Bândi.—A small tribe living as drummers and bird-catchers in the Himalayan Tarâi. Their chief business is catching birds for sale. They also make a living by catching birds and bringing them into cities where pious people, such as Jain Banyas, pay them to release a bird as an act of piety or as a charm to take away disease from a sick person. In their habits and occupation they resemble the Baheliya.

The Census returns record four sections,—Gaur, Mathuriya, Odrain and Serain.

Bangâli, Bengâli.—A resident of Bengal, Vanga or Bang Desa. It is not quite clear whether some of these recorded in the census lists are not the familiar Bengâli Bâbu who has not been entered in his regular caste, Brâhman, Kâyasth, etc. At any rate there is a recognised tribe of vagrants known as Bengâli, Naumuslim Bengâli or Singiwâla, the last because they use a kind of horn in cupping. [144]

2. From reports from the District Superintendents of Police at Sahâranpur, Meerut, and Aligarh, it appears that these people wander all over the Upper Duâb and the Panjab and Native States. They disclaim any direct connection with Nats, Kanjars, and similar vagrants; but they are obviously closely related. Among the Hindu branch there appear to be at least three exogamous sections, Negiwâla, Teli, and Jogeli. The Census returns show 54 sections of the Hindu and four of the Muhammadan branch, but it is impossible to say how many of these belong to the vagrant Bengâlis. The Hindu branch call themselves the descendants of one Siwâi Râm, Râjput, who was a Bengâli and elephant driver, and in the time of Aurangzeb learnt the art of bleeding and cupping from a native physician or Hakîm, and taught it to his descendants. The Muhammadan branch usually call themselves Lodi Pathâns from Bengal. They do not admit outsiders to their caste; marry in the usual form, if Muhammadans, through the Qâzi, but as might have been expected their religious practices are vague. The Muhammadans are said never to be circumcised, and they as well as the Hindus worship Devi and Zâhir Pîr.

3. From Meerut it is reported the Hindu branch will eat meat of all kinds, the flesh of cloven or uncloven footed animals, fowls, all kinds of fish and crocodiles, and the leavings of other people. Though this is not quite certain, it would appear that the Muhammadan branch generally abstain from pork.

4. The Bengâli is a loafer and vagabond, prone to commit petty theft, a beggar, and a rustic surgeon as far as bleeding and cupping go. In their manner of life they much resemble the Mâl and Bediya of Bengal, and, if there is anything in the name, they are possibly akin to their tribes.

Bangâli, Bengâli.—One of the great divisions of Brâhmans recorded as such at the last census. According to Mr. Risley, who has given an elaborate account of them,53 the Bengal Brâhmans [146]belong to one or other of the Gaur groups, and are divided into five main sub-castes,—Rârhi, Barendra, Vaidik, Saptasati and Madhyasrani. As already stated, it is impossible to say how many of the 58 sections recorded in the census refer to the Brâhman branch, and how many to the tribe of vagrants of the same name.

The Rârhi Brâhmans. 2. “The Rârhi Brâhmans derive their name from the Rârh, or the high-lying alluvial tract on the west bank of the river Bhagîrathi. Their claim to be of comparatively pure Aryan descent is to some extent borne out by the results of anthropometric enquiries. The current tradition is that early in the eleventh century A.D. Adisura or Adisvara, King of Bengal, finding the Brâhmans, then settled in Bengal, too ignorant to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies, applied to the Râja of Kanauj for priests thoroughly conversant with the sacred ritual of the Aryans. In answer to this request five Brâhmans of Kanauj were sent to him, Bhatta Nârâyana, of the Sândilya section, or gotra; Daksha, of the Kasyapa gotra; Vedagarbha or Vidagarbha, of the Vatsa gotra, or, as others say, from the family of Bhrigu; Chandra or Chhandara, of the Savarna gotra; and Sri Harsa of the Bhâradvâja gotra. They brought with them their wives, their sacred fire and their sacrificial implements. It is said that Adisura was at first disposed to treat them with scanty respect, but he was soon compelled to acknowledge his mistake, and to beg the Brâhmans to forgive him. He then made over to them five populous villages, where they lived for a year. Meanwhile the king was so impressed with the superhuman virtue of Bhatta Nârâyana, who was a son of Kshitisa, King of Kanauj, that he offered him several more villages. The Brâhman, however, declined to take these as a gift, but bought them, as the story goes, at a low price.

3. “Although the immigrant Brâhmans brought their wives with them, tradition says that they contracted second marriages with the women of Bengal, and that their children by the latter were the ancestors of the Barendra Brâhmans. The Barendra, on the other hand, claim to represent the offspring from the original Hindustâni wives, and allege that the Rârhi Brâhmans are themselves sprung from the mésalliance contracted in Bengal.

4. “By the middle of the eleventh century, when Ballâl Sen, the second of the Sen Kings of Bengal, instituted his famous enquiry into the personal endowments of the Rârhi Brâhmans, their numbers [147]seem to have increased greatly. They are represented as divided into fifty-six headships of villages (gâin), which were reserved for them, and might not be encroached on by Brâhmans of other orders.

5. “It is interesting to trace in Ballâl Sen’s enquiry the survival or reassertion of the principle that the Brâhmanhood of the Brâhmans depends not merely on birth but upon personal endowments. It is a question of virtue, not a question of descent. Ballâl Sen, of course, could not go as far as this. The time had long passed when a Kshatriya could transform himself into a Brâhman by penance and self-denial. But the Sen Monarch sought to reaffirm the ancient principle, so far as was then possible, by testing the qualifications of each Rârhi family for the priestly office, and classifying them, in the order of their virtue, according to the results of this examination. Thus two grades of sacerdotal virtue were formed, the Kulin being those who had observed the entire nine counsels of perfection, and the Srotiya, who, though regular students of the Vedas, had lost status by intermarrying with families of inferior birth. The Srotiya were again divided into Siddha or ‘perfect,’ Sâdhya or ‘capable of attaining purity,’ and Kashta or ‘difficult.’ The last-named group was also called Ari or ‘enemy,’ because a Kulin marrying a daughter of that group was disgraced.”

The Barendra Brâhmans. 6. As above stated, there is a difference of opinion as to their origin. “The sub-caste takes its name from the tract or country known as Barendra, lying north of the river Padma and corresponding roughly to the Districts of Pabna, Râjshâhi, and Bogra. Of these there are three hypergamous classes—Kulin, Suddha or ‘pure,’ Srotiya and Kashta, or bad Srotiya.” Of their rules of intermarriage Mr. Risley gives full details.

The Vaidik Brâhmans. 7. “Concerning the origin of the Vaidik Brâhmans some differences of opinion exist. All agree in honouring them for their adherence to Vedic rites, their zeal for Vedic study, their social independence, and their rejection of polygamy. From the fact that some of the most important settlements of the sub-caste are formed in the outlying districts of Orissa and Sylhet, some authorities are led to describe them as descendants of the original Brâhmans of Bengal, who refused to accept the reforms of Ballâl Sen, and took refuge in regions beyond his jurisdiction. The theory that they came from Kanauj derives support [148]from Mr. Sherring’s statement that the Kanaujiya Brâhmans of Benares recognise the Vaidik as a branch of their own tribe, who settled in Bengal. There are two main divisions of Vaidik Brâhmans,—Paschâtya or ‘Western,’ claiming to have come from Kanauj, and Dakshinatya or ‘Southern,’ tracing their origin to the original Bengal stock.”

The Saptasati Brâhmans. 8. “According to popular tradition, the Saptasati Brâhmans are descended from the seven hundred ignorant Brâhmans sent by Adisur to the Court of Kanauj for the purpose of learning their priestly duties. Others trace their origin to certain Brâhmans who were exiled beyond the Brahmaputra river for resisting the innovations of Ballâl Sen. It seems to be certain that they are peculiar to Bengal, and that they cannot claim connection with any of the ten standard Brâhmanical tribes. They virtually admit their inferiority to the other orders of Brâhmans. Men of education and respectability are reluctant to admit that they belong to this sub-caste, all distinctive practices are being abandoned, and the entire group seems likely to be absorbed in the Srotiya grade of Rârhi Brâhmans.”

The Madhyasreni Brâhmans. 9. The Madhyasreni Brâhmans profess to derive their name from the fact of their original settlement being in the District of Midnapur, lying midway (Madhyadesa) between Bengal and Orissa. It is conjectured that they may be a composite group made up of members of the Rârhi, Utkal, and Saptasati sub-castes, who for some reason broke off from their own classes, settled in an outlying district, and in course of time formed a new sub-caste.

10. Further elaborate details of the Bengal Brâhmans will be found in Mr. Risley’s excellent account of them.

Banjâra.54—A tribe whose primary occupation is, or rather used to be, to act as grain carriers and suppliers to armies in the field. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit vanijya or banijya-kâra, “a merchant.” Sir H. M. Elliot, whose account of the tribe is perhaps the most valuable part of his admirable “Supplement to the Glossary of Indian terms,” the first attempt at a scientific account of the tribes of these Provinces, shows that the popular derivation from the Persian biranjâr or “rice-carriers” is untenable. He argues that the word must be of higher antiquity than (omitting fabulous legends) the Indian connection with Persia. “Thus we find mention of a cock-fight in the Banjâra camp in the story of Pramati in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra written by Dandi, a predecessor of Kâlidâsa, according to Colebrooke. It is to be confessed, however, that Wilson does not assign an earlier origin to this composition than the ninth century. Nevertheless, independent of this testimony, Banjâras seem to be clearly indicated, even by Arrian (Indica, XI). We may, therefore, rest assured that we are not to look to Persia for the origin of the name.” On this question Professor Cowell55 has remarked:—“Sir H. M. Elliot was [150]misled when he supposed that the word Banjâra was necessarily of higher antiquity than the Indian connection with Persia, because it occurs in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra, written by Dandin in the eleventh or twelfth century. It is true that Professor Wilson in his analysis of the story of Pramati speaks of the Banjâra camp, but in the printed text of the original (p. 125) no such word occurs, but we have only Mahati nigame naigamânam. Dandin no doubt had Banjâras in his mind; but he cannot be quoted as an authority for the word.” The theory that the title of the caste may be connected with the Hindi ban-jârna in some such sense as “burners or cleaners of the jungle” or “forest wanderers” is untenable.

The Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 2. Before considering the tribe as found in these Provinces, it may be well to put together some of the information about them obtainable from the Dakkhin, where they retain much more of their primitive manners and customs than the small branch which remains in these Provinces, where they have been much modified by association with other races. The chief authority for the Dakkhin branch is the report of Mr. Cumberlege, District Superintendent of Police at Wun, in the Berârs.56 He explains that the Banjâras of the Dakkhin fall into three grand Hindu tribes, Mathuriya or “those from Mathura”; Lavâna who probably derive their name from being carriers of salt (Sans. lavana), and Châran (Sans. chârana, “a wanderer, pilgrim;” châra, “a spy”). “The three Hindu tribes all trace their descent from the great Brâhman and Râjput races of Upper India, and, as usual, ascribe their tribe segregation to some irregular marriage of a legendary kind contracted by their first ancestors. In these stories Guru Nânak, the Sikh Prophet, usually figures as the opportune miracle-worker and spiritual adviser. No doubt these stories of descent are founded on fact. It is most probable that some irregular marriage, made by adventurous wanderers into distant countries, did first cut off these branches from the parent stock, and plant them apart as distinct communities. From Mr. Cumberlege’s memoir it may be conjectured, however, that the emigration which settled the Banjâra upon Dakkhin soil took place when these grain carriers came down with the Mughal armies early in the seventeenth century.” (As a corroboration of this it may be noticed that the first mention of Banjâras in Muhammadan history [151]is in Sikandar’s attack on Dholpur in 1504 A.D.57) “In fact they seem to have derived their whole origin and organisation from the long wars of the Delhi Emperors in the South, and the restoration of peace and prosperity is breaking them up. Neither their trade nor their tribal system can survive another generation of British predominance. Wherefore some account of their more striking peculiarities has at least the interest that attaches to a picture of things which we shall never see again.”

The Châran Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 3. “Of the Châran tribe the Râthaur family,” says Mr. Cumberlege, “is the strongest, and holds sway in Berâr, for all the Dakkhin is parcelled out among different Banjâra tribes, and no camp (tânda) trades or grazes cattle beyond its own border. The Chârans evidently came to the Dakkhin with Âsaf Jân, sometimes called Âsa Khân, the Wazîr Shâhjahân; and in the year 1630, or thereabouts, Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks (represented to have been brothers, but certainly not such, though perhaps related) had with them 180,000 bullocks, and Bhagwân Dâs, the Burthiya Nâik, only 52,000. They accompanied Âsaf Jân, carrying his provisions during his raid into the Dakkhin. It was an object of Âsaf Jân to keep these bullocks well up with his force, and he was induced to give an order to Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks, as they put forward excuses regarding the difficulty of obtaining grass and water for their cattle. This order was engraved on copper and in gold letters as follows:—

This is still in the possession of the descendants of Bhangi, who are still recognised by the Haidarâbâd Court; and on the death of the representative of the family his successor receives a dress of honor (khillat) from His Highness the Nizâm. The meaning of the inscription seems to be—“If you can find no water elsewhere, you may even take it from the pots of my followers; grass you may take from the roofs of their huts; and if you commit three murders a day I will even pardon this, provided that where I find my cavalry I can always find Bhangi Jhangi’s bullocks.” [152]

Witchcraft among the Dakkhin Banjâras. 4. On this Mr. Cumberlege writes:—“Though not to such an extent as in former years, witchcraft still obtains in Berâr. I can confidently say this, as I had a case in this district wherein all the features coincided exactly with what I am told is still the practice of Banjâras when they fancy a woman a sorceress. The woman was knocked down and strangled by three or four men deputed by the Nâik of the camp, on her husband refusing to kill her, to kill and bury her: this they did, and the husband had afterwards to appear before the council (panchâyat), where he was mulcted of all he possessed, amounting in cattle and cash to about Rs.2,000. Even when attacked by a bad fever or determined dysentery, they often put it down to foul play by some sorceress, and on such occasions the sufferer sends for some one who knows some spell (mantra) or is supposed to know something of sorcery (jâdu). A betel-quid is given to the sufferer and some spell is repeated. Should the sufferer not recover now, he sends for the Nâik, mentions the name of the person he suspects, or not, as the case may be, who sends five or six men, taken from each family in the camp, to any Châran Bhagat to enquire of him who is the sorceress; and, to place this fact beyond doubt, as this deputation goes along they bury a bone or any other article on the road, and make the Bhagat presently state where it was buried, and what the article was. On arriving at the Bhagat’s residence, he tells each man his name, class, gotra, and denomination; that he knows they have come to enquire what has caused the illness of the person (mentioning his name and caste) who is suffering. This he must do directly after the salâms are exchanged, and before the others speak again. A relative of the sick man now places a rupee before a lighted wick; the Bhagat takes it up, looks steadily at it, and begins to sway about, make contortions of the face and body, etc., while the goddess Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli) is supposed to have entered his body. He now puts down the rupee, and, being inspired, commences to state the date and hour on which the sick man got ill, the nature of the complaint, etc., and in an indignant tone asks them why they buried a certain article (mentioning it) on the road. Sometimes they acknowledge that he is a true Bhagat now, but generally the men call for some further proofs of his abilities. A goat in kid is then brought, the Bhagat mentions the sex of, and any distinguishing marks upon the kid; the goat is then killed, and if he has [153]guessed right the deputation becomes clamorous and requires the name of the sorceress. But the Bhagat keeps them waiting now and goes on to mention the names of other people residing in their camp, their children, and sometimes the names of any prized cows or bullocks; he also tells the representative of what family he has married into, etc. On this the latter presents his nazar; this was fixed at Rs.25 formerly, but greed dictates the sum now, which is often as much as Rs.40.

5. “The Bhagat now begins chanting some song, which he composes as he goes on, and introduces into it the names of the different families in the camp, having a word or two to say about each. The better portion get vile abuse, are called a bad lot, and disposed of quickly; but he now assumes an ironical appearance, begins to extol the virtues of a certain family, becomes facetious, and praises the representative of that family who is before him. All know that the sorceress is a member of that family; and its representative puts numberless questions to the Bhagat relative to his family and connections, his worldly goods, and what gods he worships; the name of the sorceress he calls for; inquires who taught her sorcery (jâdu); and how and why it was practised in this particular instance. The business is now closed by a goat being killed and offered up to Biroliya, and then all return to their camp.

6. “Even now a man may refuse to acknowledge this Bhagat, and will, if the sorceress be a wife or daughter to whom he is attached, should he have money to take the business on to another tribunal. But as he has to pay the expenses of all the men who accompany him, all cannot afford to question a Bhagat’s decision. Sometimes the man will tell his wife, if he is certain she will obey him, to commit suicide; and as she knows full well the punishment is death, and that she must meet it in some form almost at once, when thus enjoined she will obey generally. Otherwise the husband with a witness or two, taking advantage of the first opportunity when she has left the camp, kills and buries her with all her clothing and ornaments. A meeting of the council is held, the witnesses declare the business has been completed satisfactorily, and the husband may or may not agree to the judgment of the council with regard to his pecuniary liabilities. He has to pay all the expenses of the deputation; by the Bhagat is fined Rs.100 or Rs.150; and if he has refused to do the deed himself, and others have [154]had to do it for him, or the sick man dies, he has to give a large sum besides to the man’s family for their support. This fine originally belonged to Bhangi Nâik’s representative, Râmu Nâik; but it is often kept by the different Nâiks themselves now. Râmu has still great influence; but he has used his power so cruelly that many have seceded from his control, and have Nâiks of their own, whom they now obey almost implicitly. There are men in this district well known to me who have been fined six or eight thousand rupees for small misdemeanours, and it is hardly to be wondered at that this thing could not continue for ever.” It is satisfactory to note that under the influence of British law these cruel proceedings are now practically unknown; but those best acquainted with the facts are certain that there would be an immediate recrudescence of it if the pressure of our administration were relaxed.

Human sacrifice among the Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 7. Up to our own day the Banjâras of the Dakkhin practised human sacrifice. General Sleeman58 tells a story that the fort and part of the town of Sâgar stands on a wall said to have been built by a Banjâra. He was told that the lake would continue dry until he consented to sacrifice his daughter and her affianced husband. He built them up in a shrine and the waters rose, but no Banjâra will touch the water. Their women, even to the present day, are notorious for necromancy. They are, according to Sir Alfred Lyall,59 “terribly vexed by witchcraft, to which their wandering and precarious existence especially exposes them in the shape of fever, rheumatism, and dysentery. Solemn enquiries are still held in the wild jungles where these people camp out like gypsies, and many an unlucky hag has been strangled by the sentence of their secret tribunals.”

Religion of the Dakkhin Banjâras. 8. According to Mr. Cumberlege, “the Chârans are all deists. There are Hindu gods they worship as having been holy men; but they only acknowledge one God, and look on Guru Nânak as the propagandist of their religion; Guru Nânak is supreme; but they worship Bâlaji, Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli), Tulja Devi, Siva Bhaiya, Mitthu Bhûkiya, and Sati. There are smaller gods worshipped also, but the above [155]are the only gods worshipped by the Chârans of Berâr. They have heard of Siva Dâs, but do not worship him as the men of the Telinga country and Central Provinces do. The reason is seen at a glance. Ours is the Râthaur country, those parts belong mostly to the Burthiya class; in fact the Telinga country is entirely theirs, and Siva Dâs was a Burthiya, not a Râthaur, I believe. The oath most sacred to them is taken in the name of Siva Bhaiya, a holy man who resided at Pohora, in the Wûn District, where there are still temples, I believe, to Siva Bhaiya and Mariyâi, and where a nephew of Siva Bhaiya, by name Sûka Bhaiya, still officiates. There are numbers of Bhagats, of varied celebrity, to whom they go on any serious difficulty; otherwise their own Nâiks, or the Nâik to whom the former is subordinate, adjudicates.”

Ceremonies prior to crime. 9. “There is a hut set apart in every camp and devoted to Mitthu Bhûkiya, an old free-booter. No one may eat, drink, or sleep in this hut; and it is simply used for devotional purposes. In front of this hut is a flag-staff, to which a piece of white cloth is attached. By all criminals Mitthu Bhûkiya is worshipped as a clever free-booter; but he is more thought of on the other side of the Wârdha than here. However, where the white flag is seen in front of the hut, it is a sign that the camp worships Mitthu Bhûkiya, and should, therefore, be watched carefully when they are suspected of having committed crime. The men who have agreed and arranged the particulars regarding the carrying out of their scheme meet at night at this hut, where an image of Sati is produced; clarified butter (ghi) is put into a saucer, and into this a wick is placed, very broad at the bottom and tapering upwards: this wick, standing erect, is lit, an appeal is made to Sati for an omen, those worshipping mentioning in a low tone to the god where they are going and what the purpose. The wick is then carefully watched, and should it drop at all the omen is propitious. All immediately get up and make an obeisance to the flag, and start then and there for the business they have agreed on. They are unable to return to their homes before they start, because they must not speak to any one till their business has been carried through. And here we have a reason why Banjâras are rarely known to speak when engaged in a robbery, for, if challenged, these men, who have gone through the ceremony, may not reply. Should they have reached their destination, whether a village, hamlet, or unprotected cart, and are challenged, [156]if any one of them reply, the charm is broken and all return home. They must again take the omens now and worship again or give up the attempt altogether. But, I am told, they generally prefer to make certain of the man who is venturesome enough to challenge them by knocking him down and either killing him or injuring him so severely that he cannot interfere, and would not wish to meddle with their other arrangements. If one of the gang sneezes on the road it is also fatal; they must return to their camp at once.” For further details regarding the methods of criminality of these Dakkhin Banjâras a reference may be made to Major E. J. Gunthorpe’s “Notes on the Criminal Tribes residing in or frequenting the Bombay Presidency, Berâr and the Central Provinces.”

Central Indian Banjâras. Worship of the ox. 10. The Banjâras of Central India have a curious form of ox worship.60 “When sickness occurs they lead the sick man to the feet of the bullock called Hatâdiya (Sans. Hatya-âdhya, ‘which it is an extra sin to slay’), for though they say that they pay reverence to images and that their religion is that of the Sikhs, the object of their worship is the Hatâdiya, a bullock devoted to the god Bâlaji. On this animal no burden is ever laid, but he is decorated with streamers of red-dyed silk and tinkling bells with many brass chains and rings on neck and feet, and strings of kauri shells, and silken tassels hanging in all directions; he moves steadily at the head of the convoy, and the place where he lies down on when he is tired, that they make their halting place for the day; at his feet they make their vows when difficulties overtake them, and, in illness, whether of themselves or cattle, they trust to his worship for a cure.”

Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 11. The Banjâras of these Provinces have been classified at the last Census under the heads of Chauhân, Bahrûp, Guâr, Jâdon, Panwâr, Râthaur, and Tunwar. Of these, all, except the Bahrûp and Guâr, are well-known Râjput septs, and, as we have seen in the case of the Dakkhin Banjâras, the tribal tradition points to a Râjput origin. There is also a general tradition that they at one time held considerable territories in Oudh and the other submontane districts. Thus they are said to have been very early settlers in Bareilly, whence [157]they were expelled by the Janghâra Râjputs.61 In Kheri62 the Jângrê Râjputs acquired Khairagarh from their allies the Banjâras. In Bahrâich63 they were finally expelled from the Sijauli Pargana by the Chakladâr Hakîm Mehndi about 1821 A.D. In the Nânpâra Pargana of the same district they were finally coerced by Rasûl Khân, the Afghân, in 1632 A.D.64 In the Dûn65 they have a story that they attended to the commissariat of the Pândavas after their exile from Hastinapur, and were the founders of the town of Deoband, in the Sahâranpur District. In the Banjâra Tola of the town of Gopamau, in the Hardoi District, there are some Banjâras who call themselves Sayyid Salâri, and say that they are descended from the followers of the Saint.66 On the other hand, those in Madras describe themselves as the descendants of Sugriva, the monkey chieftain who was the ally of Râma.67 There can be no reasonable doubt that they are a very mixed race, composed of various elements, as is the case in Central India, where Sir Alfred Lyall speaks of them as “made up of contingents from various other castes and tribes, which may have at different times joined the profession.”68 The Census report gives the most important local sub-castes as—in Muzaffarnagar the Dhankûta, or “rice pounders,” and the Labâna; in Aligarh, the Nandbansi; in Etâwah, the Jât; in Pilibhît, the Labâna; in the Tarâi, the Bhukiya (who take their name from their leader Mitthu Bhukiya), Guâl, Kotwâr, Labâna, and Râjput; in Kheri, the Guâr, Kora, and Mujhar; and in Bahrâich, the Mujhar.

Tribal organisation of the North-Western Provinces Banjâras. 12. The best account of the Banjâra tribes of these provinces is that given by Sir H. M. Elliot. He divides them into five great tribes as follows:—

(1) The Turkiya, “Turkish” or Muhammadan, with thirty-six sub-tribes or gotras, viz., Tomar or Tunwar, Chauhân, Gahlot, Dilwâri, Alwi, Kanothi, Burki, Durki, Shaikh, Nathamîr, Aghwân, Badan, Chakirâha, Bahrâri, Padar, Kanîkê, Gharê, Chandaul, Teli, Charkha, Dhangya, Dhankikya, Gaddi, Tîtar, Hindiya, Râha, Marauthiya, Khakhara, Kareya, Bahlîm, Bhatti, Bandwâri, [158]Bargadda, Aliya, Khilji. “These assert that they came originally from Multân, and left their newly-chosen country of the Dakkhin under a leader called Rustam Khân, and first of all took up their abode at Badli Tânda, near Morâdâbâd, from which they have gradually spread to Bilâspur, Richho, and the neighbouring tracts. They are for the most part occupied as carriers.”

(2) “The Baid Banjâras came from Bhatner under a leader called Dualha. Of them are eleven gotras—Jhaloi, Tandar, Hatâr, Kapâhi, Danderi, Kachni, Tarîn, Dharpâhi, Kîri, and Bahlîm. Their occupations are more various than those of the Turkiyas, as they are occasionally employed as doctors and weavers. They are found in Pilibhît, Kant, and in the neighbourhood of those places.”

(3) “The Labâna Banjâras have also eleven gotras. They state that they are descended from Gaur Brâhmans, and came in Aurangzeb’s time from Rintambûr. They engage almost entirely in agricultural pursuits alone.” Of these people Mr. Ibbetson69 writes:—“These men are generally associated with the Banjâras. With the exception of Muzaffargarh and Bahâwalpur, they are almost wholly confined to the hill and submontane districts. They are the carriers and hawkers of the hills, and are merely the Panjâbi representatives of that class of Banjâras, already mentioned, who inhabit the submontane tracts east of the Ganges.” The Labânas of Gujarât are thus described by Captain Mackenzie:—“The Labânas are also a peculiar people. Their status among Sikhs is much the same as that of the Mahtams. They correspond to the Banjâras of Hindustân, carrying on an extensive trade by means of large herds of laden bullocks. Latterly they have taken to agriculture, but as an additional means of livelihood, not as a substitute for trade. As a section of the community they deserve every encouragement and consideration. They are generally fine, substantially built people. They also possess much spirit. In anarchical times, when the freaks and feuds of petty Governors would drive the Jâts or Gûjars to seek temporary abiding places away from their ancestral village, the Labânas would stand their ground, and perhaps improve the opportunity by extending their grasp over the best lands of the village, in which their shorter sighted and less provident lords of the manor had, in former periods, permitted them to take up their abode for purposes of commerce. Several cases of this kind came to light [159]during settlement, and in most of them the strength and spirit of progress were as apparent in the Labânas as were the opposite qualities conspicuous in their Gûjar opponents. Their principal village is Tânda (which means “a large caravan of laden bullocks”) and is an instance of what I have above alluded to. Allowed by the Gûjar proprietors of Mota, they have got possession of the soil, built a town, and in every point of importance swamped the original proprietors. They have been recognised as proprietors, but feudatory to their former landlords, the Gûjars of Mota, paying them annually in recognition thereof a sum equal to one-tenth of the Government demand.” This tribe of Banjâras take their name from their business of carrying salt (lavana). Sir J. Malcolm70 says that the Banjâras and Labânas are Râjputs of various tribes, Râthaur, Jalaur, Panwâr, etc. “The Labânas who live in villages sometimes mix with other cultivators and sometimes have a village exclusively to themselves, are Sûdras, originally from Gujarât, a quiet inoffensive race differing widely from the Banjâras, though engaged in the same trade. The Labânas are also cultivators, but follow no other occupation. The Banjâras preserve both in dresses and usages a marked separation and independence. They often engage in great speculations on their own account, and are deemed honest in their dealings, though very ignorant and barbarous. They trust much to the bankers and merchants with whom they are concerned, and few keep accounts; but habit has made them very acute, and their memory is, from continual exercise, extremely retentive of the minutest particulars of their extended transactions.”

The Mukeris. (4) Of them Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“The Mukeri Banjâras in the northern parganas of Bareilly assert that they derive their name from Mecca (Makka), which one of their Nâiks, who had his camp (Tânda) in the vicinity, assisted Father Abraham in building. Leaving Mecca, they came and resided in Jhajjar, where their illustrious name became corrupted from Makkai to Mukeri. Their fabulous history is not worth recording, but their names also betray a strange compound of tribes, Musalmân and Hindu—Aghwân, Mughal, Khokhara, Chauhân, Simli Chauhân, Chotya Chauhân, Panjtakya Chauhân, Tanhar, Katheriya, Pathân, Tarîn Pathân, Ghori, Ghoriwâl, Bangaroa, Kanthya, Bahlîm.” These are apparently the same people who [160]are called Mukris, in Sholapur.71 There another explanation of the word is current. It is said to be derived from a word Mukerna, “to deny,” which does not appear in the Hindustâni dictionaries. The story goes that a servant of Tipu Sultân bought a quarter of corn from a Mukri, and found it, when he weighed it at home, ten pounds short. He brought the fact to the notice of the Sultân, who sent for the corn dealer and demanded for explanation. The Mukri denied the fact and made the full weight in the presence of the king, who had twice weighed the corn before and found it short. The king was embarrassed, and had nothing to say against the man, and gave him the name of the “Denier.” A third, and perhaps, more probable explanation is, that it is a corruption of Makkeri, and means nothing more than a seller of maize (makka). Something more will be said of the Mukris later on.

Bahrûp Banjâras. (5) Of whom Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“They are, for the most part, Hindus, and lead a more wandering life than the Musalmâns. They are divided into the tribes of Râthaur, Chauhân or Kuri, Panwâr, Tomar, and Bhurtiya. The origin of the first four is sufficiently apparent from their names. The fifth is said to be derived from a Gaur Brâhman. Of these tribes again there are several ramifications. Of the Râthaur there are four—Muchhâri, Bâhuki, Murhâwat, and Panot: of the Muchhâri there are fifty-two divisions; of the Bâhuki there are twenty-seven; of the Murhâwat there are fifty-six; and of the Panot there are twenty-three. The Chauhâns, who have forty-two gotras, are unanimous in saying that they came from Mainpuri. The Panwârs have twenty gotras, and state that they came from Delhi. The Bhurtiya have fifty-two gotras. They claim Chithor as their original seat. The Bahrûp Banjâras, like all the other clans, intermarry, but do not allow of any connection between members of the same gotra. They receive the daughters of Nats in marriage, but do not allow their own daughters to marry into Nat families; and they have some curious customs at their marriages which need not be detailed in this place.”

Nâik Banjâras. 13. In addition to the five main tribes described by Sir H. M. Elliot there is another which is usually classed as an offshoot of them, the Nâiks. There is a tribe of this name in the Panjâb. Mr. Ibbetson says that the [161]“headmen of both Thoris and Banjâras are called Nâik.” This, as we have already seen, is the name used for them throughout the Dakkhin and Central India. Mr. Maclagan72 says:—“In Rohtak they are said to be a branch of Hindu Dhânuks, who come from Jaypur. They were also represented to me as an agricultural tribe of Râjputs. Mr. Fagan, who kindly made enquiries for me, says they may be taken to be Aheris, that they state that they were originally Râjputs, and have the same gotras as Râjputs, and that they generally act as village watchmen; while those returned at Fîrozpur were labourers on the Sirhind Canal.” They take their name from the Sanskrit nayaka, “a leader.” In the Gorakhpur Division, where they are principally found, they assert that they are Sanâdh Brâhmans, and fix their original settlement in Pilibhît. Polygamy is allowed; polyandry prohibited. They appear to follow the customs of orthodox Hindus. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents have to give a tribal feast and a recitation of the Satyanârâyana Katha. A sum of money, known as tilak, is paid by the relatives of the bride to those of the bridegroom. A man can put away his wife for adultery by leave of the tribe or council. Such women cannot remarry in the tribe, and widow marriage is forbidden. They have the usual birth, death, and marriage ceremonies. They burn their dead and perform the srâddha. They employ Sarwariya Brâhmans as their family priests, and appear to be in all points orthodox Hindus. They are landlords, cultivators, and dealers in grain and other country produce.

The Mukeri Banjâras. 14. We have already seen that they claim to have originally come from Makka. Another story told in Mirzapur is that their ancestor was one Makka Banjâra, who helped Father Abraham to build Mecca; and that they emigrated into India with the armies of the early Muhammadan invaders. Another name which they arrogate to themselves is Ahl-i-Quraish, or that of the Arabian tribe, from which Muhammad was descended (see Shaikh). They have two endogamous sub-castes—the Purbiya or “Eastern,” and the Pachhiwâha or “Western.” The Purbiya Mukeris have two sections, Banaudhiya and Malwariya, which they derive from two towns named Banaudh and Malwar, in the Arrah District of Bengal. From this it may be gathered that their last movement was from East to West, and that they have forgotten [162]their real origin, which was probably from the West; the Malwariyas being from Mârwâr, and the Banaudhiyas from Banaudh, which included Southern Oudh and the Districts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares. The Pachhiwâhas are also divided into two sections, Khân and Shaikh. They do not, now at least, admit outsiders into their community. Marriage among them usually takes place at the age of seven. They follow the Muhammadan religious and social rules, and, of course, allow widow marriage. They have, however, the Hindu rules of succession to property. They are professedly Muhammadans of the Sunni sect, but they retain many Hindu usages. They worship the Pânchonpîr in the manner common to all the inferior Muhammadan tribes of the Eastern Districts; but they also make sacrifices to Kâli Bhawâni at the Naurâtra of Chait. They bury their dead and offer to them sweets (halwa) and cakes at the Shab-i-barât. Their occupation is grinding and selling flour and other provisions, and dealing in grain. They follow the Muhammadan rules regarding food, and drink spirits.

Other Hindu Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 15. In Kheri they are known as Banjâra and Byopâri or “dealer.” They trace their origin to Jaypur and Jodhpur. They have three endogamous sections—Kora, Muchhâri and Miyân. They visit periodically a temple of Lalita Devi, at a place called Tilokpur, somewhere in the Râjputâna country. There also, when they can afford it, they get the birth hair of their children shaved. In Cawnpur they give their endogamous sub-castes as Râthaur, Panwâr-Chauhân, Gaur, and Kachhwâha, which are all the names of well-known Râjput septs. Their rule of exogamy is stated to be that they cannot marry within a family which is known to be descended from the same parents, or which can be traced to a common ancestor; nor in the family of the maternal uncle or father’s sister; nor two sisters at the same time; but a man may marry the sister of his deceased wife. When the bride is introduced into the family of her husband she has to cook sweetened rice, with which she feeds all the clansmen. A man may marry as many wives as he can afford to keep. There is no bride price, except in the case of elderly men, who have a difficulty in finding wives. Widow marriage and the levirate are both allowed under the usual conditions.

16. In Kheri at the marriage ceremony they place four pitchers (ghara) one on the top of the other in seven piles, and in the centre two pestles (mûsar), and a water jar (kalsa). Close to this [163]the Pandit makes a holy square (chauk), and performs the fire sacrifice (hom). After this the pair, with their clothes tied, walk seven times round the pestles, and the father of the bride worships the feet of the bridegroom and makes him an offering of two or four rupees. This is the respectable form. In the inferior form, known as Dharauna, the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage is completed by a feast given to the brotherhood.

17. The funeral ceremonies are of the normal type. The Kheri Banjâras are reported not to perform the srâddha or to employ Brâhmans at death; in Cawnpur, on the contrary, they carry out the orthodox ritual.

Religion. 18. In Cawnpur they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, Zâhirpîr, the Miyân of Amroha, and Kâlu Deo, who is said to have a shrine somewhere in the Dakkhin. Goats are offered to Kâlu Deo and Miyân by any one but women. Sometimes only the ear of the animal is cut and a drop or two of blood sprinkled on the altar, and sometimes a cocoanut is substituted for a goat. In Kheri they are reported to prefer the worship of Bhagwân and Parameswara, and to be initiated in a temple in the Sahâranpur District. Their religious guides are Brâhmans of their own, who teach them only to worship Bhagwân and not to tell lies. They occasionally offer goats to Devi. They swear on the Ganges or by standing in water or walking through fire.

Social customs of Hindu Banjâras. 19. In Kheri they eat the flesh of wild pigs and goats, but not fowls. They drink spirits and use opium, and the hemp intoxicants bhang and gânja, freely. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with Brâhmans, and will smoke only with their brethren. Some of them are traders, and a few are now taking to agriculture, as the profits of the carrying trade are gradually becoming reduced.

Other Muhammadan Banjâras. 20. Those in Bareilly and Pilibhît say that they were driven there by Ahmad Shâh Durrâni’s invasion. They are divided into two endogamous sub-castes—Gaurithân and Baidguâr.73 They follow the orthodox rules of the Muhammadan faith, and work as cultivators, carriers of, and dealers in, grain. [164]

Banjâras and crime. 21. In former times the Banjâras especially in Gorakhpur and the neighbouring districts, had an evil reputation for dakaiti and similar offences.74 This is in a great measure a thing of the past. In recent years they have come under the notice of the police in connection with the kidnapping of girls. There can be little doubt that most, if not all of them, occasionally introduce girls of other castes into the tribe. Quite recently the police in the Agra District have found reason to suspect that some of them in the guise of Commissariat contractors carry on an extensive trade in stolen cattle, and are in the habit of appropriating and changing the brands on the so-called Brâhmani bulls which are released by Hindus on the occasion of a death.

Cattle trade. 22. One of the most important trades carried on in the present day by the Banjâras is that of the purchase and sale of cattle used for agricultural purposes. Cattle are largely bred along the Jumna in the direction of Agra and Mathura. These are bought up by Banjâras, who drive them in large herds to great distances about the time when the agricultural seasons are commencing. They sell them on credit with a promise of payment when the crop is ripe. At such times they come round to realise their debts. They seldom or never take bonds or resort to the law courts; but they appear at the houses of their creditors, and if not promptly paid, practise a form of coercion known as dharna, by encamping close to the house of the defaulter and using vile language to his womenkind wherever they venture to show themselves. This form of pressure appears to be effective with even the most callous debtor, and it is understood that they generally succeed in realising their money. This result is brought about by the popular fear felt for the Banjâra, who is a wild-looking semi-savage who can make his presence most disagreeably felt.

Appearance and manners. 23. With the partial disappearance of the Banjâra carrier before our roads and railways a most picturesque element is being lost in the generally squalid life of our bâzârs. No one who sees them in their original state can help being struck by their resemblance in figure and dress to some of the Western gypsies. To Dr. Ball75 a camp of Labânas immediately recalled to his memory the Zingari of [165]the lower Danube and Wallachia. And he was particularly impressed by the peculiar minor key of the music which is so characteristic of these people. In these Provinces the women are skilled in a peculiar form of woollen embroidery, and pride themselves on their bright coloured boddices (choli) and jackets (angi) ornamented in this way. Some wear a sort of horn made of wood in their hair, over which the sheet (châdar) is draped in a very peculiar and graceful fashion. The women, who are much taller and more robust than the people among whom they live, stride along the roads in a particularly bold and independent way. But their characteristic dress is seen to most advantage in their seats in the Dakkhin. Mr. Mullaly76 writes of the women as “comely and above the average height of the women of this country. They are easily distinguished by their dress and a profusion of jewellery they wear. Their costume is the gown (lahnga) of khârua cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. The boddice, with embroidery on the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being ornamented with cowries and beads; a covering cloth of khârua cloth, with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side with a quantity of tassels, and strings of cowries. Their jewels are very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with a cowrie as a pendant threaded on horse hair, a silver necklace (hansli), a sign of marriage. They wear brass or horn bracelets, ten or twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a piece of embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of ivory or bone are only worn by the married women; they are removed on the death of the husband. Silk embroidery adorned with tassels and cowries is also worn as an anklet by all women. Their other jewels are a nose ornament, a silver pendant from the upper part of the ear, attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of the head; with married women it is fastened in like manner with a cowrie or a brass button, and heavy pendants are fastened to the temple. The latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood.” There is no doubt that they have a patois of [166]their own; but it has as yet not been fully collected. Dr. Ball says that he was “informed by a Russian Prince, who travelled in India in 1874, that one of his companions, a Hungarian nobleman, found himself able to converse with the Banjâras of Central India in consequence of his knowledge of the Zingari language.” He also states that “the Dîwân of Kudibuga told me that the strong-minded Banjâra women are in the habit of inflicting severe chastisement on their husbands with their very large sticks (bari bari lâthi), a custom which also prevails in the Nicobar Islands.”