[530] For intra breves tempestates, see note 3, page 59
[note 304 in Cat.].
[531] Id laboro. See Zumpt, § 385. Ut illi deberent should properly
be sibi or ipsi; but see Zumpt, § 550.
[532] Multus adesse, ‘he was present in many places,’ multiplying, as
it were, his own person. Compare chap. 84.
[533] Rationes trahere implies slow and careful deliberation, as in
chaps. 34 and 93.
[534] Die for diei. See page 115, note 3 [note 289].
[535] ‘The night would not he an obstacle to them’ (in their pursuit).
Nullo obsolete for nulli. See Zumpt, § 140.
[536] Simul cognovit — et hostes aderant, ‘he at once learned — and the
enemy was there;’ that is, between the receiving of the information
and the actual attack of the enemy there was no interval. Sarcinas
colligere; the baggage was laid down before an engagement, and put
together in a heap, as in Caes. Bell. Gall. vii. 18.
[537] Signum here is ‘the watchword,’ which is given out by the
general, and is communicated among the soldiers by one man telling
another. Sometimes signum is the signal given by a cornu or
tuba. To make the former known throughout an army required some
time, but not so the latter. Signa afterwards are the standards of
the maniples, cohorts, and legions.
[538] Latrocinium, ‘a predatory attack,’ as opposed to a regular
battle.
[539] Obtruncare in opposition to caedere (cut down) signifies ‘to
mutilate by cutting off a limb or limbs.’ The word multos is chosen
here only for variety’s sake, instead of alios.
[540] The words veteres novique express a whole sentence: ‘as old
and new soldiers were united in the several divisions (maniples and
cohorts) of the army;’ and it is to this meaning that ob ea (for
this reason) refers. The scattered Romans, as old and new soldiers
were everywhere mixed together, profited by the experience of the
old ones, and formed dense circles (we should say squares), which
was, in fact, the only safe means of warding off the attack of a
superior enemy.
[541] Quam tamen — nihil remittere, ‘while the barbarians nevertheless
did not leave off.’ For quum with the historical infinitive, see
Zumpt, § 582. Pro se, ‘favourable to them.’
[542] Marius occupies two hills close by each other, the one only to
have the command of water, but the other to pitch his camp on, as
it required only to be slightly fortified. Quaerebat for
requirebat, which is more common in this sense.
[543] ‘As the enemy also had fallen into no less confusion;’ so that
neque, being properly used for et non, must here be taken for
etiam non or ne — quidem.
[544] Pleno gradu, ‘at a quick pace,’ which, however, is not running.
This retreat up the hill is, after all, a proof that the Romans had
been worsted in the attack.
[545] Fugere, ut pro, is the reading of the manuscripts, ‘as they did
not flee, they acted as though they were the victors.’ Ut pro
signifies ‘both as victors and as if they were,’ the ut and pro
signifying nearly the same thing.
[546] ‘Not even the signals were to be sounded, which were usually
heard at the different night watches.’ The night was divided by
the Romans into four watches (vigiliae), the beginning of which was
announced by a horn (buccina). Canere is here used
intransitively, ‘to sound,’ as in Cat. chap. 59 Below, it is used
transitively, in the sense of ‘to blow,’ or ‘give a signal.’
[547] The description of the consternation among the barbarians is in
some parts very minute. Formido is the highest degree of fear
(timor), which almost makes people mad, whence the addition quasi
vecordia.
[548] The superlative dextimus does not differ in meaning from the
positive dexter. See Zumpt, § 114, note 1.
[549] Minime cari; that is, maxime viles, ‘who were most
indifferent,’ or ‘valueless to him,’ whose lives he was least
inclined to spare.
[550] ‘As if he had not placed (there) any commander.’ Imponere, used
absolutely, ‘to appoint;’ namely, in the place spoken of. Nullo for
nemine, the ablative as well as the genitive of nemo not being in
use.
[551] Cogebat; supply armatos intentosque esse.
[552] Construe neque secus castra munire, atque iter facere; that is,
his care in securing the camp was as great as that which he displayed
in marching.
[553] The singular in porta is here used because the author is speaking
especially of that gate which faced the enemy (the porta praetoria
opposite the porta decumana). At this gate a strong body of
outposts (excubitores) was stationed, consisting of the most
trustworthy soldiers.
[554] Futurum, quae imperavisset, an old-fashioned mode of speaking
for futura esse, quae. Besides this passage, there is no other
certain instance of such an expression in the classical writers of
Rome; but the grammarian Gellius has proved, by many examples, that
in the earlier times it was by no means uncommon.
[555] ‘Than that the exertion, if equally shared with them (soldiers)
by the commander, should be agreeable to the soldiers.’ Aliquid
mihi est volenti. See p. 139, note 1 [note 441].
[556] Malum is here the same as ‘punishment,’ or poena.
[557] Nisi tamen introduces a modification or limitation of the doubt
expressed before respecting the real motive of Marius’s indulgence.
Compare p. 92, note 2 [note 153].
[558] Hostes adesse intellegitur is a nominative with the infinitive,
for intellegunt hostem adesse. See Zumpt, § 607. It is, however,
not impossible that hostis may be the accusative plural for
hostes.
[559] Aeque, ‘equally;’ for Jugurtha hoped that at any rate one of his
detachments would attack the Romans in the rear; but as he did not
know to which part the Romans would direct their front, each of his
detachments might equally reach a position in the rear of the Romans.
[560] The meaning is — Sulla caused the cavalry which he commanded on the
right wing, on the whole, to keep quiet, and only to repel individual
enemies that might approach; but he himself and other commanders
alternately gallopped forth with single turmae forming close bodies,
and attacked the enemy.
[561] Neque — affuerant, without repeating the relative pronoun, which,
being the subject, should be in the nominative, for sed — qui non
affuerant, or neque ii — affuerant. The omission is singular, but
not without other examples. See Zumpt, § 806. The prior pugna is
the one described in chaps. 97-99.
[562] ‘He rode secretly, with few companions,’ to another place, where
the Mauretanian infantry were attacking the rear of the Romans.
Convertit for convertit se. See Zumpt, § 145.
[563] Respecting the position of quos adversum, instead of adversum
quos, see Zumpt, § 324.
[564] That is, ipsius comitibus.
[565] ‘By making a skilful movement with his body,’ dum corpore evitat
tela.
[566] A very graphic description of a field of battle after the fighting
is over. Afflicti, ‘thrust down to the ground,’ implying the notion
of persons being severely wounded. Niti, ‘to attempt to rise.’
Qua visus erat, ‘as far as one could see.’
[567] Post ea loci, ‘afterwards.’
[568] ‘Whither he had at first directed his march. ‘Profectus might
have been omitted, but its meaning is, ‘having once set out on his
march.’
[569] ‘About what was useful to him and to the Roman people.’
[570] Placuit; supply eos, which might also have been expressed by
the relative pronoun, quos placuit. See Zumpt, § 804. The
ambassadors, having been summoned by the king himself to hear his
proposals, were not under the necessity of addressing him; but they
probably had orders to speak first, in order that, if he were not
favourably inclined towards the Romans, they might try to win him
over, or if he were favourably disposed, to strengthen him in his
designs.
[571] Rati; namely, Romani, which must be taken out of populo
Romano.
[572] The manuscripts have esses, which can be explained only by an
amalgamation of the two clauses, and might be conceived as a form
of politeness which is not contained in perpessus es.
[573] The infinitive placuisse depends on scilicet, which is here
quite the same as scire licet, as in chaps. 4 and 113. In ordinary
language, scilicet is a mere adverb, ‘evidently,’ ‘forsooth.’
[574] ‘You have many opportunities;’ consequently the same as magnam
opportunitatem. See Zumpt, § 756.
[575] Demittere in pectus, ‘to impress upon one’s mind,’ sibi
persuadere.
[576] This is a diplomatic falsehood, as hitherto Bocchus had committed
no act of hostility towards Jugurtha, and had occupied no part of
Numidia against his will; but it may be that Jugurtha had promised
to give up to him a part of Numidia, if he should succeed in
recovering the whole. That Bocchus actually wished to have a part
of Numidia, is clear from his negotiation with Sulla, chap. 111.
[577] Tum, ‘now.’ See Zumpt, § 732.
[578] Namely, legates mittendi, ‘after he had obtained permission to
despatch an embassy to Rome.’
[579] Hibernacula, ‘a winter-camp;’ the same as hiberna,
‘winter-quarters;’ for in chap. 100 it was stated that Marius ordered
quarters to be taken in the maritime towns. It is, however, doubtful
whether he placed the whole army in those towns, or whether he
ordered a portion to spend the winter in barracks, or leathern tents
made for the purpose. If the latter — in hibernaculis is used in its
proper sense.
[580] Turrim is here the same as castellum. Perfugae omnes are not
‘all the deserters,’ but ‘nothing but deserters,’ or ‘all deserters;’
for all the soldiers of the garrison consisted of deserters.
[581] Venerant has the meaning of evenerant. Respecting sibi for
ipsi, see p. 121, note 2 [note 320].
[582] Reliquerat, not ‘he had left them behind,’ which is the usual
meaning of relinquo, but ‘he had left them unbribed:’ that is, he
had neglected to bribe them.
[583] That is, he had given him the praetorian imperium during his
absence, and thereby appointed him independent commander.
[584] ‘He did not treat them as untrustworthy enemies;’ for they
were still enemies engaged in war with the Roman people, no peace
having yet been concluded. The epithet vani belongs to them,
because their master had hitherto shown himself irresolute, sometimes
suing for peace, and sometimes carrying on war. Accurate, ‘with
care,’ ‘with respect.’
[585] Volens expresses a hearty inclination to do that which one does.
[586] ‘Were considered as acts of kindness,’ as parts or proofs of a
kindly disposition.
[587] Benevolentiae sunt, ‘are calculated to produce good-will’ towards
the king.
[588] Sulla undoubtedly had his quarters near the Mauretanian frontier;
that is, in the extreme west; as the ambassador of Bocchus fled to
him. Marius summoned him to his head-quarters, Cirta, whither he also
summoned the praetor Bellienus from Utica. This praetor was no doubt
propraetor of the province of Africa, sent thither from Rome to
undertake the regular administration, but he was at the same time
placed at the disposal of the consul Marius; for as a propraetor had
the jus praetorem in his province, he was sometimes simply called
praetor; thus Verres is often called praetor of Sicily. All the other
military commanders who happened to be in the province, and were of
senatorial rank, were likewise summoned to Cirta, in order to give
weight and dignity to the preliminary negotiations for peace, for its
real conclusion rested with the senate.
[589] Ea, the neuter plural, though referring to induciae.
[590] Namely, when previously they have been successful, as had hitherto
been the case with the Roman war.
[591] The manuscripts have Rufone, which unusual name must be
corrected either into Rufo or Rusone. We prefer Rufo, because
Suetonius, in his life of Octavianus, mentions the Octavii Rufi as
a senatorial family of the time here spoken of.
[592] Deprecati sunt; that is, deprecantes dixerunt; for deprecari
properly signifies ‘to avert something by prayers.’
[593] Gratiam facere, ‘to grant pardon for something.’ To quoniam
poenitet we must supply eum.
[594] ‘By whose decision a final determination might be come to
respecting the common affairs.’ Respecting the ablative arbitratu,
see Zumpt, § 190.
[595] The infantry which, besides an escort of Roman cavalry, was
sent to accompany Sulla, consisted of light-armed troops, who were
prepared both to march through uncultivated districts, and to fight
with the barbarians. Roman infantry could not have kept up with
the cavalry. The inhabitants of the Balearian Islands (Majorca,
Minorca, and Iviza) were celebrated in antiquity as slingers; and
as socii of the Romans, they furnished slingers for the Roman
armies. Their weapon was a leathern sling, by which leaden balls
were thrown, with great skill and accuracy, at a distance of 500
paces. The Pelignians are a people of central Italy, not far from
the Adriatic, with two important towns, Corfinium and Sulmo. All
the Italian nations which had then not yet received the Roman
franchise furnished their auxiliary cohorts of 400, 500, or 800 men
to the Roman army. Whether the Pelignians always bore arma
velitaria (a round shield, a short sword, and a light javelin), or
whether they did so only on this occasion, is doubtful; but it seems
that this was their proper armour.
[596] Non amplius. See Zumpt, § 485.
[597] ‘They tried (tested) their arms and darts, and directed them
against the supposed enemy,’ but without making actual use of them.
[598] ‘As was in reality the case;’ namely, that the approaching cavalry
had no hostile intentions.
[599] To this and the following infinitive we must supply dicit, which
is to be taken out of the preceding negat. See Zumpt, § 774.
[600] Mansurum potius, quam — vitae parceret is correctly said, though
it might also be quam vitae parsurum. See Zumpt, § 603, 2. The
indicative quos ducebat is a remark of the historian; quos
duceret would be a remark of the speaker, which would here have been
the regular form. Coenatos esse, ‘they were to have finished
dining.’ See Zumpt, § 148.
[601] Ante eos, ‘before them;’ that is, on the road along which they
had to march.
[602] ‘He protects the Mauretanian against violence.’
[603] A dative. See Zumpt, § 419.
[604] The same as inermibus. See Zumpt, § 101. Nudum et caecum
corpus, ‘the undefended part of the body, and not provided with
eyes;’ that is, the back, which a person ought not to turn towards
the enemy, if he wants to be safe.
[605] ‘It seemed to him to be the most advisable.’ Instead of factu,
other editions have factum, ‘it seemed to him to be the best
thing.’
[606] ‘As the matter stood,’ a limitation suggesting that, under other
circumstances, that dangerous way would not have been chosen.
[607] ‘As they had come upon him unexpectedly;’ for Jugurtha had
not imagined that the Romans would thus, without negotiation, pass
through his lines.
[608] ‘As ambassador with a public commission,’ though at the same time
he privately acted the part of a spy.
[609] ‘That he kept firmly and unalterably everything which had been
previously determined upon with Sulla.’
[610] ‘In order that the common business might be conducted the more
carelessly.’ The laying aside of fear in the presence of Jugurtha’s
ambassador was to induce Sulla to carry on the negotiations for peace
more openly, frankly, and incautiously, since, under the influence of
fear, he would have been cautious and mistrustful. Non pertimescere
are joined together as one idea, somewhat in the sense of
contemnere, ‘he should disregard’ the ambassador, and accordingly
act with Bocchus more confidentially.
[611] The infinitive of the impersonal passive cavetur ab insidiis,
‘precaution is taken against snares.’
[612] Punica fides is proverbially the same as mala fides, the
Carthaginians being generally regarded by the Romans as perfidious
double-dealers. Attinere is the same as morari, ‘to detain.’
[613] ‘His inclination.’
[614] ‘And says (which must be taken from the preceding jubet) that
as yet he had determined upon nothing.’ As past time is here
spoken of, it should properly not be etiamnunc, but etiamtunc;
and it is doubtful as to whether the reading of some manuscripts tum
etiam ought not to be received into the text. If etiamnunc is
correct, we must explain it by supposing that the historian abandons
the character of a narrator of past events, and transfers himself to
the present.
[615] ‘A conscientious (trustworthy) man, and acceptable to both’ (Sulla
and Bocchus).
[616] The king calls the quaestor Sulla a private person, being
unwilling, as a king, to allow any one a public character who is not,
like himself, a king. But in the opinion of the Romans, the quaestor
Sulla was by no means a private person.
[617] ‘I have assisted many at their request, and others of my own accord
(unasked), while I myself was in need of no man’s assistance.’
[618] Fuerit mihi eguisse, the concessive mood: ‘granting that it was
the case that I needed,’ might also have been expressed simly by
eguerim.
[619] ‘This you may try at once.’ For this meaning of adeo, whereby
that which precedes is confirmed by the result, see Zumpt, § 281.
[620] ‘Unimpaired,’ ‘in the same condition.’
[621] We should express the same idea rather thus: regem munificentia
vinci flagitiosius est, quam armis.
[622] About factum volui, see Zumpt, § 611.
[623] ‘Your wish will not be refused by me.’ Bocchus no doubt here
alludes to the surrender of Jugurtha, but he is yet doubtful as to
whether it is worthy of himself.
[624] ‘What he promised them, they would not consider as a favour (as a
thing for which they owed him gratitude); that he must do something
beyond, something that might appear to be their interest more than
his.’
[625] ‘Would then come to him,’ implying an advantage gained without
exertion.
[626] Negitare, a rare word, but very expressive; for the simple
negare, in a case like this, is stronger than a repeated assertion
that you cannot, or will not, do a certain thing. The affinitas
(connexion by marriage) refers to what is mentioned chap. 80, a
daughter of Bocchus being married to Jugurtha. Respecting their
cognatio (relation by blood) nothing is known, but there must have
been a family connexion between the neighbouring kings.
Intervenisse — that is, factum esse — referring especially to
foedus.
[627] ‘That the war could be brought to a close by mutual concessions.’
[628] Pax conventa, ‘the peace which is agreed upon.’ Observe the
rare use of the passive participle; for convenire is commonly
intransitive — as pax convenit, a ‘peace is concluded.’
[629] In potestatem habere is ungrammatical for in potestate habere,
but is found now and then. See Zumpt, § 316.
[630] The expression is somewhat contorted; for the inserted clause
non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam should have a verb of its own,
which, however, would be a part of the leading verb — namely, qui
in hostium potestate esset.
[631] ‘In contradiction with themselves,’ ‘contradictory.’
[632] ‘The king first summoned his councillors, then dismissed them
immediately, and for a long time meditated by himself.’ Ceteris
refers to the preceding amicis, but is used instead of iis, to
form antithesis to himself: ‘after the removal of all the rest, he
deliberated by himself.’
[633] Vultus, chiefly ‘the look of the eyes,’ but also ‘the features of
the countenance,’ by which the inward emotions are manifested;
hence Sallust here, by the addition of corporis, opposes the
outward expression to the emotions of the mind: ‘He changed (varied)
in the expression of his bodily features as much as in his
sentiments.’ Quae scilicet patefecisse, ‘which, as could be seen,
revealed his mental emotions.’ Quae is the neuter plural, and
scilicet contains the leading verb.
[634] That is, ut praeceptum erat, and not dictum in the sense of
edictum; for according to the deceitful agreement, the condiciones
pacis were to be determined peaceably.
[635] Sallust passes very rapidly over the catastrophe of a king who
had worn out, by simulation and war, the Roman armies for six
years. He was taken prisoner in B.C. 106, when Marius was no
longer consul, but yet remained in Africa as proconsul. Sulla
considered the capture of Jugurtha to be an event so important, and
to himself so glorious, that he had it engraved on his sealing ring.
[636] ‘During the same time;’ that is, the time during which Marius,
as proconsul, was still in Africa, occupied no doubt with the
regulation of the affairs which, owing to the long war, had fallen
into disorder. Bocchus received a part of western Numidia, as far as
the river Ampsaga; and Numidia was divided between Hiempsal
and Hiarbas, two princes of the family of Masinissa. These and
other matters detained Marius in Africa during the year B.C. 105,
in which the Romans under the consul Gn. Manlius and the proconsul
Q. Caepio, suffered a great defeat from the Cimbri, on the
river Rhodanus. This led to the second consulship of Marius, in
B.C. 104. The people whom Sallust here calls Gauls (Galli) are
the Cimbri and Teutones, German tribes coming from the countries
about the Elbe. This mistake must be accounted for by the general
difficulty of distinguishing Celtic (Gallic) from Germanic tribes,
and also by the circumstance that the Cimbri had for many years been
wandering about in Gaul.
[637] Illique; that is, the Romans then living, as opposed to those in
the time of Sallust. Sic habuere, ‘entertained this opinion.’
[638] Certare; supply se; unless we read certari, to which it is
easier to supply a se.
[639] On the 1st of January B.C. 104. We may here observe, that
Jugurtha, after he had adorned the triumphal procession at Rome,
was put to death in the public prison near the Forum — which is
described by Sallust, Cat. 55 — at the same hour in which Marius
offered up his thanksgiving to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the
Capitol.