sibi quoque; but
no Latin would have understood this, since he would have taken
quoque as an adverb. See Zumpt, § 710. Passim, ‘in different
places,’ ‘scattered everywhere,’ but not ‘here and there.’ The
tradition of the immense conquests extending to the western
extremities of the known earth, which are ascribed to Hercules
(Heracles), who occurs in the traditions of various nations, runs
through the whole of ancient history.
[126] Nostrum mare is the Mediterranean, the African coast of which
was occupied by the parts of Hercules’ army here mentioned; and
the Persae, it is farther stated, occupied that coast which is more
within (that is, ‘on this side,’ as a person writing at Rome would
say) the ocean.
[127] Gnarus and ignarus have most commonly an active meaning,
denoting ‘one who does know,’ or ‘one does not know;’ but sometimes,
and especially in Sallust and Tacitus, they have a passive meaning,
‘he who is known,’ and ‘he who is not known.’ So here ignara lingua
is the same as ignota lingua.
[128] ‘They tried the fields;’ that is, ‘the soil,’ as to whether it was
fruitful, and in this manner they sometimes inhabited one place,
and sometimes another. Alia, deinde alia, is the same as alia
atque alia, as in chap. 26. Hence they were called in Greek
Νομαδες, and the Greek accusative of this word, Nomadas for
Nomades, is used by Sallust in the next sentence. See Zumpt, § 74.
[129] The Medes and Armenians in the army of Hercules joined the
Libyans, the ancient inhabitants of Africa. Libyes is the
accusative, for accedere is joined with the accusative as well as
the dative of the person whom one joins. See Zumpt, § 386, note.
[130] This derivation of the name Mauri is very improbable. The Mauri
are the inhabitants of the western part of the African coast of the
Mediterranean. They lived to the west of the mouth of the river
Mulucha (which separated them from the Numidians), opposite Malaga
and Cadiz, and also on the coast of the ocean extending southward as
far as those countries were known to the ancients. The modern name of
Moors is derived from the ancient Mauri.
[131] Utrique refers to parentes and their descendants, the Numidae.
One part of the nation trusted to the other (alteris freti), and
was supported by it.
[132] To aliis — avidis supply sollicitatis.
[133] All three are cities in the territory of Carthage, which afterwards
became the province of Africa. Hippo with the surname of Diarrhytus,
(there being another town, Hippo Regius, on the coast of Numidia,) is
said to be the modern Bizerta; Hadrumetum, southeast of Carthage, and
Leptis, surnamed minor (there being another town, Leptis magna, more
to the east), are now in ruins.
[134] ‘To their origin;’ that is, to their mother country Phoenicia,
whence the settlers had come.
[135] The transition to Carthage by the conjunction nam presupposes
the ellipsis of some such sentiment as — ‘I only meant to mention
these Phoenician settlements on the African coast, for it is well
known that Carthage also was a settlement of the Phoenicians.’
[136] Secundo mari, ‘along the sea,’ is said according to the analogy
of secundo flumine (see Caes. Bell. Gall. vii. 58) secundo
flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit. The sea has indeed no
current like a river, but the direction is determined by the person
travelling on the coast, and in this case it is the direction from
east to west. Theraei are the inhabitants of the island of Thera,
in the Greek Archipelago, south of Peloponnesus, whence the first
Greek settlers at Cyrene proceeded in B. C. 631, under the leadership
of Battus. Respecting the Greek genitive on, instead of orum, see
Zumpt, § 52, 1.
[137] Syrtis major and Syrtis minor are two large sandbanks near the
coast of Africa between Cyrene and Carthage. They were very
dangerous to navigation, and between them lay the route to Leptis
magna, a city of considerable importance. Compare chap. 78, where
Sallust describes these sandbanks and the bays named after them.
[138] The origin of the name of this place is stated by Sallust, chap.
79. As it was situated above the great, that is, the eastern Syrtis,
it is clear that deinde is used somewhat vaguely, since only the
great Syrtis, but not the town of Leptis and the small Syrtis,
precede the place Arae Philaenon in the order of succession.
[139] ‘Above Numidia;’ that is, southward, towards the inland, the
coast being always, or at least being always conceived to be, lower
than the inland districts.
[140] Novissime, ‘latterly;’ that is, at the beginning of the third
Punic war, the result of which was, that Carthage and its territory
became a Roman province.
[141] Cetera ignarus, ‘otherwise unknown.’ Compare p. 87, note 4
[note 127]; and on cetera, Zumpt, § 459.
[142] Questum, the supine, ‘in order to complain’
[143] ‘The war previously undertaken had turned out unsuccessfully.’
About secus, see Zumpt, § 283.
[144] Cirta, the capital of Numidia, situated in that part of the
country nearest to Carthage, or the Roman province. It is said to be
‘not far from the sea,’ only in consideration of the vast extent of
Numidia to the south. Cirta is the modern Constantina, which name it
received in honour of the Emperor Constantine, and is situated at a
distance of four days’ march from Bona, the ancient Hippo Regius.
[145] Plerumque for the more common plurimum, ‘the greater part.’
See Zumpt, § 103.
[146] As Sallust in other passages connects pars and alii, so here
partim and alios, partim being the same as partem.
[147] Togati are Roman citizens, for they alone wore the peculiar and
privileged dress called toga. But it may be that other Italians
also are comprised under the name; for Romans and Italians resided in
great numbers in all the towns subject to the Roman dominion, for
the sake of commerce, and in them they formed a distinct conventus.
Moenibus prohibere. See Zumpt, § 468.
[148] It would be more in accordance with the ordinary usage to say,
et se et illis. See Zumpt, § 338.
[149] Literally, ‘but this report was mild;’ that is, it spoke of the
battle and siege as if they had been mild or moderate; which was not
the case, as Jugurtha carried them on with all his energy.
[150] Pro bono facere; literally, ‘to act in accordance with what is
good,’ and hence ‘to act well,’ bene agere.
[151] Utrique refers to both parties — the Roman ambassadors on the one
hand, and Jugurtha on the other. The ambassadors were not allowed to
speak with Adherbal.
[152] Arrigere, the same as excitare; hence frequently animum arrigere, ‘to rouse courage.’
[153] Nisi tamen intellego refers to the preceding plura scribere
nolo, and expresses an exception, as is always the case with nisi
after a negative: he will write nothing else, but still add the
remark that Jugurtha aimed at something beyond the kingdom of
Adherbal; namely, that he intended afterwards to attack the Romans
themselves, because he saw that the acquisition of the kingdom of
Adherbal was irreconcilable with the friendship of Rome. Plura non
scribam nisi hoc intellego is an elliptical expression, equivalent
to plura non scribam, nisi hoc scribam, me intellegere.
[154] ‘Whatever may have been our mutual acts of injustice, it is no
concern of yours;’ that is, they must be indifferent to you. Consider
only the fact, that he has taken possession of the kingdom of your
ally.
[155] Adherbal, for the purpose of exciting the sympathy of the senate,
represents it as a fact that he is born only to exhibit (endure) the
crimes of Jugurtha. Respecting the dative ostentui, see Zumpt,
§§ 90 and 422.
[156] Adherbal prays the senate to prevent (deprecor) his enemy from
acquiring the sole sovereignty, and from killing him amid tortures.
[157] Consuleretur; supply senatus; ‘that the subject of the
disobedience shown by Jugurtha should be brought for decision before
the senate.’
[158] Enisum est, ‘it was carried.’ Observe the passive meaning of the
deponent verb.
[159] Quam ocissime, ‘as speedily as possible.’ The positive of
ocissime is not in use in Latin. Zumpt, § 293, note.
[160] Cirtam irrumpere is a peculiarity in the style of Sallust, the
common expression being, in urbem irrumpere. See Zumpt, § 386,
note.
[161] By engaging the enemy’s troops in different places, and thus
dividing them. This is the meaning of the inseparable particle dis
or di.
[162] ‘Although he considered everything else to be of more weight than the faithfulness (promise) of Jugurtha.’ The conquest of Cirta, and the putting to death of Adherbal, belong to the year B. C. 112.
[163] Interpellando, ‘by interrupting the speakers, and introducing
other topics.’
[164] By this law of the tribune G. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year
B. C. 122, it had been ordained that every year previous to the
election of the consuls for the next year, the senate should
determine those provinces which should be assigned to the consuls
about to be elected, after the expiration of the year of their
office. As two provinces were thus fixed upon, the consuls afterwards
determined by lot which should have the one, and which the other. The
object of this law was to prevent intrigues in the senate, which
would be carried on by the ruling consuls if they had to choose their
own provinces.
[165] Obvenit, ‘fell to the lot.’ Whenever Italy is called a province,
it is implied that the consul undertaking its administration was to
remain at Rome, and was to be ready for any other war which might
break out. For in the first place, there were now no wars in Italy,
and in the second place, Italy was not a province in the ordinary
sense of the term. The consuls here mentioned entered upon their
office on the 1st January, B. C. 111.
[166] Venum eo, or contracted veneo, infinitive venire, ‘to go to
be sold,’ or ‘to be sold;’ the passive of vendo (I sell) is not in
use. Zumpt, § 187.
[167] Adventabant, with the accusative, see Zumpt, § 489.
[168] In diebus, &c.; for in, with words denoting time, see Zumpt,
§ 479. Deditum is a supine.
[169] Legare properly signifies ‘to despatch,’ and ‘to add to;’ whence
the word legatus means both ‘an ambassador,’ and ‘a person added
to an officer,’ who, when necessary, supplies his place. See Catil.
chap. 59. It was the business of the senate to supply such legates
to a magistrate (senatus legat aliquem alicui), but as this was
commonly done on the proposal or recommendation of the magistrate
himself, we also read legat sibi, ‘he chooses some one to be his
legate.’
[170] Supra. See chap. 15.
[171] Respecting the omission of in before Siciliam, see Zumpt,
§ 398, note 1.
[172] Aeger avaritia, ‘sick with avarice;’ a very appropriate
expression, describing moral defects as a disease.
[173] A principio; that is, in principio. See Zumpt, § 304. The
faction of Scaurus is that of the nobility or aristocracy.
[174] Vaga, a considerable town in Numidia, to the south-east of Cirta.
[175] ‘A truce was observed on account of (or during) the delay of the
surrender,’ which Jugurtha had promised, but which could not yet be
carried into effect.
[176] Secreta refers to reliqua, so that the other negotiations were
secret, whereas the proposal to surrender had been made in presence
of the war council. It would have been more in accordance with
ordinary usage to employ the adverb secreto belonging to the verb.
[177] The opinions of the persons invited to the war council were asked
only en masse (per saturam). The Latin expression is taken from
lanx satura, a dish offered as a sacrifice to the gods, and
containing different kinds of fruit. Its figurative application to
other mixtures is here indicated by quasi.
[178] Pro consilio; that is, in consilio. See Zumpt, § 311.
[179] To cause the magistrates for the year B.C. 110 to be elected.
The president in the elective assembly rogat populum (requests the
people) to appoint new officers; hence rogare, the usual term.
[180] Parum constabat, ‘was not firmly determined upon;’ namely, iis, patribus — that is, they had not yet made up their minds.
[181] Dehortantur a vobis — that is, ad causam vestram suscipiendam,
‘many things dissuade me to undertake your cause.’ According to
the context, the expression might, or rather should be, multa me
dehortantur, ni superaret; but the present represents the act of
superare as an actual fact, and is at the same time more
impressive.
[182] The number XV., which is found in all good manuscripts, points
to the year B. C. 125, in which the aristocracy gained a decisive
victory through the praetor L. Opimius, who destroyed the town of
Fregellae, and thereby crushed the first attempt of the Italian
allies (socii) to obtain the Roman franchise. It may be supposed
that this attempt of the allies was even then supported by the Roman
plebs, as was the case afterwards in the time of Marius.
[183] Ab ignavia is to be taken in the sense of ‘in consequence of,’ or
‘on account of your cowardice.’ See Zumpt, § 305.
[184] ‘When your political enemies (in consequence of the crime which
they have committed) are deserving of punishment, and in your hands.’
[185] Animus subigit. ‘My feelings compel me to stand out against
the faction (of the optimates), in spite of your lukewarmness.’
[186] Ob rem, ‘effectually,’ ‘with success.’
[187] ‘They must ruin themselves.’
[188] ‘I will grant that everything has been done with justice, which
cannot be punished without again shedding the blood of citizens;’
that is, the cruelties then committed by the optimates in crushing
Tib. and G. Gracchus may be considered as legitimate, since the
perpetrators cannot be punished without fresh executions. Ulciscor,
usually a deponent, is here used in a passive sense, just as the
participle ultus is sometimes used in the sense of vindicatus.
For the same reason, the passive form nequitur has been chosen;
respecting which, see Zumpt, § 216.
[189] Parum habuere, ‘they considered it too little’ (this is the
meaning of parum): it was not enough for them that they had
committed such disgraceful acts.
[190] Incedere per ora hominum, ‘to walk in the eyes’ or ‘in the sight
of men.’
[191] ‘The cruelties committed against the defenders of the plebs, serve
them as a bulwark;’ that is, make them only the more audacious.
[192] About quam maxime — tam maxime, expressing a proportionate
increase, see Zumpt, § 725.
[193] A complicated expression — ‘they have transferred their fear, which
they ought to have on account of their crime, to your cowardice;’
that is, to you who are cowards, or whom they consider as cowards.
[194] In unum coëgit; that is, conjunxit, copulavit. The infinitives
here are the subjects of the sentence: the same fear and the same
greediness have united all your opponents into one league. Compare
Cat. 20: idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia
est.
[195] Benejicia vestra; that is, honores, magistratus, imperia.
[196] The speaker refers to the two most important secessions of the
Roman plebs — the one in which they obtained their tribunes in B.C.
510, and the other, which was undertaken in B.C. 449. to restore
the consulate and the tribuneship after the overthrow of the
tyrannical rule of the decemvirs. Both led to the establishment of a
legitimate state of things (jus), and the latter, in particular, to
the establishment of the decisive authority of the people against the
magistrates and the patricians. This sovereignty of the Roman
people was termed majestas. These secessions, according to the
statements of the ancients, were made to the Mons Sacer, and not
to the Aventine; but Sallust here follows other ancient authorities;
and it is probable enough that the plebs may have occupied both
hills.
[197] Respecting the form of this sentence, see Zumpt, § 781. The answer
to this question is contained in the clause atque eo vehementius,
to which we must supply nitendum vobis est. Atque introduces the
answer with emphasis.
[198] Vindicare is construed with in and the accusative, as well as
vindicare scelus in aliquo and vindicare aliquam rem. Vindicare
in aliquem, ‘to use force against a person for the purpose of taking
revenge.’ Vindicare sibi rem, ‘to claim a thing for one’s self,’ or
‘to appropriate a thing.’
[199] Quaestio, ‘a judicial inquiry into a crime,’ ‘a criminal trial.’
[200] Nisi forte supposes, with a strong irony, a case which cannot be
conceived. See Zumpt, § 526.
[201] Quantum importunitatis habent, ‘according to the high degree of
impudence and arrogance which they possess.’ Sallust might have said,
quae eorum importunitas est, or pro eorum importunitate. See
Zumpt, § 705.
[202] Rex, according to Roman notions, always contains the idea of an
absolute ruler, and is therefore frequently used in the sense of ‘a
tyrant.’ The idea of a constitutional or limited monarchy was not
known in antiquity, except perhaps at Sparta.
[203] Perditum eatis; that is, perdatis. See Zumpt, § 669.
[204] Practically, it is quite correct, that in the administration of a
state it is more necessary to punish criminals than to reward good
services; for it is impossible that all good citizens should be
rewarded with external distinctions; but if a criminal remains
unpunished, he does harm by his example, and undermines the organism
of the state.
[205] Arcessere, ‘to summon before a court of justice,’ governs the
genitive of the thing for which a person is summoned.
[206] Rogatio, ‘a proposal to the people,’ because, in making a
proposal, as well as at elections of magistrates, the people were
requested (rogabatur) to pass a resolution.
[207] Per sese, ‘as far as lay in him,’ ‘as much as he could,’ as in
the phrase per me licet.
[208] Respecting Romae Numidiaeque, where Numidiae by a kind of
attraction takes the same case as Romae, instead of in Numidia,
see Zumpt, § 398, note 1.
[209] ‘He (Jugurtha) would not, indeed, thereby be a safety to his
accomplices, but destroy his own hope (of obtaining pardon).’
[210] The words quae ira fieri amat are very surprising, but were
regarded by the ancients themselves as a Graecism of Sallust, from
whom Quinctilian quotes the words quae vulgus amat fieri, which
occurred in a work of Sallust that is lost. In both cases, we must
construe ira (vulgus) amat with an accusative with the infinitive
after it: ‘anger likes that this or that should happen.’
[211] Animus augescit, ‘courage grows’ or ‘increases.’ For the plural
animi, see Zumpt, § 92.
[212] We here enter the year B.C. 110.
[213] Urgueat, ‘presses Jugurtha;’ that is, he is hindered by the
indignation on account of his past crimes, and at the same time by
the apprehension with which the Roman people regard him.
[214] He would like best that it should be done in secret; but if this
should not succeed, he would like it to be done in any way, whatever
it might be. Instead of maxime, the author might have said
potissimum. See the same expression chap. 46.
[215] Profiteri indicium, ‘to declare that you will state everything.’
We must understand that in the defective administration of justice
at Rome, the index (informer) received a promise of impunity.
[216] Manifestus, with the genitive of the crime, is a person qui mani
festo tenetur, or against whom there is most decisive evidence.
[217] Animum adverto, the same as the compound animadverto, like
venum eo for veneo.
[218] Jugurtha had given fifty sureties in the name of Bomilcar, in order
that he might remain at liberty. These sureties were of course fifty
Roman citizens. As Bomilcar fled, those sureties had to pay the money
with which each guaranteed his appearance, and there can be no doubt
but that Jugurtha secretly paid the money.
[219] Paucis diebus. See Zumpt, § 480.
[220] This season was usually the middle of the year, but was frequently
delayed until the autumn. The consul Albinus seems to have been
commissioned to preside at the elections, because his colleague, who
had obtained Macedonia, was at a still greater distance.
[221] Jugurtha protracted the war, delayed the negotiations for peace,
and in this manner thwarted the consul. We have here restored the
active form ludificare, because it exists in all the manuscripts.
It is found also in Cicero, though the deponent ludificari is more
frequent.
[222] Some were convinced that after the hurry which the consul had
shown at the beginning, the war was protracted, not so much by his
carelessness, as by his cunning designs. Non magis quam is
expressed in modern languages as if the Latin were dolo magis quam
socordia: ‘they believed that the war was protracted by his cunning
designs rather than by his carelessness.’ See Zumpt, § 725.
[223] Continuare magistratum, ‘to continue for another year in a
magistracy which has been given for only one year.’ In the case of
some magistracies this was forbidden by law; in that of tribunes of
the people, it occurs rather frequently in the early times, that they
were re-elected twice or oftener in successive years. The last in
stance of a tribuneship lasting for two years is that of G. Gracchus,
in B.C. 123 and 122; and even then this re-election was the cause of
violent commotions, and it was impossible to carry it for the third
year.
[224] Around the wall, which had been built on the extreme edge of a
precipitous rock, the clayey soil had formed a marsh. Respecting
extremum used substantively, see Zumpt, § 435.
[225] Respecting the frequentatives ductare and missitare, which last
is a secondary derivative from mittere (as currere, cursare,
cursitare), see Zumpt, § 231; and about vitabundus, § 248.
[226] The usual arrangement of the words would be: corrumpere, ut alii
(partim) transfugerent, alii — desererent. The ut is here repeated
in the second clause, which is rather unusual.
[227] Trepidare, in its proper sense, is, ‘to run about with fear and
trembling.’
[228] Anceps, ‘twofold,’ on the part of the enemy and of that of
nature.
[229] The author here distinguishes the infantry (cohors) and cavalry
(turma) of the auxiliaries, and the common soldiers from the Roman
legions.
[230] The primus pilus in a Roman legion is the first company
(manipulus) of the third class of legionaries, who were called
pilani or triarii, and were employed in battle as a reserve,
while the two other classes of legionaries, the hastati and
principes, began the engagement. A legion thus contained ten
maniples of every class; that is, altogether thirty maniples, each of
which consisted of two centuriae, and each centuria was commanded
by a centurio. Out of these sixty centurions of a legion, the two
commanding the primus pilus (they themselves also were called, like
their companies, primi pili) were the first in rank, and again the
ductor prioris centuriae primi pili was the principal centurion in
a legion. The treachery of such an officer, therefore, is the more
surprising. To the pronoun ea supply via; ea, with this
ellipsis, is used as an adverb in the sense of ‘there.’ See Zumpt,
§ 207, 288.
[231] In accordance with the rules on the oratio obliqua, Sallust ought
to have written teneat.
[232] A jugum was formed by two lances fixed in the ground, and a
third fastened across them so as to form a gate. When an army
confessed itself to be conquered, and after capitulating, was allowed
to depart, the troops had to march under a yoke of this description.
[233] Literally: ‘because the disgrace was exchanged for the fear of
death;’ that is, by enduring it, they became free from the fear of
death.
[234] Dolere pro gloria, ‘to be grieved for reputation;’ that is, as
they were interested in the glory of their country, they were grieved
at the disgrace (dedecore or propter dedecus) they had suffered.
Timere libertati, ‘to be afraid of losing one’s freedom,’ it
appearing to be in danger. See Zumpt, § 414.
[235] Nomen Latinum is the same as socii Latini, or Latini alone.
The expression properly signifies those who are called Latins; for
this class of people comprised not only those who really belonged to
the nation of the Latins — such as the inhabitants of the ancient
Latin towns of Tibur and Praeneste — but those also whose towns
subsequently received the same privileges. The latter were termed
coloniae Latinae — such as Alba in the country of the Marsians,
Beneventum in Samnium, Cremona and Placentia on the Po.
[236] Ex copia rerum, ‘according to his present resources,’ ‘according
to the state of affairs.’
[237] In a few manuscripts we read neglegisset, respecting which see
Zumpt, § 195.
[238] Quin faterentur, ‘without confessing.’ See Zumpt, § 539.
[239] M. Scaurus, who, as Sallust stated before, was himself bribed
by Jugurtha, had availed himself of the time when the people were
rejoicing at his victory, when the city was still under apprehensions
respecting the war, and when many other nobles, from a consciousness
of guilt, kept back; and there can be no doubt that, through the
influence of his friends, he contrived to be himself elected one of
the commissioners who had to institute inquiries about these
briberies, and thus escaped being tried himself.
[240] Ex here signifies ‘with respect to.’ The people after this
victory were insolent, so that the commissioners yielded to the
wishes of the multitude.
[241] ‘The custom of (forming) parties among the people, and of factions
in the senate;’ the people are divided into partes, the senate
into factiones; the latter evidently implies intriguing
combinations.
[242] ‘From the abundance of those things which mortals deem of the
first importance.’ Prima is used substantively, and with it the
relative pronoun (quae) agrees. Sallust might have said
quas — primas.
[243] Scilicet, ‘naturally,’ is used here as an adverb. See Zumpt,
§ 271.
[244] The annexation of small free farms to the adjoining large estates,
is described by all the ancient authors as the cause of the great
misery of the Roman state, and, as Sallust remarks, it was
facilitated by the absence of many of the free citizens who were
serving in the armies; for their fathers or children, who were left
behind, were easily induced to sell their small farm to a wealthy and
powerful neighbour. For force was certainly not always applied, and
pellere here signifies ‘to displace,’ rather than ‘to expel.’ The
large estates thus formed were called latifundia.
[245] Permixtio terrae is said figuratively, as is indicated by
quasi, ‘a chaos — a mixture of elements.’
[246] Tib. Gracchus was slain in B.C. 133, and his brother, G. Gracchus,
in B.C. 121. Sallust here states that the faction of the optimates
threw obstacles in the way of the two brothers, sometimes by means of
the socii (in Italy), and sometimes by means of the Roman equites,
who had been drawn into the senate by the popular party. This
refers, in the first place, to the opposition made, through the
instrumentality of the Latins, to the scheme of the Gracchi to
settle poor Roman citizens in Latin colonies; and secondly, to the
ingratitude of the equites, to whom G. Gracchus had transferred
the administration of justice, after having taken it from the senate.
Respecting modo — interdum, instead of modo — modo, see Zumpt,
§ 723.
[247] Sallust admits that the Gracchi went somewhat too far, but blames
the violence with which the faction of the optimates took
vengeance upon them; ‘for,’ says he, ‘a good man prefers being
conquered, to taking revenge for injury done to him in a violent
manner’ — intimating that the optimates ought to have borne the
injury done to them by the Gracchi, rather than avenge it with
murder and assassination.
[248] Acerbius; that is, nimis acerbe, or acerbius quam par est.
[249] Omnis civitatis for totius civitatis, in opposition to the
patres. Parem; that is, velim, which is followed in the apodosis
by the same subjunctive present, or the future indicative. See Zumpt,
§ 524, note 1. Res, the same as materia, argumentum, ‘subject.’