‘In another district the soum (Bo le h-al) means the cow and her three immediate descendants—the calf, the one-year-old stirk, and the two-year-old quey.
‘In a third district the soum or Bo le h-al comprehends five animals, viz., the cow, her calf, her one-year-old stirk, her two-year-old quey, and her three-year-old heifer. When the calf has attained four years of age it is ousted from the soum and classed with the cows.
‘The people conform to their code in equalising their stock. Different species of animals are placed against one another, and the same species at different ages. This is called Coilpeachadh, equalising. The grazing equivalents of a cow are eight calves, four one-year-old stirks, two two-year-old queys, one three-year-old heifer, and one stirk, eight sheep, twelve hoggs,[510] sixteen lambs, or, sixteen geese. The grazing equivalents of the horse are eight foals, four one-year-old fillies, two two-year-old fillies, one three-year-old, and one one-year-old filly, or two cows. The horse is deemed to have arrived at grazing maturity at four years of age. Three one-year-old hoggs are considered equal in grazing to two sheep, and one two-year-old hogg is deemed equal to one sheep. The cow is entitled to her calf. Should a tenant have two cows without calves, the cows are entitled to get one one-year-old stirk or its equivalent along with them. And, should he have four cows without calves, the cows claim two one-year-old queys, or their equivalents.
‘If the stock, or soum, of a tenant be complete, it is termed Leibhidh slan and Sumachadh slan, that is, whole Leibhidh and whole soum, and Fiar slan, or whole grass. The animals which go to complete the stock or soum are called Slanuich, Slanuichean, completers. Should the stock or soum be incomplete, it is Leibhidh briste, broken stock; Sumachadh briste, broken soum, or Fiar briste, Bristiar, broken grass. The odd animals beyond the complete stock or soum are Bristich, Bristichean, or Beacha briste, broken beasts.
‘In the event of a tenant having an overstock (Barr leibhe), or an oversoum (Barr-suma, Barr-suime), he must provide for it independently. He may buy grazing from a neighbour in his own or contiguous townland who has an understock (Gior-leibhe), or an undersoum (Gior-suime), or the community may allow the overstock to remain on the grass till he can dispose of it. If the latter, payment of the grazing of the extra animals is exacted according to their code. The amount is paid over to the fund of the community, which is used for the common good towards buying fresh stock, bulls, tups, or for some such purpose.
‘The souming is amended at Lammas (Lunastain), after the first markets are held, and re-amended at Hallowtide, after the last markets are over, when the final and winter arrangements are made.
‘In Lewis and Harris the crofters keep stock according to every pound of rent they pay. This system is termed Cosgarradh, evidently Coir-sgoraidh, the right of grazing.
‘There being no fences to protect the fields, during summer and autumn the herds are placed at night in enclosures to secure them against trespassing on the crop. The enclosure for horses is called Marclan, Comhlong; for cattle, Buaile, Cuithe; for sheep, Cro, Fang, Faing; for goats, Mainnir, Cro; and for calfs and lambs, Cotan.
‘Lest any of these should break loose and damage the corn, two men watch the folds together at night. This duty is called Cuartachadh rounding the folds, and devolves upon two of the tenants in rotation. Should the watchers become remiss towards the dawn, when the herds begin to move, some of the animals may break through the enclosure and cause loss. If so, the two tenants are held liable, and are required to make reparation (Dioladh). The damage is appraised by the constable, who is sworn to do justice, and in this capacity is termed Foirfeidach, the just one, or Measaiche, the valuator. The constable’s valuation is held final, unless he should be interested, when the eldest tenant takes his place.
‘The crofters have a code of regulations, for which, if broken, reparation is made. Should a crofter’s horse break loose, or his fowls stray, and so destroy a neighbour’s corn, the injury is valued and the amount paid into the common fund. All fines and reparations (Cain, Dioladh) are paid over to this fund, or used for the common good. The crofter paying the fine does not lose all interest therein, nor does the crofter to whom reparation is made derive the exclusive benefit therefrom. This reparation is exacted by the farm constable in his official capacity as representing the crofters of the farm as a body.[511]
‘Having finished their tillage, the people go early in June to the hill-grazing with their flocks. This is a busy day in the townland. The people are up and in commotion like bees about to swarm. The different families bring their herds together and drive them away. The sheep lead, the cattle go next, the younger preceding, and the horses follow. The men carry burdens of sticks, heather, ropes, spades, and other things needed to repair their summer huts (Sgitheil, Bothain). The women carry bedding, meal, dairy and cooking utensils. Round below their waists is a thick woollen cord or leathern strap (Crios-fheile, kilt-band), underneath which their skirts are drawn up to enable them to walk easily over the moors. Barefooted, bareheaded, comely boys and girls, with gaunt sagacious dogs, flit hither and thither, keeping the herds together as best they can, and every now and then having a neck-and-neck race with some perverse animal trying to run away home. There is much noise. Men—several at a time—give directions and scold. Women knit their stockings, sing their songs, talk and walk as free and erect as if there were no burdens on their backs nor on their hearts, nor sin nor sorrow in this world of ours, so far as they are concerned. Above this din rise the voices of the various animals being thus unwillingly driven from their homes. Sheep bleet for their lambs, lambs for their mothers; cows low for their calves, and calves low for their dams; mares neigh for their foals, and foals reply as they lightly trip round about, little thinking of coming work and hard fare. All who meet on the way bless the trial, as this removing is called. They wish it good luck and prosperity, and a good flitting day, and, having invoked the care of Israel’s Shepherd on man and beast, they pass on.
‘When the grazing-ground has been reached and the burdens are laid down, the huts are repaired outwardly and inwardly, the fires are rekindled, and food is prepared. The people bring forward their stock, every man’s stock separately, and, as they are being driven into the enclosure, the constable and another man at either side of the gateway see that only the proper souming has been brought to the grazing. This precaution over, the cattle are turned out to graze.
‘Having seen to their cattle and sorted their shealings, the people repair to their removing feast (Feisd na h-imrig or shealing feast, Feisd na h-airidh). The feast is simple enough, the chief thing being a cheese, which every housewife is careful to provide for the occasion from last year’s produce. The cheese is shared among neighbours and friends, as they wish themselves and cattle luck and prosperity.
‘Every head is uncovered, every knee is bowed, as they dedicate themselves and their flocks to the care of Israel’s Shepherd.
‘In Barra, South Uist, and Benbecula, the Roman Catholic faith predominates; here, in their touching dedicatory old hymn, the people invoke with the aid of the Trinity, that of the angel with the cornered shield and flaming sword, Saint Michael, the patron saint of their horses; of Saint Columba the holy, the guardian over their cattle, and of the golden-haired Virgin Shepherdess, and Mother of the Lamb without spot or blemish.
‘In North Uist, Harris, and Lewis, the Protestant faith entirely prevails, and the people confine their invocation to,
As the people sing their dedication, their voices resound from their shealings, here literally in the wilderness, and as the music floats on the air, and echoes among the rocks, hills, and glens, and is wafted over fresh-water lakes and sea-lochs, the effect is very striking.
‘The walls of the shealings in which the people live are of turf, the roof of sticks covered with divots. There are usually two shealings together; the larger the dwelling, the smaller the dairy. This style of hut (Sgithiol) is called Airidh or shealing, and Both cheap, or Bothan cheap, turf bothy; to distinguish it from the Both cloiche or Bothan cloiche, stone bothy. This is entirely constructed of stone, the roof tapering to a cone more or less pointed. The apex of the cone roof is probably finished off with a flag, through the centre of which there is a hole like that through an upper millstone, the opening for the egress of smoke and the ingress of light. There is a low doorway with a removable door, seldom used, made of wicker-work, wattles, heather, or bent. In the walls of the hut, two, three, or four feet from the floor, are recesses for the various utensils in use by the people, while in the bosom of the thick wall low down near the ground are the dormitories wherein the people sleep. The entrance to these dormitories, slightly raised above the floor, is a small hole, barely capable of admitting a person to creep through. This sleeping-place is called Crupa, from Crupadh, to crouch. It was a special feature in the architecture of the former houses of St. Kilda, the houses themselves being called Crupa from this characteristic. These beehive houses are still the shealings of the Lewis people. Invariably two or three strong healthy girls share the same shealing. Here they remain making butter and cheese till the corn is ripe for shearing, when they and their cattle return home. The people enjoy this life at the hill pasturage, and many of the best lyric songs in their language are in praise of the loved summer shealing.
‘A tenant is liable for his own rent only. Formerly the rent was paid in four different ways. The first part was paid in money, the second in meal, the third in butter and cheese (Annlann), and the fourth part in cattle fit for selling or killing (Crodh creic, Creiche, no Seiche). In Uist, where kelp (Ceilp) is made, the kelp is placed to the credit for rent of the tenants who make it. There was also a system of labour. The people gave so many days’ work, the days being divided in certain proportions between the four seasons of the year. When the land was held direct from the proprietor the labour was called Morlanachd, occasionally Borlanachd. Probably this term is from Mur a fortress and Lann an enclosure. This system of labour may have had its origin in return for the shelter the enclosed fortress of the chief afforded the people in time of danger. When the land was held under the tacksman or middleman, and indirectly from the proprietor, the labour was called Cairiste, from Caithris, unrest, a word sufficiently indicative of the mode of its exaction.
‘The shepherd, cattle-herd, and march-keeper (Coimheadaidh, Criochaire, Fear coimhid) are paid in kind, invariably in seaweed, land, and grazing. This mode of payment is called Fairthadh. The term is also applied to corn, meal, or potatoes, given to men-servants in payment of wages, and also to bits of extra tillage granted by their neighbours to help poor tenants. In parts of Lewis the term is applied to the ground set apart for the poor.
‘The shepherd, as his name implies, tends the sheep, the cattle-herd the cattle, and the march-keeper, grass-keeper, or watcher, watches the open marches of the townland to prevent trespass. Having no interest in the matter, the march-keeper is often sent out from the people to call out the lots. The watcher may also be required to act as perchman (Peursair, or shoreherd, Buachaille cladaich). His duty is to erect a pole, on the top of which is a bundle of seaweed (Gaelic, Topan todhair) to indicate that the seaware is on the shore. When the people see the raised sign they hasten to the shore with their horses and carts, and creels, to land the spoils of the sea to put life in the land (an tabhartas todhair a chuireas beatha an talamh,—an tabhartas todhair chuireas cobhair an uir,—the seaweed offering that feeds the land). No tenant is permitted to take seaweed till his neighbours have time to arrive. Occasionally the sea-weed is divided into pennies, and lots drawn for the different shares, as for land.
‘The people adhere to their traditional code, and if this be transgressed in any part reparation is exacted. If a tenant, through carelessness, allows his horse to go loose, he is amerced in a fine (Cain). The fine is exacted where no damage results. The shepherd, cattle-herd, and watcher are subject to the same rigorous exactions if they allow injury to the crop.
‘The proprietor is represented on the estate by a factor (Bailidh). In Lewis the factor is called Chamberlain. The factor is represented by a Maor in every district, and the Maor by a constable in every townland. The factor communicates with his Maors, the Maors with their constables, who communicate with the tenants of their townlands. The people, however, are allowed to apply their own customs (Cleachdna) in working their land, and their own regulations (Riaghailt) in managing their stock. The Cleachdadh is their unwritten law, the Riaghailt their unwritten regulations; and to these they are attached as the result of experience and the wisdom of their fathers. The Cleachdadh and Riaghailt differ in different parishes, and occasionally in different districts of the same parish. The closer the runrig system is followed, the more are these customs and regulations observed. The more intelligent tenants regret a departure from them. The people defer to the wishes of the many as against the wisdom of the few, and obey the decision of the majority.
‘When required by the proprietor or the people, the constable convenes a meeting of the tenants. If the constable presides, the meeting is Nabac; if the Maor presides, the council is the more important, Mod or moot. Perhaps the people have met to confer about making or repairing a district road (Utraid), the digging or deepening of a ditch, or trench (Dig), the planting or repairing with bent (Muran) the drifting sandbanks of their Machair, or the buying or selling of a bull. The man who presides explains the business, and makes a motion. If the people assent, the matter is decided; if not, discussion ensues. Some of the people speak well. They reason forcibly, illustrate fittingly, and show complete mastery over their native Gaelic, which with them is plastic, copious, and expressive. Everything calculated to mar neighbourliness is discountenanced. Reasoning, they say, shall obtain hearing, and sooner or later victory; but the most contemptible of contemptible things are doggedliness and vulgar abuse (Ghiobh comhdach buaidh agus luath no mall eisdeachd, ach diubhaidh dubh an domhain, coinealachd agus graisgealachd). Nevertheless, personalities occur, offensive allusions and remarks are made, even the proprietor’s representative in the second or third degree removed being not always treated with immunity, though always with respect. When contention is imminent, the people of the townland, and possibly of other townlands, come to hear. The council meet on a knoll at the house of the Maor or the constable. The subject is decided by votes. Those who approve go sunwise to the south and to the right of the official presiding; while those who disapprove go sunwise to the north and to the left of the representative. These directions are symbolic—the one being propitious, the other unpropitious. Should the votes be equal, lots are drawn three times—the two times carrying against the one time. If a man holds out against his neighbours, perhaps faithful amongst the faithless, he is reproached as aon an aghaidh pobuill, one against people, and is derisively addressed as Fiacill gaibhre, goat-tooth.
‘Highlanders are essentially monarchical in their economic institutions and social tendencies. In this they say they but follow the example or instincts of the lower animals, all of which follow their chief. The leader of the herd or flock is called Ceannard, Ceann-iuil, but more frequently Snaodaire. The leader of the horses is Ceannmarc, Ceannmharc, Marccheann; of the cattle, Ceannabha, Ceannabhoin, Boinecheann; ceannnith; of the sheep, Ceannciora, Cioracheann; of the goats, Ceannabhoc, Ceann-gaibhre, Ceannaghabhar, Gabhar-cheann; of the swine, Ceann-cula, Cula-cheann, Speile-cheann; of the deer, Ceanna-ghreigh, Grecheann; of birds, Ceann-ianlainn, Iala-cheann, Iolcheann; and of the fish, Ceann-snaoth. Ceann-snaoth is particularly applied to the salmon, as Ceann snaoth an eisg, the leader of the fish, which is also called Righ nan iasg, the king of the fish. The eagle is called Righ nan ian, the king of the birds, and Righ na h-ealtain, king of the bird universe. The eagle is also termed Firein, true bird, an t-ian, the bird par excellence. Firein is a symbolic name applied to a Christian.
‘The leader of the herd is the first to rise and the last to lie down, and even when asleep would seem to be awake. A male is not necessarily the leader. Among cattle this position is often assumed by a cow.
But whether male or female the leader is the least despotic animal in the herd, the most contemptible being invariably the most despotic.
‘The houses of the tenants form a cluster (Gnigne, Grigne, Griogsa, Creaga, Carigean). In parts of Lewis the houses are in straight line called Straid, street, occasionally from one to three miles in length. They are placed in a suitable part of the townland, and those of the tenants of the runrig system are warm, good, and comfortable. These tenants carry on their farming operations simultaneously, and not without friendly and wholesome rivalry, the enterprise of one stimulating the zeal of another.
‘Not the least pleasing feature in this semi-family system is the assistance rendered by his neighbours to a tenant whose work has fallen behind through accident, sickness, death, or other unavoidable cause. When death occurs in a family, all the other families of the townland cease working till the dead is buried—gu’n cuirear uir fo uir—till earth is placed under earth.
‘Compassion for the poor, consideration towards the distressed, and respect for the dead, are characteristic traits of these people. This is inculcated in their sayings—
‘Comhnadh ris a bhochd, cobhair ris a bhas, agus baigh ris a bhron, tri nithe ris nach do ghabh duine glic aithreachas riabh.
‘Succour to the poor, aid to the dead (in burying), and sympathy with the distressed, are three things which a wise man never regretted.
‘Their modes of dividing the land and of equalising their stock may seem primitive and complex to modern views, but they are not so to the people themselves, who apply these amicably, accurately, and skilfully. The division of the land is made with care and justice. This is the interest of all, no one knowing which place may fall to himself, for his neighbour’s share this year may become his own three years hence. Portioning the stock according to the grazing rights of individual tenants, and equalising (Coilpeachadh) the stock so portioned, are evidently the result of accurate observation.
‘Whatever be the imperfections, according to modern notions, of this very old semi-family system of runrig husbandry, those tenants who have least departed from it are the most comfortable in North Uist, and, accordingly, in the Outer Hebrides.’
It will probably surprise many to find that a state of society such as is above described should still exist in some of the townships of the Outer Hebrides. It is not many years since similar communities were to be found in the other islands and on the mainland. Their customs and regulations are obviously pervaded by the spirit of the old tribal communities, as exhibited in the Brehon Laws, and still possess, in more or less degree, some of its characteristic features.
These farm communities, as they may be called, holding the arable land in runrig, and the pasture land in common, are fast disappearing under the influence of modern agricultural improvement, and it is well that this record of the older system, with its characteristic features still existing in some of the Highland townships, should be preserved ere it passes away for ever.
501. Acts of Parliament, vol. iv. p. 548.
502. Ib. p. 547.
503. This account is taken mainly from Marshall’s Agriculture of the Central Highlands, and from private information.
504. This is very similar to the custom in the Bavarian and Austrian Alps, where the summer pasture is termed an Alp and the bothies Sennerhütte.
505. Acts of Parliament, vol. vii. p. 438.
506. Ib. vol. ix. p. 421.
507. The old servile condition of the small tenants, by which they were attached to the soil, and could not be severed from it, which is usually regarded as an oppressive custom, would probably have been valued at this time as a privilege.
508. The preceding sketch has been mainly taken from the reports of the Board for the Relief of Highland Destitution in the years 1847-1850 (Third Report for 1848, p. 24; Second Report for 1850, p. 40). The author filled the office of Secretary to the Board, which necessarily brought the state of the population under his notice, and these reports were compiled by himself.
509. Bo le h-al, cow and her progeny. A cow is said to be entitled to her calf for a year and a day.
510. A name applied in the Highlands to one-year-old sheep.
511. The constable of the townland is sometimes termed am Maor beg, the little or sub-Maor. Maor is a frequent name of an office-holder, as Maor gruinnd, ground-officer; Maor fearainn, land-steward; Maor ceilp, kelp-officer; Maor cladaich, shore-officer; Maor coille, forester.