The maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives from the Father some of the old-time arrows with which to kill buffalo, so that he may once more feast upon pemmican.
This song evidently relates the trance vision of a mother who saw her child in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon be reunited with him. In accordance with the custom of the Ghost dance, it is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him when next they met, and that she carried them in the dance as she sang.
This song refers to the game wheel and sticks (bä′qati, Arapaho) already described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the medicine-man of Big Foot’s band carried such a hoop with him in their flight from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band until the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung upon the center tree at the dance at No Water’s camp near Pine Ridge. To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games.
A′găli (-ye)—they have returned; waku, I am returning or coming home; wagali′, I have returned.
Ahi′ (-ye)—they have come; wa-u′, I come; hi, he has come.
A-icha′gha—growing upon; from kagha, to grow or spring up.
A′te or Ate-ye—father; ate kiñ, the father; ate-mita, my father; ni′-ate, your father; at-kuku, his or her father. Ye is a syllable sometimes added to fill in the meter.
Ati′-ye—set up the tipi; here ye is the imperative suffix.
Aya′găli′pi-kte—you (plural) will take home with you, you will bring back with you; from awa′găle, I take it home.
Chañgăle′shka—a hoop; the bä′qati hoop. See Sioux song 26, and Arapaho songs.
Chañku′—road, trail.
Chăno′ñpa—pipe; o′ñpa, to smoke; cha′ñ-li, tobacco.
Cha-yani′pi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I live, I go about alive; the regular form is Yanipi-kta q. v.
Cheya′ya—he is constantly crying. Wa-che′yă, I cry; the final ya implies repetition or habit.
Chi′cha-u′pi—I bring it to you (plural). Chicha implies I to thee, or I mean thee; u implies come, from wa-u, I come; pi is the plural participle, and with chicha implies I bring it to you, or I come with it to you.
Chichu′-chĕ—I give it to you, indeed; waku′, I give it to him; chĕ conveys the idea of verily or indeed. Compare Maqu′-we.
Chiñyi—for Kiñhiñ, when, when it is so.
Echani—you think so about it; echa′mi, I think; echa′ni hwo, who do you think?
Eya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
Eya—he says; epa, I say. Eya′ya, he reiterates, he says again; e′yahe, eya′pi, they say.
E′yahe—another form of eya, he says, q. v.
Eya′pi—they say. Compare Eya.
Eya′ya—he reiterates, he says again. The final ya implies repetition. Compare Eya.
E′yaye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
E′yayo′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs to fill in the measure.
E′yeye′yeye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
Găle′shka—spotted.
Ha′eye′ya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
Hañpa—moccasin.
Ha′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
He—(1) an exclamation, look! look here! (2) an interrogative particle, after the sentence; (3) the demonstrative “that.”
Hĕku′wo—come home now, return home at once; wa-u, I come; he, a prefix implying now, or directly.
He′na—those, plural of he, that.
He′uwĕ—that is he coming; from he, that; u, coming; and wĕ, the feminine particle.
Heyahe (-ye)—he says that, he says this; ye is usually the female suffix. Compare He′ye.
He′ye—he says.
He′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
Hiyumichi′chiya′na—hand me my own; na, the female imperative particle.
Hoshi′hi (-ye)—he has arrived with a message; he has brought a message; from hoshi′, to tell news, to carry a message.
Hûñku—his mother; inû′ñ, mother.
Hwo—an interrogative sign, used by a man; a woman says wi.
Ina′—mother; my mother.
Ini′chaghapi-kte—you (plural) will grow or live. Compare Inichaghe-kte.
Inichaghe-kte—you (singular) will grow, i. e., you will live; icha′ghehe, it is growing.
Iñyañkiñ-kte—it shall run; from iñyañka, to run.
Ita′zipa—a bow (to shoot with).
Ka′gha-yo—make them; waka′ghe, I make it; yo, an imperative particle.
Kañghi′—a crow.
Kaye—another form of kaya, to take to one.
Keya′pi—they say that, they say it; epa, to say.
Kii′ñyañka—racing; from iñyañka, to run; the prefix ki implies a contest or emulation.
Kiñ—the.
Kiñhañ—explained as another form of kiñ; the ordinary meaning is when or if.
Ko′la—friend.
Koñ—that (demonstrative); it sometimes conveys the idea of “aforesaid.”
Ko′yañ—in the meantime.
Ku′pi-ye—you will return.
Lechel—thus, in this way; from le, this.
Lechi′ya—over here in this place; from le, this.
Lena—these things; from le, this.
Lo—an emphatic or euphonic particle used at the end of a phrase or sentence; it may be described as an emphatic or euphonic period. Lo is used by men, ye by women.
Lu′zahañ—swift.
Maka′—earth, the earth.
Mako′che—a country.
Mani′ye—he walks (habitual); mawani, I walk; the suffix ye usually denotes a female speaker.
Maq′pe-Luta—Red Cloud, the noted chief of the Ogalala Teton Sioux at Pine Ridge; from maqpi′ya, a cloud, and luta, red.
Maqu′-we—he gave to me, indeed; from waku′, I give it; we is an emphatic particle. Compare Chichu′-chĕ.
Ma′yuza (-ye)—grasp it with me, let me grasp it.
Michĭ′nkshi (-yi)—my son, my offspring; chĭnksh, son.
Mi′chu (-ye)—give it back to me.
Mila—knife.
Misu′ñkala—my little brother. Mi, my; la, the diminutive.
Mita′wă or Mita′waye—it is mine, from mi, I, my, and tawă, it belongs.
Mi′ye—I, myself, me.
Miyo′qañ—my power, my work. Compare Miyo′qañ-kte.
Miyo′qañ-kte—it will be my work, my power, the way I shall do; from mi, my; o′qañ, action, work, strength, and kte, the future suffix.
Nañpe—hand; mi-na′ñpe, my hand.
Nihi′youwĕ—he is coming for you; from the root u, to come; wĕ is the feminine particle, which shows that a woman is speaking.
Nihu′ñ—your (singular) mother.
Niniye′-kta—it will cause you to live; miye′, to come to live; ni, in composition, you, your; kta, the future suffix.
Nita′kuye—your kindred; mita′kuye, my relative.
Nitu′ñkañshi′la—your grandfather; mitu′ñkañshi′la, my grandfather. The final la is a euphonic diminutive.
Niya′te—for Ni-a′te, your father.
O′găle—shirt, coat.
Oho′măni—around, round about.
Oka′tañna—drive it in, drive them in (as nails or tipi pegs); na is the female imperative particle.
Oki′le—looking for its own; owa′le, I look for it; owa′kile, I look for my own.
Oma′ni (-ye)—walking around, going about.
Oñchi—grandmother.
O′wañcha′ya—all over, everywhere.
Oya′te—tribe, nation.
Peta—fire.
Pte—buffalo (generic), buffalo cow.
Puze or Puza—dry.
Shaie′la or Shaie′na—“red,” i. e., “alien;” the Sioux name for the Cheyenne. The root of the word is sha, red, with la or na, the diminutive, frequently used merely for euphony.
Sitomăni-yañ—everybody, all over, everywhere.
Tahe′na—on this side, this way, in this direction.
Ta′ku—something, whatever.
Tatañka—a buffalo bull; pte, a buffalo cow, or a buffalo (generic).
Tewa′qi′la or Tewa′qila-la—I love him; the final la is a diminutive or endearing particle, sometimes added to verbs as well as to nouns.
Tipi—a tent, a house; from, ti, to dwell or abide.
Toke′cha—soon, before long.
Tuwe′-cha—who indeed? who can it be? tu′we, who?
U—coming; wa-u, I come.
Uki′ye—they are coming; wa′-u, I come.
Uñchi′—grandmother, my grandmother.
Upo—you come (plural imperative); from wa′-u, I come.
U-we—coming, as he comes; see u; we is another form of ye, an emphatic or euphonic particle.
Wa′chipi—a dance.
Wa′kañ—sacred, mysterious, sacred thing.
Waka′gha-chĕ—it is I who made it, I made it indeed. The particle chĕ conveys the idea of indeed, verily.
Waka′ghe—I make it.
Wakaghi′ñyiñ-kte—I shall make it; waka′ghe, I make it.
Waka′ñyañ—sacredly, mysteriously; from wa′kañ, sacred, mysterious.
Wañ—a.
Wañ!—look! see! why!
Wana—now.
Wana′ghi—ghost, spirit of the dead.
Wana′ghi wa′chipi—Ghost dance, from wana′ghi, ghost, or spirit of the dead, and wa′chipi, a dance.
Wanasa′pi—see Wanasa′pi-kta.
Wanasa′pi-kta—they will chase buffalo, they are about to chase buffalo; from wana′sa, to hunt game by surrounding and shooting it. Kta or kte is the future sign.
Wañbale′nichala—a little orphan; from wa′ñbăle′nicha, an orphan.
Wa′ñbăli—eagle, the war eagle.
Wañhi′nkpe—arrow, arrows.
Wañ-la′ki—you see it; wañbăla′ki, I see it.
Wañma′yañka-yo—look at me! wañbăla′ka, I see it; yo, the imperative suffix.
Wa′oñ we—I am in that condition, I am it; we is the feminine suffix.
Wañwayag—to see it. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.
Wañwe′gala′kiñ-kte—I shall see my own. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.
Wañyañ—for wañ, a (the article).
Wañyegalake-kta—you (plural) shall see your own; from wañbăla′ki, I see it. Kte or kta is the future suffix.
Washte′—good.
Wa′sna—pemmican. See Sioux song 7.
Wati′ñ-kte—I shall eat; wawa′te, I eat.
Wawa′kabla-kte—I shall spread out the meat to dry; ka′bla, to spread out meat for drying.
Wa′yana—now; another form of wana.
We—an emphatic suffix particle equivalent to verily or indeed.
Wecha′ghe—I made them for him.
Wichĕ′shka—a tipi; the word literally means only the opening at the top of the tipi.
Wihu′ta—the bottom of a tipi.
Wowa′hiñ-kte—I shall cook; wowa′hañ, I cook (generic).
Yanipi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I am alive.
Yañyañ—an unmeaning word used in the songs to fill up the measure.
Ye—an emphatic, imperative, or precatory particle or suffix, usually spoken by a woman. In the songs it seems frequently to be used merely for euphony.
Ye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.
Yoyoyo—ibid.
Be′shĭltchă—Kiowa Apache name, meaning unknown.
Caygua—Spanish form, from their proper name, Kaigwu.
Gahe′wa—Wichita and Kichai name; another form of Kiowa.
Kâ′igwŭ—“real or principal people,” proper tribal name.
Kai-wă—Comanche and Caddo name; from their proper name, Kaigwu.
Kiowa—popular name, a corruption of the name used by themselves.
Kwŭ’da—“going out;” old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves.
Ñĭ′chihinĕ′na—“river men,” Arapaho name; so called because they formerly lived on upper Arkansas river, from which the Arapaho claim to have driven them.
Tepda—“coming out,” “issuing;” another old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves.
Witapä′hat or Witapä′tu—Cheyenne name, from their Sioux name, Witapähä′tu.
Wi′tapähä′tu—“island butte people” (?), Sioux name.
The Kiowa tribal sign indicates “hair cut off at right ear,” in allusion to a former custom of the warriors. From a careless habit in making this sign it has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean “foolish,” or “rattle-brain.”
So far as present knowledge goes, the Kiowa constitute a distinct linguistic stock; but it is probable that more material will enable us to prove their connection with some tribes farther north, from which direction they came. They are noticed in the Spanish records as early at least as 1732. Their oldest tradition, which agrees with the concurrent testimony of the Shoshoni and Arapaho, locates them about the junction of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin forks, at the extreme head of Missouri river, in the neighborhood of the present Virginia City, Montana. They afterward moved down from the mountains and formed an alliance with the Crow, with whom they have since continued on friendly terms. From here they drifted southward along the base of the mountains, driven by the Cheyenne and Arapaho. About 1840 they made peace with the latter tribes, with which they have since commonly acted in concert. The Sioux claim to have driven them out of the Black hills, and in 1805 they were reported as living upon the North Platte. According to the Kiowa account, when they first reached Arkansas river they found their passage opposed by the Comanche, who claimed all the country to the south. A war followed, but peace was finally concluded, when the Kiowa crossed over to the south side of the Arkansas and formed a confederation with the Comanche, which continues to the present day. In connection with the Comanche they carried on a constant war upon the frontier settlements of Mexico and Texas, extending their incursions as far south at least as Durango. Among all the prairie tribes they were noted as the most predatory and bloodthirsty, and have probably killed more white men in proportion to their numbers than any of the others. They made their first treaty with the government in 1837, and were put upon their present reservation jointly with the Comanche and Apache in 1868. Their last outbreak was in 1874–75, in connection with the Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne. While probably never very numerous, they have been greatly reduced by war and disease. Their last terrible blow came in the spring of 1892, when the measles destroyed over 300 of the three confederated tribes. Their present chief is Gu′i-pä′go, Lone Wolf. They occupy the same reservation with the Comanche and Apache, between Washita and Red rivers, in southwestern Oklahoma, and numbered 1,017 in 1893.
The Kiowa do not have the gentile system, and there is no restriction as to intermarriage among the divisions. They have six tribal divisions, including the Apache associated with them, who form a component part of the Kiowa camping circle. A seventh division, the K̔uăto, is now extinct. The tribal divisions in the order of the camping circle are:
1. K̔a′ta—“biters,” i. e., Arikara or Ree; so called, not because of Arikara origin, but because they were more intimate with that tribe in trade and otherwise when the Kiowa lived in the north.
2. Ko′‛gu′i—“elks.”
3. Kâ′igwŭ—“Kiowa proper.” This is the oldest division, to which belongs the keeping of the medicine tipi, in which is the grand medicine of the tribe.
4. Kiñep—“big shields.” This is the largest division in the tribe and of corresponding importance.
5. Semät—“thieves,” the Apache.
6. Koñtä′lyui—“black boys.” Sometimes also called Si′ndiyu′i, “Sindi’s children.” Said to be of darker color than the rest of the tribe, which, if true, might indicate a foreign origin. Sindi is the great mythic hero of the Kiowa.
7. K̔u′ato—“pulling up from the ground or a hole.” An extinct division, speaking a slightly different dialect, and exterminated by the Sioux in one battle about the year 1780. On this occasion, according to tradition, the Kiowa were attacked by an overwhelming force of Sioux and prepared to retreat, but the chief of the K̔uato exhorted his people not to run, “because, if they did, their relatives in the other world would not receive them.” So they stood their ground and were killed, while the others escaped. Their place in the tribal camp circle is not known.
In the annual sun dance and in other great tribal gatherings the several divisions camped in the order shown in figure 104.
Although brave and warlike, the Kiowa are considered inferior in most respects to the Comanche. In person they are dark and heavily built, forming a marked contrast to the more slender and brighter-complexioned prairie tribes farther north. Their language is full of choking and nasal sounds, and is not well adapted to rhythmic composition, for which reason they frequently used the Arapaho songs in the Ghost dance, without any clear idea of the meaning or correct pronunciation, although they have quite a number of songs of their own.
A small tribe of Athapascan stock, calling themselves Na′-isha or Na-di′isha-de′na, and popularly known as Apache or Kiowa Apache, has been associated with the Kiowa as far back as the traditions of either tribe go. While retaining their distinct language, they nearly all speak and understand Kiowa and form a component part of the Kiowa camping circle. In dress and general habits of life they are in no way distinguishable. They have come from the north with the Kiowa, and are mentioned under the name of Cataka as living in the Black-hills country in 1805. La Salle speaks of them under the name of Gattacka as early as 1681. There is no reason to suppose that they ever formed a part of the Apache proper of Arizona and New Mexico, but are probably, like the Sarsi, a distinct Athapascan people who have always lived east of the mountains, and who, having been obliged by weakness of numbers to unite themselves with a stronger tribe, have since shared their migratory fortunes southward along the plains. The Na-isha are called Ga′taqka by the Pawnee and sometimes by the Wichita; Cataka by Lewis and Clark, in 1805; Kataka in their first treaty with the government, made jointly with the Kiowa in 1837; Ta′shĭn by the Comanche; Gĭnä′s by the Wichita; Ka′ntsi, “deceivers,” by the Caddo; Kĭri′năhĭs by the Kichais; Tha‛kahinĕ′na, “knife-whetting men (?)” by the Arapaho, and Mûtsiănătä′niuw′, “whetstone people,” by the Cheyenne. They have several names among the Kiowa, but are commonly known by them as Semät, “thieves.” Other Kiowa names for them are Tagu′i, of unknown meaning, and Sa′dălso′mte-k̔iñago, “weasel people.” The tribal sign for them, as for the Apache, Lipan, and Navaho, conveys the idea of “knife whetters.” In 1891 they numbered 325. In 1893 they had been reduced, chiefly by an epidemic of measles, to 224.
More extended information in regard to the Kiowa and Kiowa Apache will be given in the author’s memoir, “Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians,” now in preparation for the Bureau of Ethnology.
This is a summary of the Ghost dance doctrine, closing with an invocation to all present to stretch out their hands toward the west and pray to the Father to hasten his coming.
In this song the verb ĭmzä′nteähe′dal implies that the spirits are coming on like an army or like a great herd of animals. The termination he′dal implies that it is a matter of report or common belief and not of personal knowledge.
This song was composed by Pa-guadal, “Red Buffalo,” at a Ghost dance held on Walnut creek in the summer of 1893, under the direction of the prophet Pa-iñgya (see page 907), for the purpose of resurrecting Red Buffalo’s son, who had recently died. Pa-iñgya assured the people that if they held the dance as he directed, the dead boy would rise up alive from the ground before their eyes. In the dance Red Buffalo became “crazy” and composed this song. In his trance he evidently imagined himself a bird. His father was one of the “buffalo doctors,” or surgeons of the tribe, who are under the special protection of the buffalo and whose war cry is an imitation of the bellowing of a buffalo bull. Red Buffalo claims to have inherited his father’s knowledge; hence his assertion that he bellows like a bull. The boy was not resurrected.
The composer of this song went, in her trance, to the other world, led by the Father, who pointed out the way, and saw there her former friends and joined them in the dance.
The “bird tail” refers to the feathers (wakuna, Arapaho) worn on the heads of the dancers (figure 91). The song is peculiar in implying that the recipient must climb up into the tree tops to obtain it.
Although the words of this song do not contain much meaning, the tune is one of the best among the Kiowa ghost songs. The introductory line gives somewhat the effect of Comanche song 1. The last line is supposed to be a prayer or entreaty to the messiah, and is an imitation of the Kiowa funeral wail.
This song embodies the Ghost-dance idea of a return to the old Indian things. The expression, “He calls the bow my father,” is worthy of an oriental poet. The last line is a general exhortation to the women to persevere or “push hard” in the dance.
This song was made by Mary Zoñtom, a woman who speaks very fair English, and refers to a young man named To′ngyä-gu′adal, Red Tail, who used to go into frequent trances. The expression “he was sent” implies that he is a recognized messenger to the spirit world, while “we hold fast to him” is equivalent to “we have faith in him.”
“So God created man in his own image.”