Aheriya.32—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers, and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country.33 At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and character the Aheriyas of [40]Aligarh and Etah seem to have little connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers and apparently Ahîrs.34 In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces.35 They trace their origin to Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers. In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in distress or discontented.

The Aligarh tradition. 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was one of the two sons of Brahma and [41]Satarûpa. According to the mythology he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans; thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting, and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or “sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.

Tribal council. 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat), constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.

Marriage rules. 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to [42]do her bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them. The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described, become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union. Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are not admitted to caste privileges.

Widow marriage. 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire (bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to his deceased brother. [43]

Birth ceremonies. 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed. Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts (mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans, and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.

Adoption. 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the age of ten.

Marriage ceremonies. 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan, consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives these things [44]to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga). Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes, or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends. The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth, and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire, and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away” of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room, where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur, or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa. Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are usually married in this way, which is known as dola.

Disposal of the dead. 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe, but this is not essential. After they bathe [45]they collect a little kusa grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha; but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the dead.

Ceremonial pollution. 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days. The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing and washing the hair of the head.

Religion. 11. Devi is their special object of worship, but Mekhâsur is the tribal godling. His name means “Ram demon,” but they can give no account of him. His shrine is at Gangîri, in the Atraula Tahsîl. He is worshipped on the eighth and ninth of Baisâkh, with sweets and an occasional goat. An Ahîr takes the offering. Zâhir Pîr is the well known Gûga. His day is the ninth of the dark half of Bhâdon, and his offering cloth, cloves, ghi and cash, which are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim. Miyân Sâhib, the saint of Amroha, in the Morâdâbâd District, is worshipped on Wednesday and Saturday with an offering of five pice, cloves, incense, and cakes, which are taken by the faqîrs who are the attendants (mujâwir) at his tomb. They also make a goat sacrifice known as kandûri, and consume the meat themselves. Jakhiya has a square platform at Karas, in the Iglâs Tahsîl, at the door of a sweeper’s hut. His day is the sixth of the dark half of Mâgh, and his offering is two pice and some betel and sweets. These are taken by the sweeper officiant. They also sometimes sacrifice a pig, and the sweeper rubs a little of the blood on the children’s foreheads in order to ward [46]off evil spirits. Barai is a common village godling. He is represented by a few stones under a tree; his offering is a chhakka or six cowries, some betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman Panda. This godling is the special protector of women and children. His days are the seventh of the light half of Chait and the seventh of the light half of Kuâr. Mâta, the small-pox goddess, and Masâni, the spirit of the burning ground, are represented by some stones placed on a platform under a tree. They are worshipped on the same days as Barai by women and children, and a Brâhman takes the offerings. Châmar also has his abode under a tree, and is worshipped on the first Monday of every Hindu month. His offering is a wheat cake; and a ram is offered in serious cases, and consumed by the worshippers. When cattle are sick or lose their milk, a little unboiled milk is poured on the shrine. Bûrha Bâba has his shrine at Chândausi, in the Khair Tahsîl. His day is the third of the light half of Baisâkh, and he is presented with cloth, betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman. Sâh Jamâl, who appears to be one of the Pânch Pîr, has a shrine near the city of Aligarh. The offerings here are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim.

Patron Saint. 12. Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, is a sort of patron saint of the tribe. According to the Aheriya legend Vâlmîki was a great hunter and robber. After he had taken many lives he one day met the saint Nârada Muni in the jungle. As he was aiming his arrow at the Rishi, Nârada asked him if he knew what a sin he was committing. At last Nârada convinced him of his wickedness and tried to teach him to say Râma! Râma! but for a long time he could get no nearer it than Mâra! Mâra! (Kill! kill!) Finally his devotion won him pardon, and he became learned enough to compose the Râmâyana. Hence he is the saint of the Aheriyas.

House worship. 13. Some make a house shrine dedicated to Mekhâsur in a room set apart for the purpose. Women regularly married are permitted to join in this worship, but unmarried girls and karâo wives are excluded. The sacrifices to these tribal godlings are done by some member of the family, not by a regular priest. In the case of Miyân Sâhib and Jakhiya they sometimes release the victim after cutting its ear; in all other cases the animal is killed, and the flesh eaten by the worshippers. Most of their festivals are those common to all Hindus, which will be often mentioned. There is a [47]curious survival of human sacrifice in the observance at the festival known as the Sakat Chauth, when they make the image of a human being of boiled rice, and at night cut it up and eat it. They venerate the pîpal tree, and have a special worship of the âonla (phyllanthus emblica) on the eleventh of the light half of Phâlgun. Women bow down before the tree and offer eight small cakes and water at noon. At the Nâgpanchami women draw pictures of snakes on the walls of their houses and throw milk over them. Men take milk to the jungle and place it near the hole of a snake. Their favourite tattoo mark is Sîtâ ki rasoi, or a representation of the cooking room of Sîta, which is still shown on the Chitra Kûta hill. Their chief oath is on the Ganges, and this is made more binding if the person taking it stands under a pîpal tree or holds a leaf of it in his hand.

Social rules. 14. They cannot eat or drink with any other caste; but they will eat kachchi cooked by Ahîrs, Barhais, Jâts, and Kahârs; they eat pakki, cooked by a Nâi, but he will not eat pakki cooked by them.

Industries. 15. Their industries are what might have been expected from their partially nomad life. Like the Musahar of the Eastern Districts they make the leaf platters which Hindus use at meals (see Bâri). They also collect reeds for basket-making, etc., honey and gum from the dhâk and acacia, which they sell in the towns. But the business which they chiefly carry on is burglary and highway robbery, and they are about the most active and determined criminals in the Province. A band of Aheriyas, arrested for committing a highway robbery on the Grand Trunk Road, gave the following account of themselves to Colonel Williams36:—“Our children require no teaching. At an early age they learn to steal. At eight or nine years of age they commence plundering from the fields, and as opportunities offer take brass vessels or anything they can pick up. So that by fifteen or sixteen they are quite expert, and fit to join in our expeditions. Gangs consist of from ten to twenty. Sometimes two gangs meet on the road and work together. I have known as many as forty in one highway robbery. Our leaders (Jamadâr) are elected for their skill, intelligence, and daring. A good Jamadâr has no lack of followers. The Jamadâr collects his band, gets an advance from Banyas to support his followers during the expedition, which money [48]is repaid with interest, and our families are never allowed to want while we are absent. We assemble in the village and start together, but disperse into parties of two or three to avoid observation, and generally state that we are Kâchhis, Lodhas, or even Râjputs, going to Benares on pilgrimage. We do this as our tribe has a bad name. We also avoid putting up at sarâis, and generally encamp 100 or 200 paces from the high road to watch travellers, carts, and vans passing. We all carry bludgeons, rarely weapons; one or two in the gang may have a sword. Our mode of proceeding in highway robberies is to look out for vans, carts, or camels laden with cloth: finding such as are likely to afford a booty, the members of the gang are warned to follow. The most expert proceed ahead to fix a spot for the attack. We have followed camels for three or four days before an opportunity offered. We commence by pelting the guards with pieces of limestone (kankar) or stones. This generally causes them to fly; but, if not, we assemble and threaten them with our bludgeons. If they still resist, we give up the attack. We, however, rarely fail, and at the first shower of kankar the guards all fly. If any of our gang are captured, it is the business of our Jamadâr to remain at hand, or depute some intelligent man of the band for this special duty: no expense is spared to effect their release. We find the Police readily accessible. If separated, we recognise each other by the jackal’s cry; but we have no peculiar terms or slang to distinguish each other. We take omens. Deer and the sâras crane on the right, jackals, asses, and white birds on the left, while proceeding on an expedition, are highly propitious. Unfavourable omens cause the expedition to be deferred until they become otherwise. On returning, if jackals, asses, and white birds appear on the left, or deer, sâras, or owls on the right, we rejoice exceedingly, and fear no evil. Some of our Jamadârs are so brave that they don’t care for omens. We dispose of our booty through middlemen (arhatiya), who sell it to the great Mahâjans. Of course they know it is plundered property from the price they give; and how could we have silk and fine linen for sale if not plundered? Our zamîndârs know we live by plunder, and take a fourth of the spoil. Sometimes they take such clothes as suit them. On returning from a highway robbery we use great expedition, travelling all night. During the day the plunder is concealed in dry wells; we disperse and hide in the fields. Two or three of the sharpest of the gang go to the nearest village for food, generally prepared food. We soon become [49]acquainted with all the sharp men on the road. One rogue readily finds a companion, and we thus get information of parties travelling and suitable booty. Though we pilfer and thieve wherever we can, we prefer highway robbery, as it is more profitable, and if the booty is cloth, easily disposed of. Always thieves by profession, we did not take to highway robbery till the great famine of 1833. Gulba and Suktua, Baheliyas, first opened the way for us, and taught us this easy mode of living. These two are famed men, and resided near Mirzapur, in Pargana Jalesar (now in the Etah District). The Baheliyas and Aheriyas of Mirzapur soon took a leading part, and were highly distinguished. They are noted among us as expert thieves and highway robbers.” Since this was written the Aheriyas have begun to use the railway in their expeditions, and are known to have made incursions as far as the Panjab, Central India, Bengal, and Bombay. The Etah branch of the tribe is under the provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act. Curiously enough they have escaped record at the last Census.

Ahîr37:—An important and widely-distributed caste of herdsmen and agriculturists, found in large numbers throughout the Province. According to the Brâhmanical tradition, as given by Manu, they are descended by a Brâhman from a woman of the Ambastha, [50]or tribe of physicians. “In the Brahma Purâna it is said that they are descended from a Kshatriya father and a woman of the Vaisya caste; but on the question of the descent of the various tribes, the sacred books, as in many other matters, differ very much from each other, and none are to be implicitly trusted. This pastoral tribe of the Yâdubansi stock was formerly of much greater consideration in India than it is at present. In the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata the Abhîras in the west are spoken of; and in the Purânik Geography, the country on the western coast of India, from the Tâpti to Devagarh is called Abhîra, or the region of cowherds. When the Kattis arrived in Gujarât, in the eighth century, they found the greater part of the country in the occupation of the Ahîrs. The name of Asirgarh, which Farishta and Khizâna Amîra say is derived from Asa, Ahîr, shows that the tribe was of some importance in the Dakkhin also, and there is no doubt that we have trace of the name in the Abiria of Ptolemy, which he places above Patalene. Ahîrs were also Râjas of Nepâl at the beginning of our era, and they are perhaps connected with the Pâla, or shepherd dynasty, which ruled in Bengal from the 9th to the latter part of the 11th century, and which, if we may place trust in monumental inscriptions, were for some time the universal rulers of India.”38

Origin of the tribe. 2. On the tribe to the east Mr. Risley writes39:—“The traditions of the caste bear a highly imaginative character, and profess to trace their descent from the god Krishna, whose relations with the milk-maids of Brindâban play an important part in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the tribe of Yâdavas, or descendants of Yadu, a nomadic race, who graze cattle and make butter, and are believed to have made an early settlement in the neighbourhood of Mathura. In memory of this tradition, one of their sub-castes, in the North-Western Provinces, is called Yadu, or Jâdubansi, to the present day. Another story, quoted by Dr. Buchanan, makes out the Guâlas to be Vaisyas, who were degraded in consequence of having introduced castration among their herds, and members of the caste who are disposed to claim this distinguished ancestor may lay stress upon the fact that the tending of flocks and herds is mentioned by the authorities among the duties of the Vaisya order. Taken as a whole, the Guâla traditions hardly can be said to do [51]more than render it probable that one of their earliest settlements was in the neighbourhood of Mathura, and that this part of the country was the centre of distribution of the caste. The large functional group known by the name Guâla seems to have been recruited not merely by the diffusion along the Ganges valley of the semi-Aryan Guâlas of the North-Western Provinces, but also by the inclusion in the caste of pastoral tribes who were not Aryans at all. These, of course, would form distinct sub-castes, and would not be admitted to the jus connubii with the original nucleus of the caste. The great differences of make and feature which may be observed among Guâlas seem to bear out this view, and to show that whatever may have been the original constituents of the caste, it now comprises several heterogeneous elements. Thus, even in a district so far from the original home of the caste as Sinhbhûm, we find Colonel Dalton remarking that the features of the Mathurâbâsi Guâlas are high, sharp and delicate, and they are of a light brown complexion. Those of the Magadha sub-caste, on the other hand, are undefined and coarse. They are dark-complexioned, and have large hands and feet. Seeing the latter standing in a group with some Sinhbhûm Kols, there is no distinguishing one from the other. There has, doubtless, been much intermixture of blood. These remarks illustrate both the processes to which the growth of the caste is due. They show how representatives of the original tribe have spread to districts very remote from their original centre, and how at the same time people of alien race who followed pastoral occupations have become attached to the caste, and are recognized by a sort of fiction as having belonged to it all along.”

3. Another account represents them to be the descendants of the Abars, one of the Scythian tribes who in the second or first century before Christ entered India from the north-west, or, and this is perhaps more probable, they are regarded as an old Indian or half-Indian race who were driven south before the Scythian invasion. That they were very early settlers in these Provinces and the neighbourhood is certain. The Nepâl legend40 states that the Kirâtas obtained possession of the valley after expelling the Ahîrs. In the Hindu drama of the Toy-Cart,41 the successful usurper who overthrows Pâlaka, King of Ujjain, is Aryaka, of the cowherd caste; and similarly in the Buddhist chronicles Chandragupta is described as a [52]cowherd of princely race. In Oudh they appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the Râjput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at Dalmau in the Râê Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal, who has been, in connection with that tribe shown to be mythical.42 General Cunningham43 assumes from the reference to them in Manu that they must certainly have been in India before the time of Alexander, and that as they are very numerous in the eastern districts of Mirzapur, Benares, and Shâhâbâd, they cannot possibly, like the Jâts and Gûjars, be identified with the Indo-Scythians, whose dominions did not extend beyond the Upper Ganges. It is merely a conjecture of Mr. Nesfield that the Kor or Kur sub-caste is derived from the Kols of the Vindhyan plateau.44

4. At the same time, as might have been expected, some of their traditions indicate a tendency to aspire to a higher origin than those which would associate them with menial tribes such as the Bhars. Thus in Bulandshahr45 they claim to be Chauhân Râjputs. The Rohilkhand branch say that they came from Hânsi Hissâr about 700 years ago. In Gorakhpur the Bargaha sub-caste provide wet-nurses in Râjput families46: others call themselves Jâts and refer their origin to Bharatpur, while they call themselves Kshatriyas. There is again a very close connection between the Dauwa sub-caste and the Bundela Râjputs for whom they provide wet-nurses.47 In Azamgarh48 they claim to have been once Kshatriyas who ruled the country; in Mainpuri49 they assert that they are descendants of Râna Katîra of Mewâr, who had been driven from his own country by an invasion of the Muhammadans and took refuge with Digpâla, Râja of Mahâban, whose daughter, Kânh Kunwar his son subsequently married, and by her became the ancestor of the Pâthak sub-caste. They are the highest clan in that part of the country, and there is a ridiculous legend in explanation of their name, that Râna Katîra was attacked by the King of Delhi, [53]and that out of the twelve gates (phâtak) of his capital only one held out to the end. When the enemy had retired, the Râna, in order to commemorate the signal bravery shown by the guard of the twelfth gate, issued a decree that they and their descendants should be for ever designated by the title of Pâthak or Phâtak.

Internal structure. 5. At the last Census the Ahîrs were recorded in eighteen main sub-castes—Benbansi, the offspring of Râja Vena, the famous sinner of the mythology; Bhirgudi; Dauwa; Dhindhor; Gaddi; Gamel; Ghorcharha, “riders on horses;” Ghosi, or “Shouters;” Gûjar; Guâlbans; Jâdubans, “of the Yâdava race;” Kamariha; Khunkhuniya; Kur; Nandabans, “of the race of Nanda,” the foster-father of Krishna; Pâthak; Rajauriya, and Râwat. The internal classification of the Ahîrs was very carefully worked out by Sir H. M. Elliot, who writes:—“There appear to be three grand divisions among them,—the Nandbans, the Jâdubans and the Guâlbans, which acknowledge no connection except that of being all Ahîrs. Those of the Central Duâb usually style themselves Nandbans; those to the west of the Jamuna and the Upper Duâb, Jâdubans; and those in the Lower Duâb and Benares, Guâlbans. The latter seem to have no sub-divisions or gotras. The principal gotras of the Nandbans are Samarphalla, Kishnaut, Bhagta, Bilehniya, Diswâr, Nagauwa, Kanaudha, Dûnr, Râwat, Tenguriya, Kur, Kamariya, Barausiya, Mujwâr, Dahima, Nirban, Kharkhari, Dirhor, Sitauliya, Jarwariya, Barothi, Gonda and Phâtak—amounting in all to eighty-four. In Bighoto, besides many of these there are the Molak, Santoriya, Khosiya, Khalliya, Loniwâl, Aphariya or Aphiriya, Maila, Mhaila, Khoro, Sesotiya, Gandwâl, Gird, Bhamsara, Janjariya, Kankauriya and Niganiya, amounting in all to sixty-four. Many of the two last-named clans have been converted to the Muhammadan faith, and are known as Rângars. The two villages whence they derive their name are celebrated in local legends for turbulence and contumacy.

Dihli ten paintîs kos Kanhaur Nigâna; Apni boi âp khâen, hâkim ne na den dâna.—“Thirty-five kos from Delhi are Kanhaur and Nigâna. There the people eat what they sow, and do not give a grain to the Government.”

6. Amongst these the Khoro rank first; but their claim to superiority is denied by the Aphiriya, who have certainly in modern times attained the highest distinction. They all, including the [54]Khoro, intermarry on terms of equality, avoiding, like all other Ahîrs, only the four gotras nearest related. A man, for instance, cannot marry into his father’s, mother’s paternal or maternal gotras; and no intermarriages take place between distant clans. Thus those of the Duâb and Bighoto hold little or no personal intercourse, and each declares the other an inferior stock.”

7. In Agra we find the Guâlbans, Nandbans, Kamariha and Ghusiya. The Nandbans call themselves the offspring of Nanda, the foster-father of Krishna, and the Guâlbans say that they are descended from the Gopis who danced with the god in the woods of Brindâban and Gokul. The Nandbans women wear bangles (chûri) of glass (kâncha) and white clothes. Those of the Guâlbans wear bangles of lac and coloured or embroidered dresses. All of them, at the time of marriage, except the Ghusiya, wear a nuptial crown (maur) made of paper. That of the Ghusiyas is made of the leaves of the palm (khajûr). The Kamariya sub-caste have a curious custom of hanging up cakes made of wheat-flour in the marriage pavilion while the ceremony is going on. All of them admit widow marriage, and these sub-castes are strictly endogamous. In Cawnpur the sub-castes are Nandbans, Jâdubans, Kishnaut, Kanaujiya, Ghosi, Guâlbans and Illahâbâsi, or residents of Allahâbâd. In the east of the Province there is a different set of sub-castes. Thus in Mirzapur they are divided into the Churiya Guâl, who are so called because their women wear bangles (chûri); Mathiya, who wear brass rings (mâthi); Kishnaut; Maharwa, or Mahalwa; Dharora; Bhurtiya; and Bargâhi. The Kishnaut sub-caste allege that it was among them that the infant Krishna was nursed. The Maharwas or Mahalwas tell the following story to account for their name:—“Once upon a time there lived an Ahîr at Agori, the famous fortress of the Chandel Râjputs, on the river Son. He was rich and devoted to gambling. The Râja of Agori also loved the dice. One day they were playing, when the Ahîr lost all his property, and, finally, staked his unborn child. He lost this also. When the Ahîr’s wife brought forth a girl the Râja claimed her, and the Ahîr was called Maharwa, because his daughter had to enter the harem (mâhal) of the Râja.” Another version of the legend connects it with the celebrated Lorik cycle. The Ahîr maiden is said to have been saved by the hero, and took the name of Maharwa because she was saved from the harem.

8. Another legend tells the origin of the Bhurtiyas in this way:—“Once upon a time Sri Krishna blew his flute in the forest and all [55]the girls of Brindâban rushed to meet him. They were so excited at the prospect of meeting him that they did not wait to adjust their dress or jewelry. One of them appeared with brass rings (mâthi) on one wrist and lac bangles (chûri) on the other; so she was called by way of a joke Bhurtiya or ‘careless,’ and the name has clung to her descendants ever since.” In memory of this the women of this sub-caste wear both kinds of ornaments.

9. Bargâhi is said, again, in Persian to mean “one who attends a royal court,” and the name is derived from the fact that the women of this sub-caste used to serve as wet-nurses in the families of noblemen. Among these the Churiya and Maharwa intermarry; all the others are endogamous.

10. The detailed Census returns enumerate no less than 1,767 varieties of Ahîrs. Of these, those most largely represented are—in Bulandshahr, the Bhatti, Nirban and Ahar; in Aligarh, the Chakiya, Garoriya; in Mainpuri, the Girdharpuriya and Tulasi; in Etah, the Barwa, Bharosiya, Deswâr, Dholri, Kanchhariya, and Siyarê; in Bareilly, the Chaunsathiya or “sixty-fours;” in Morâdâbâd, the Deswâr; in Shâhjahânpur, the Bâchhar, which is the name of a well-known Râjput sept, Bakaiya, Birhariya, Chanwar, Darswâr, Dohar, Kharê, Katha, Katheriya, Manhpachchar, Râna, Rohendi and Sisariya; in Cawnpur, the Darswâr and Sakarwâr, the latter of which is the title of a Râjput sept; in Fatehpur, the Raghubansi; in Bânda, the Bharauniya; in Hamîrpur, the Rautela; in Jhânsi, the Gondiya, Mewâr and Rautela; in Mirzapur, the Kishnaut; in Ballia, the Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, Majraut; in Gorakhpur, the Bargâh, Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, and Majnûn; in Basti, the Kanaujiya; in Lucknow, the Raghubansi; in Unâo, the Gel, Gokuliya, and Guâlbansi; in Sîtapur, the Râjbansi; in Hardoi, the Kauriya; in Sultânpur, the Dhuriya; in Partâbgarh, the Sohar; in Bârabanki, the Bâchhar, Dharbansi, Muriyâna and Râjbansi.

The Lorik legend. 11. No account of the Ahîrs would be complete without some reference to the famous tribal legend of Lorik, which is most popular among them and is sung at all their ceremonies. There are various recensions of it, and it is most voluminous and embodies a number of different episodes. In what is, perhaps, the most common form of the legend, Siudhar, an Ahîr of the East country, marries Chandain, and is cursed with the loss of all passion by Pârvati. His wife forms an attachment for a neighbour named Lorik and elopes with him. The husband pursues, fails to induce her to return, and fights Lorik, by whom he [56]is defeated. The pair then go on and finally meet Mahâpatiya, a Dusâdh, the chief of the gamblers. He and Lorik play till the latter loses everything, including his mistress. She urges that her jewels did not form part of the stake, and induces them to try another throw of the dice. She stands opposite Mahâpatiya and distracts his attention by exposing her person to him. Finally Lorik wins everything back. The girl then tells Lorik how she had been insulted by the low-caste man, who saw her exposed, and Lorik with his two-maund sword cuts off the gambler’s head, when it and his body were turned into stone, and are to be seen to this day. Lorik and Chandain then continued their wanderings, and he attacks and defeats the King of Hardui near Mongir. The Râja is afterwards assisted by the King of Kalinga, defeats Lorik, and imprisons him in a dungeon, whence he is released by the intercession of the goddess Durga, recovers the kingdom and his mistress Chandain, and after some years of happiness returns to his native land.

12. Meanwhile the brother of Lorik, Semru, had been attacked and killed by the Kols and all his cattle plundered. Lorik takes a bloody revenge from the enemy. Before he left home with Chandain, Lorik had been betrothed to an Ahîr girl named Satmanain, who by this time had become a handsome woman, who lived in the hope that Lorik would some day return and claim her. Lorik was anxious to test her fidelity, and when he came near home, concealed his identity. When she and the other woman came to sell milk in his camp he laid down a loin cloth at the entrance. All the other women stepped over it, but such was the delicacy of Satmanain that she refused. Lorik was pleased, and, without her knowledge, filled her basket with jewels, and covered them over with rice. When she returned, her sister found the jewels, and taxed her with receiving them as the price of her honour. She indignantly denied the accusation, and the son of Semru, the dead brother of Lorik, set out to avenge on him the insult to his aunt. Finally, the matter was cleared up, and Lorik reigned for many years in happiness with his wives Chandain and Satmanain. But the god Indra determined to destroy his virtue, and he induced Durga to take the form of his mistress and tempt him. When he gave way to the temptation and touched her she struck him so that his face turned completely round. Overcome by grief and shame he went to Kâsi (Benares), and there they were all turned into stone, and sleep the sleep of magic at the Manikarnika Ghât.50 [57]

Marriage rules. 13. As has been already said, the sub-castes are endogamous. To the west the gotra system is in full force and marriage is barred in the four gotras of father, mother, grand-father, and grand-mother. To the east few of the rural Ahîrs seem to know anything about their gotras. They will not marry in a family to which a sister has been given in marriage until three generations have passed. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, “the Brâhmanical gotras are unknown, and marriage among the Guâlas is regulated by a very large number of exogamous groups (mûl) of the territorial type. In some places where the existing mûls have been found inconveniently large, and marriage has been rendered unduly difficult, certain mûls have broken up into purukhs or sub-sections. Where this has taken place a man may marry within the mûl, but not within the purukh, the smaller and more convenient group.” He goes on to explain at length how this rule of exogamy works in practice, and how it is necessary to supplement it by the standard formula of exogamy common to many of the lower tribes. Of this elaborate system no trace has been found as yet among the western Ahîrs, but it is quite possible that further local enquiry may supply examples of this, or some analogous rule of exogamy prevailing in these Provinces.

Tribal council. 14. The internal affairs of the caste are managed by a panchâyat or tribal council. As an instance of its working, in Mirzapur it is presided over by a permanent chairman (chaudhari) and, as a rule, meets only on the occasion of weddings and funeral ceremonies, when current business is brought before it. The cases usually heard are connected with immorality, eating with a prohibited caste, and family disputes about inheritance and property. The accused person during the hearing of the case is not allowed to sit on the tribal mat with his brethren. The president uses the members only as assessors, and after enquiry announces the decision. A person found guilty of immorality is usually fined eight rupees, and has to supply two feasts for the brethren. Out of the fine the chairman receives one rupee, and the rest is spent in purchasing vessels and other furniture for use at the meetings. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with a woman of the tribe, he is fined only one rupee and has to give two dinners to the brotherhood. Any one who disobeys the orders of the chairman is beaten with shoes in the presence of the council and is excluded from all caste privileges [58]until he submits. Instances of the contempt of the orders of the council are seldom heard of.

Marriage. 15. To the west of the Province polygamy is allowed, but it is discouraged. In Mirzapur it is said to be prohibited without the express sanction of the council, which is given only in exceptional cases, such as the hopeless illness or barrenness of the first wife, and if a man ventures to take a second wife without sanction, he is very severely dealt with. There seems to be very little doubt that along the banks of the Jumna polyandry prevails in the fraternal form. That it does exist among some of these tribes is shown by the common saying, Do khasam ki joru chausar ki got (“The wife of two husbands is no better than a draught in backgammon”). Among the Ahîrs of this part of the country it has doubtless originated in the custom of one member of the family remaining away grazing cattle often for a long time. It is very difficult to obtain information about it, as, wherever it exists, the custom is strongly reprobated. The eastern Ahîrs agree in denying its existence, and express the utmost horror at the very idea of such a family arrangement.

16. Marriage, except among the very poorest members of the caste, takes place in infancy. As an example of the arrangements the customs in the Mirzapur District may be described. The match is generally settled by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father or by the brother-in-law of the latter. In all cases the assent of the parents on both sides is essential. The father of the boy pays as the bride price two rupees in cash, two garments, and five sers of treacle and salt. No physical defect, which was disclosed at the time of the betrothal, is sufficient to invalidate the marriage. A husband may put away his wife for habitual infidelity; but a single lapse from virtue, provided the paramour be a member of the caste, is not seriously regarded. Widow marriage is permitted as well as the levirate; but if the widow does not take up with the younger brother of her late husband, she usually marries a widower. Children of virgin brides and widows married a second time rank equally for purposes of inheritance; but it has been judicially decided51 that an Ahîr, the offspring of an adulterous connection, is incapable of inheriting from his father. At widow marriage there is no regular ceremonial; the bridegroom merely [59]goes to the woman’s guardian with two rupees and a sheet on a day fixed by the village Pandit. He pays the bride price and the woman is dressed in the sheet. He eats that night with her family, and next morning takes his wife home, and she is recognized as a duly married woman after the brotherhood have been feasted. If she marry outside the family of her late husband, his estate devolves on his sons by her first marriage; if there be no sons, to the brothers of her late husband. If she marry her husband’s younger brother, he acts as guardian of his nephews and makes over to them the property of their father when they arrive at the age of discretion. There is no fiction of attributing the children of the second to the first husband.

Adoption. 17. Adoption prevails; and, as long as there is a sister’s son available for adoption, no other relative can be selected. A man may adopt, if his only son is disqualified from succession by being permanently excluded from caste, or if he have lost his faith (dharm). Adoption, while a son is alive, is forbidden. A widower may adopt, but it is forbidden in the case of a woman, a bachelor, or a man who is blind, impotent, or crippled. A widow can adopt only with the express permission of her late husband, and not if her husband have adopted a son during his lifetime. A man may adopt his nephew at any age; but in the case of an outsider the child adopted must not be more than twelve years of age. The boy adopted must, in any case, be of the same gotra as his adoptive father. The adoption of a sister’s son is prohibited; as a rule a man adopts the son of his brother or daughter. Adoption is performed in the presence of and with the advice and approval of, the assembled brethren. The man and his wife take their seats in the assembly, and the wife takes the boy into her lap and acknowledges him as her own child. A distribution of food or sweetmeats follows and concludes the ceremony. There is no custom analogous to Beena marriage recognised where the bridegroom is taken into the household of his father-in-law and serves for his bride. They follow, as a rule, the Hindu law of succession.

Domestic ceremonies. Birth. 18. There are no observances during pregnancy. When the child is born the Chamârin midwife is called in; she cuts the umbilical cord and buries it on the spot where the birth occurred, lighting a fire and fixing up a piece of iron—a guard against evil spirits. The mother [60]gets no food that day, and next morning she is dosed with a mixture of ginger, turmeric and treacle. The Chamârin attends for six days, and after bathing the mother and child she is dismissed with a present of two-and-a-half sers of grain and two annas in cash. Then the barber’s wife attends, who cuts the nails of the mother and child and dyes the soles of their feet with lac. The purification of the confinement room is done by the sister of the father of the child, who gets a present for the service. The father does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her delivery.

Marriage ceremonies. 19. The following describes a marriage as carried out in the Mirzapur District. When the match is settled the father of the boy pays a visit to the girl’s father to make the final preparations. Next follows the betrothal (sa’at), which is carried out on a day fixed by the Pandit, who gets a fee of two annas. The father of the boy goes to the house of the bride with the bride price already described, pays it over, eats there, and returns next morning. Next follows the matmangar or collection of the sacred earth, which is done exactly as in the case of the Dravidian Bhuiyas, in the article on which tribe the ritual is described. When the earth is brought back to the house it is placed under the sacred water vessel (kalsa) near the pole of siddh wood fixed up in the centre of the marriage shed. This vessel is decorated with lumps of cowdung stuck in a line all round it, and over these grains of barley are sprinkled. The mouth is filled with mango leaves, and over them is placed an earthen saucer (kosa) full of the sânwân millet or barley. When this is completed all the women present are given some parched grain, which they receive in the part of their sheet covering the breast.

20. When this is over the anointing (telhardi) of the bride and bridegroom commences. This goes on every evening till the day before the wedding (Bhatwân). Next morning the boy is bathed by the barber, and the water is carefully kept for use in bathing the bride. The boy is dressed in a yellow loin cloth and a red turban and coat, when his mother takes him in her lap and five unmarried boys make him chew some cakes folded up in mango leaves. Then he spits on the palm of his mother’s hand and she licks it up, when the father and mother, with their hands covered with a cloth so that no one may see them, grind some urad pulse on the family curry stone (sil). This is made into lumps and offered to the [61]sainted dead of the household with the prayer “Come and help us to bring the marriage to a successful issue!” Then the boy gets into the litter, while his mother waves a pestle over his head to drive off evil spirits. When the litter is raised the mother is obliged to creep beneath it, and as she attempts to do so the Kahârs put it down, and will not raise it until they receive a present. This present is called pilâi or “a drink.” It is customary with them that the procession should reach the house of the bride after nightfall, a survival of marriage by capture. They then go to the house of the headman of the village and present him with five chhatânks of betel-nut and curd—a possible sign of the commutation of the jus prima noctis, but more probably one of the ordinary dues taken by the village landlord at marriages. They stay some time at his door and dance and sing their own tribal song, the birha. Then they go to the reception place (janwânsa), which is usually arranged under a tree near the village. Then the bride’s barber appears and washes the feet of the party, and a relative of the bride comes and feeds five boys of the gotra of the bridegroom with him on curds and treacle. After this the boy’s father sends to the bride the water in which the bridegroom had been washed; in this she gets the marriage bath. This done the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and is received at the door by the mother of the bride, who waves over his head a piece of dough, on which is laid a silver coin and a lighted lamp. This is the parachhan ceremony, and is intended to scare away the evil spirits, which are most to be dreaded at any crisis of life such as marriage. Then the barber’s wife brings out the bride, who is seated on the thigh of her father. The pair worship Gauri and Ganesa, of whom flour images are made. The father then gives away his daughter in the regular kanyâdân form, holding a bunch of kusa grass, water, and rice, in his right hand. Then the bridegroom first performs the emblematical marriage with the siddh tree forming the central pole of the marriage shed, and he then marks the parting of the bride’s hair. The pair next make five circuits round the siddh tree, and the ceremony ends with a salute to the officiating Brâhman.

21. Next the bridegroom walks with the bride into the retiring room (kohabar), an obvious survival of the custom still prevailing among some of the Dravidian tribes, where consummation follows immediately on the marriage ceremony. The sister-in-law of the bride attempts to obstruct his passage, and he is obliged to carry in [62]the bride by force. The walls of the retiring room are decorated with rude drawings in red, of elephants and horses. Over these the bridegroom is made to pour a little butter. Then the women crack jokes with the boy. Pointing to a rice pestle they say “That is your father! Salute him!” and taking up a lamp they say, “That is your mother! Salute her!” On this he breaks the lamp with the pestle. Then the knot joining the clothes of the pair is opened and the boy returns to his own party.

22. Next morning the bridegroom is brought with two or three other boys to go through the confarreatio or khichari rite. When he is asked to eat in the house of the bride he holds out for some time, and will not touch the food until he gets a present from his father-in-law; then his party are feasted. Next morning the boy goes again into the marriage shed, and his mother-in-law, as before, waves a pestle over his head and gives him a present. This done, his father shakes one of the poles of the shed and receives a present for so doing, which is known as mânro hilâi. On this, the relations on both sides embrace, and the wedding party start for home. If the bride be nubile she accompanies her husband; if not, in the first, third, or fifth year there is the gauna, when she is brought to the house of her husband. After the party return, a burnt offering (hom) is made in honour of the village godlings (dih), and the barber’s wife takes the marriage jar (kalsa) to a neighbouring stream, where she washes it, and then, filling it with water, pours the contents over the head of the mother of the bridegroom, and asks her if she feels refreshed, meaning thereby if she is satisfied with the marriage of her son. Of course she says that she is satisfied, and blesses him and his wife.

Death ceremonies. 23. The married dead are cremated; children and those who die of epidemic disease are buried. The cremation is carried out in the orthodox way. After it is over the chief mourner plants by the side of a river, or tank, a bunch of the jurai grass, as an abode for the soul until the funeral rites are completed. He cooks for himself, and daily places on a dung-hill a leaf platter (dauna) full of food for the ghost of the dead man. On the tenth day he throws into a tank ten balls of rice boiled in milk (khîr) in honour of the dead. During this the Brâhman repeats texts; and the relatives, after shaving, come home and offer a burnt offering. Clothes, vessels, a cow, and other articles are given to a Mahâbrâhman in the belief that they will pass for the use of the dead man in the next world. [63]

Religion. 24. Ahîrs are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any of the regular sects. To the east of the Province they worship, by preference, Mahâdeva. They also worship the Pânchonpîr and Birtiya. The latter, they say, was one of their forefathers, who fell in some fight at Delhi. He is worshipped in the month of Sâwan, or at the Holi festival, with a burnt offering, which is made either in the courtyard of the house where the churn is kept, or in the cow-house. They also pour spirits on the ground in his honour. They worship the Pânchonpîr during the Naurâtri or first nine days of Chaitra. Birtiya is regarded as the special guardian of cattle. The only one of the regular pantheon, to whom they offer regular sacrifices, is the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Vindhyâchal, to whom they occasionally sacrifice a goat. In other parts of the Province they seem, as a rule, to worship Devi. They are served by Brâhmans of all the ordinary priestly classes.

Worship of Kâsinâth. 25. To the east of the province the worship of Kâsinâth is very popular. In most of their villages there is a man who is supposed to be possessed by this deity, who is generally a young, strong man, who lets his hair grow. Once or twice a year Kâsinâth “comes on his head,” as the phrase is. Then he begins to move his hands and shakes his head, and in this state utters prophecies of the prospects of the crops and other matters affecting the village. Then they all assemble in some open ground, outside the village, and arrange for the worship of the godling. They light several fires in a row, and on each a pot of milk is set to boil. Opposite these a pile of parched barley (bahuri) is collected. As soon as the milk begins to boil over, the man possessed of the spirit of Kâsinâth, rushes up and pours the contents of all the pots in succession over his shoulders. It is said that he is never scalded. The rite concludes with the distribution of the barley among the congregation.

Worship of Bîrnâth. 26. In parts of the Mirzapur District, south of the River Son, you may notice, on the side of the road, here and there, a little platform (chaura), with one, three or five rude wooden images, about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face and head at the top. These fetish posts are quite black with a continual application of oil or ghi. This is the shrine of Bîrnâth, the Ahîr cattle godling. He was an Ahîr, who, according to some, was killed by a tiger, and he has now [64]become a godling, and is worshipped by the Ahîrs of the jungle as the protector of cattle. People make occasional vows to him in seasons of sickness or distress, but his special function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no special feast day, but is presented with occasional offerings of rice, milk, and cakes. The worshipper first bathes; then fresh plasters the platform of the godling, and deposits his offering upon it and says “Bîrnâth Bâba keep our cattle safe, and you will get more!” This worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle disease is prevalent. The curious point about the worship is that it is part of the faith of the aboriginal tribes, with whom the connection of the Ahîrs cannot be very close. Thus Mr. S. Hislop52 writes:—“In the south of the Bhandâra District the traveller frequently meets with squared pieces of wood, each with a rude figure carved in front, set up somewhat close to each other. These represent Bangarâma, Bangara Bai, or Devi, who is said to have one sister and five brothers, the sister being styled Danteswari (“she with the teeth”), a name of Kâli, and four out of the five brothers being known by the names of Ghantarâma, Champarâma, Nâikrâma and Potlinga. These are all deemed to possess the power of sending disease and death upon men, and under these or different names seem to be generally feared in the region east of the city of Nâgpur. I find the name of Bangara to occur among the Kols of Chaibasa, where he is regarded as the god of fever, and is associated with Gohem, Chondu, Negra and Dechali, who are considered respectively the gods of cholera, the itch, indigestion, and death. Bhîm Sen, again, is generally adored under the form of two pieces of wood, standing from three to four feet in length above the ground, like those set up in connection with Bangarâma’s worship.” There can be little doubt that from this form of worship the cultus of Bîrnâth has been developed. The quintette of the brethren may be a reminiscence of the Pândava legend, on which much of the Pânchonpîr cycle is possibly based.

Festivals. 27. The Ahîrs observe the usual Hindu festivals, particularly the Holi, which is the occasion for much drinking and rude horse play. They have a special observance, which takes place a few days after the Diwâli, [65]which is known as the Dâng or “club” Diwâli, or the Gobardhana, when the representation of images of the cattle of Krishna are worshipped, and the herdsmen go round singing, playing, and dancing, and collect money from the owners of the cattle they tend. Connected with this is the Sohrâi, which takes place on the fifteenth of Kârttik, when a cow is made to run or dance. Sometimes a young pig is made to squeak near her calf, and the mother, followed by the whole herd, pursue it and gore it to death. Sometimes, according to Mr. Christian,53 this cruel sport is humanely varied by dragging a large gourd or a black blanket, at which the cows run to butt. Hence the proverb Bûrh gâê sohrâi ke sâdh—“An old cow, and longing to take part in the Sohrâi.”

Social position and occupation. 28. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with all Brâhmans; pakki, with Râjputs and Banyas, and drink and smoke with none but members of their own caste. In Mirzapur they drink water from the hands of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and all Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. They will eat Kachchi cooked by a Brâhman, but only if they are well acquainted with him. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, they rank with Kurmis and similar castes, from whose hands a Brâhman can drink water. Towards Delhi, Sir H. M. Elliot states, that they eat, drink, and smoke in common, not only with Jâts and Gûjars, but also under a few restrictions with Râjputs. In other places Râjputs would indignantly repudiate all connection with Ahîrs. In rural belief the Ahîr is a boor, faithless, greedy, and quarrelsome. Like Gadariyas and Gûjars, they are naturally dwellers in the jungle—