37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his expense.

38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes [278]are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President (Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.

Marriage rules. 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste, provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage. Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste, but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact, all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the Helas. [279]The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.

40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs, and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi), and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but the wife is not treated as an out-caste.

Initiation. 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren, and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats distributed among those present. This ceremony is [280]known as the chauki. Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit, or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered before the holy volume. The present head of the community at Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak, and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—

“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key; golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure of the Holy Saint.”148

This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,” and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.” The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the initiate can afford.149 The ceremony, such as it is, is always done in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails, [281]part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how far this is true.

Marriage ceremonies. 42. The following account of the ritual in force in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract (nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between” (bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom, except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).

The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies, in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot (gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When, however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake, in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.

43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with [282]music, to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm leaves.

44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father, usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.

45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway. From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole. On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are lowered.

46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a present.

47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle [283](châdar) of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as Mân, does this office.

48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary, for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the bridegroom and his father.

49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.

50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber, washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife, until appeased by a present.

51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket, with a basket of fruit and flowers between [284]them. To overcome their modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride (dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress (maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.

Divorce. 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation. Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis. The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of [285]the penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.

Birth ceremonies. 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. [286]Among the Lâl Begis the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.

Death rites. 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing; while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths. The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the [287]corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli), or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the mound, until forty days after the funeral.

55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and, if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.

56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats, rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary, to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class [288]mendicant, usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed, while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume (granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and when it has once been broken the ghost is released.

57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites, for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri) containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree. They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies. In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.

Religion. 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion. But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed. Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes150:—“While there is no doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the [289]Chamâr? And, if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree (Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident (trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.

59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis. They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.

60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow, Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if [290]Hindus, the festivals of the faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.

Social rules. 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri). The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence. Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus. No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals, scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word salâm only.

Occupation. 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially they are the lowest of the [291]low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs. The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an indifferent character.

63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa) each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact most of the cases which come before the council relate [292]to disputes of this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.

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Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh. They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain. Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti (Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the state of the departed from crows visiting the spot.151

2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.