He could well afford to be generous, for he was now Master of the World; master as not even his grand-uncle Cæsar, by whom he had been adopted as a son, had been world-master. Cæsar was assassinated in the very year following his election as dictator. Octavius put down his last rival, Antony, at Actium in 31 B.C., and his world-mastery endured until his death in 14 A.D.
I have said that Octavius was a very prudent man. He wished all the old forms of republican government to go on just as they had before. And so they did go on, but Octavius must have known, and everybody else must have known, that they went on just because he allowed them to do so, that he could stop them or alter them at any moment if he pleased, that the government was in form republican—government by persons elected by the people—but that it really was government by one man. And far better it should be so. The other way had been tried and had failed terribly; it had resulted in fearful lawlessness. Now the Pax Romana, that peace of the world under the controlling power of Rome, really did begin to be something like a real fact. It had been very much of a fiction up to now. Of course there were troubles on the frontier. Those Parthians, who had defeated Antony, had to be dealt with; and they were dealt with, and that disgrace to the Roman arms was wiped out.
I am not sure that the most troublous spot in all the Empire of Rome was not that little kingdom of Judæa (sometimes it was a kingdom, under a petty king like Herod, but oftener it was under a Roman governor who had the title of procurator), which never seems to have been able to rest for long together.
It is rather puzzling to find, now and again, in this greatest of all stories, that several different people are called by the same name, and also that the same person is called by different names. Now, besides this Herod of whom we have been talking, there were several others. There was Herod Antipas, his son, before whom Christ was sent by Pontius Pilate, and also there was Herod Agrippa, his grandson, who was king of Judæa for a while, reigning, with such limited power as the Romans allowed him, from A.D. 37 to his death in 44. But for the most part, during all the early years of the Christian Era, Judæa was governed by one or other Roman procurator and was not even in name a kingdom.
Octavius, of whom I have been telling you how he became master of the world, lived till the year 14 A.D. (Anno Domini, or year of our Lord), that is, fourteen years from the date sometimes assigned to our Lord's birth. And now you may be puzzled, because you may remember that it is said in the Bible that a decree went out from Cæsar Augustus, about the time of Christ's birth, that all the world should be taxed. Cæsar Augustus, you see, as Master of the World! The explanation is that Cæsar Augustus and Octavius were one and the same person. He had been adopted as a son by his great-uncle Julius Cæsar, and then had taken the name of Cæsar. Augustus was not a name, but a title, given by the Romans, just as one of the Pompeys, and also one of the Herods, was called Magnus, or the Great. Augustus means the August one—the Magnificent.
I have said that Octavius was a prudent man. He showed his prudence in the way that he allowed Antony, who was imprudent, to do all kinds of foolish things before he set to work to crush his power. He was equally prudent in his dealing with Lepidus, his other rival. And after he had made an end of the power of these two, and was the greatest man in the world, he showed his prudence in refusing to claim any great title which might give any enemies at Rome a chance of saying that he was grasping at power and trying to rule like a despot, as Antony had done. No doubt he remembered what had happened to his great-uncle.
So he maintained many of the forms of the republican government and many of the old titles of the officials of the government, but it was quite evident all the time that he had the real power, and it was not any less real because he did not make a big show of claiming it. No doubt the Romans were all the more ready to leave the real power in his hands on that account. When his old rival Lepidus died he took to himself the high office of Pontifex Maximus which he had allowed Lepidus to hold during his life.
Before his death, having no son of his own at that time alive, he adopted, as the Roman law permitted, his step-son Tiberius as his colleague during his life and as his successor after his death; and the Romans fully approved of his doing so. Thus, when he died in A.D. 14, Tiberius succeeded him as ruler of Rome and of the world. He had not extended the limits of the Roman power, but he had made that power far more secure both in the West and in the East. The Pax Romana had become a far more real peace under him than it had been before.
But there never was any real peace in Judæa for long together. The national sentiment, as we should call it, of the old Jewish party, the Conservatives, who are called Pharisees in the Bible, was too strong for them to be at peace for any length of time under foreign rule. King Agrippa, of whom we were speaking, was a personal friend of both Caius Caligula and of Claudius, the two Roman Emperors who succeeded Tiberius. We may speak of them as Emperors (imperators) by this time, for it was a title which they took without dispute. Agrippa made himself very well liked by the Jews, and it seems to have been to please them that he had St. James beheaded and St. Peter cast into prison, as is told in the Bible. The Bible, too, in the Acts of the Apostles, tells us of his death in the year A.D. 44. He was the last king of the Jews, and at his death Judæa fell again under the government of the procurators.
The procurators of Judæa
The procurators all seem to have been oppressive in their government. Probably their task was a very difficult one. They had to govern a people who all through the story had shown themselves stronger in the independence of their spirit and in following their own ways of life than any other. The force of Roman soldiers of the legions and of allied troops that they had at hand to uphold their authority must have been very small in comparison with the force that the Jews and their friends could muster at short notice. They must have depended a great deal on the fame of the Roman power, and on the knowledge which the Jews must have had that if Rome really cared to take serious measures against them they could have no hope of success. Rome's power, if she cared to exert it, would be overwhelming.
But Rome was far away. Perhaps she would not take the trouble to exert that power.
That is how the Jewish party probably thought about it all; and the procurators and even the kings of Judæa had to try to uphold the Roman power as best they could, and yet to do what they could not to drive the Jews into the rebellion that they were always on the point of making, and now and again actually did make.
Pontius Pilate was procurator at the time of Christ's trial. You know how he gained the execration of all the Christian world ever since by sacrificing Christ to the hate of the Jews. He had sent Christ to Herod Antipas, because Herod was ruler of Galilee, not of Judæa, at the time, and Christ was considered, from his birthplace, to be a Galilæan. Pilate no doubt would have been well pleased if Herod had taken the responsibility on himself of judging the case, but Herod sent Christ back to Pilate. The Christians were already many enough to be a formidable body, and the rulers of Judæa had now to deal with three parties bitterly opposed to each other, the Jews who held to their old traditions, the Jews who had become Christians, and the small governing class of Romans and their friends.
FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS (SHOWING THE SPOILS OF JERUSALEM CARRIED IN TRIUMPH).
FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS (SHOWING THE SPOILS OF JERUSALEM
CARRIED IN TRIUMPH).
A good deal of what we know of the story comes from Josephus, the great Jewish historian, and an enemy of the Romans. He would be likely to say hard things of the procurators. But, even allowing for that, it does seem as if the later procurators, after the death of King Herod Agrippa, were very oppressive.
It was in the time of Florus, who was procurator from A.D. 64 to 66, that the trouble which had been growing came to a head. The state of things in Jerusalem and Judæa generally was terrible. Bands of assassins called Sicarii, or daggermen (from sica, a dagger), went about almost unmolested by authority. They were supposed to be very zealous for the old faith, and no doubt it was to escape them that St. Paul was taken, as we are told in the Bible, secretly and by night, from Jerusalem to Cæsarea. He lay in prison there, awaiting trial, for two years, while the procurator Felix, who had been a very oppressive governor, was succeeded by Festus—"most noble Festus," as Paul calls him—a more just and lenient ruler. Albinus followed Festus as procurator, from A.D. 62 to 64, and then came Florus, the most exacting of them all.
What finally caused the Jews to rise up in fury against the Roman power was that Florus stripped the Temple, which was just completed in its building, of some of its sacred treasures. At first the rebellion met with a surprising success. Florus had called in the aid of the governor of Syria, with a force of 20,000 regular troops and 13,000 auxiliaries, but this was defeated and broken up by the Jews in a battle at Beth-horon. Probably the fate of Jerusalem was hastened by this victory, for its effect was that Rome took so serious a view of the revolt that she sent her ablest general, Vespasian, with ample forces to subdue it. The result was certain; yet again the Jews showed their extraordinary toughness in resisting so long as they did. The other cities soon fell to the Roman arms, but Jerusalem itself held out for three years after the beginning of Vespasian's campaign. It fell in the year A.D. 70, and the fate that had befallen Carthage was now suffered by Jerusalem. The newly built Temple was destroyed—"not one stone left upon another," as had been foretold; the walls of the city were thrown down; the houses were burnt to the ground; most of the inhabitants were killed, and the rest taken away into slavery or otherwise dispersed over the earth. Jerusalem ceased to exist. The Jewish nation no longer had a capital city or a home.
That is the point to which we have now brought the story, and that is the point at which I mean to leave it. It is a point at which most of the threads of the story come together. It might almost seem to us, looking back over it, as if it were the point to which it had been designed, by some great designer, that the story of man should work itself out.
You see what the state of the world is.
There is this great and wonderful machine of world government, the Roman power, in full operation. The power could reach to any part of the wide empire; the legions would march along those Roman roads, made, as you probably know, with a wonderful straightness, up hill and down dale, never turning aside from the direction at which they aimed unless it were for a very steep mountain. They went, as the Romans themselves went, direct to their ends, straight, with no faltering.
Posts, or stations for communication, were established along those roads, after the manner of a relay race. A messenger would come galloping along from Rome to the first post out, and there he would hand his message, his letter, to another man who would go galloping with it to the next post along the road, which led perhaps to the north of Gaul, perhaps to the east of Thrace, perhaps to the west of Spain, direct to the provincial governor or the commander of the legions to whom the letter was addressed; and so on, stage by stage, till it came to its destination.
It is wonderful, is it not? Have you not wondered, when you read of St. Paul's trial, at its being said, "This man might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Cæsar"?
It is wonderful, surely, that all that distance away, in Palestine, a man, a Jew, just because he was a Roman citizen (probably Paul's parents had acquired the right of citizenship by buying it—as could legally be done) could appeal from the decision of his judges there and claim to be taken all the way to Rome. And this at a time when he could only go by horseback overland or by sail oversea!
You know how St. Paul did go in a ship from Alexandria. That would have been a corn ship; for Rome was getting most of her corn from Egypt at this time. And you know what adventures and calamities he had by the way. He was acquitted finally, on that charge, but he had spent two years in prison at Cæsarea, and two more in Rome. And after this acquittal, he was re-arrested, re-tried and executed—a terrible story!
But for the moment the point I want you to see is how far and how certainly Rome could reach out her arm and do justice, or what was called justice. It was a very wonderful machine.
Influence of Greece
So there was this machine, which had all the material power and was wonderful for purposes of government—for organisation, as we say. But, then, look at the world, the cities, the civilisations in which it was operating. Their thought, their art, their literature, was not Roman; it was Greek. Of all the Eastern part of the world, of Greece itself and all to the east of Greece, right away to the Euphrates and south of Egypt, we may say that it had learned to think in the Greek way before it had ever heard of the Romans at all. Indeed, we may talk, if we please, of Roman art, Roman literature and so on; but if we do we have to remember all the time that there is very little in it that was original. It was nearly all copied from the Greek. The Romans had great men. They had their great orator, Cicero; but he was less great than his Greek predecessor, Demosthenes. They had Livy and Tacitus, the historians. Tacitus had a style of his own. Perhaps he is the most original writer in prose that Rome produced. But Livy compares more with Thucydides, and the comparison is hardly to the advantage of the Roman historian. Besides, we may ask, "How would Livy have written if he had not had Thucydides and other Greeks to be his guides?"
We may ask, but we can have no certain answer. The answer that we are obliged to make is that it is scarcely to be believed that these Romans would have done as well, or nearly as well, as they did, if the Greeks had not set them such a good example.
Then we may look at the poets. The Æneid of Virgil is certainly modelled on the Iliad of Homer, and, fine though it is, it is far less admirable than the work of the far older Greek poet. Horace stands more by himself, but he uses metres which we know that he borrowed from the Greek, and it is quite possible that he stands rather alone because Greek originals on which he may have modelled his own verse have been lost.
Of writers for the theatre, there is no Roman to put "in the same street," as we say, with Æschylus, Sophocles, or Aristophanes. In science and philosophy none to compare with Aristotle and Plato.
And in the arts, all the finest sculpture and architecture in Rome is known to have been copied from the Greeks. Where are the Roman names to put with those of Phidias and Praxiteles?
Everywhere, throughout the world, if a great literary work or a great artistic work was done, it was done either by a Greek or by some one of another race who had learnt from the Greeks. If Rome had conquered and possessed the world by her arms, Greece had conquered and possessed it by her thought. Already, before the Roman conquest of the world, she had achieved this conquest to the east of Italy. By means of the Roman machinery of government, and those straight roads of the Romans, Greek thought was distributed all through the Western world too.
So get that picture clear in your minds, of the Roman Empire as a means of sending out the Greek culture everywhere.
There is something else that you have to see coming in on top of the Greek thought, distributed along with that thought, through all the world. That something else is Christianity.
You have seen this—if you will remember—that in the course of our story we found that the Greeks, the Greeks at the time when the Persian conquerors from the east came up against them and could make their way no farther west, were the first people whom we met in the whole course of the story to whom religion did not mean a great deal in their lives. To the ancient Egyptians it had meant very much. To the ancient Babylonians it was the same. The Persians came with the wonderful religion of Zoroaster, or Zarathustra, which influenced their lives enormously. The Greeks were the first of the peoples to whom religion meant very little. There were a few ceremonies, annually performed, and so on; but nothing that affected their character.
With the Romans it was the same. The early Roman had reverence for the "mos majorum"—the custom of their fathers. They had high ideas of justice and of such virtues as courage and of their duties as citizens. But no religion affected their lives or their thoughts.
Influence of the Jews
Now, you saw how the Jews from time to time were dispersed—to Egypt, to Babylonia, to various parts of Asia Minor, to the islands and to the Greek cities. The Greeks, not caring deeply for religious things, although greatly interested in philosophy and speculations about the mysteries of life, allowed the Jews to follow their own religion and customs wherever they settled. And the Jews adhered to their own religion and customs very strictly and tenaciously. They did not lose them in the countries in which they were dispersed. But they did not bring the people among whom they settled to their own way of thinking. They did not try to do so. Their idea of their religion was that it was for them only, for the Jews, for "the seed of Abraham"—that is, the descendants of Abraham.
When Christianity came, founded on the Jewish religion, this was all altered. Yet it was not altered just at first. You will remember that it was said that the Gospel, the good message, of Christianity was "for the Jew first, and also for the Gentile." By "Gentile" was meant any man or woman who was not a Jew. But you will also remember that this idea, the idea that Christianity—the religion which branched out from the old Jewish religion—could be for any others than the Jews came as quite a new idea—almost as a shock, as we might say. You will remember perhaps how St. Peter dreamed that dream about the meats that were "common or unclean," as he considered them. In his dream he declined to eat those meats. Then he was rebuked for calling these things, which had been divinely created, common and unclean.
When he awoke, he accepted that dream as a warning to him that he was not to look on the Gentile as a man so "common and defiled" in comparison with the Jew as not to be able to receive the message of Christianity.
Message to the Gentiles
But in order to spread Christianity from its source and around Jerusalem, it was not necessary in the first instance to go actually to the Gentiles. You have seen how the Jews were dispersed throughout the cities of the world. The gospel could be carried to these first, to these Jews of the various dispersals which had taken place in course of their terribly troubled story. They were everywhere, all over the known world; and to these the Christian message could, and did, go; and many of them received it and became Christians. From them, no doubt, as well as from St. Paul, "the apostle to the Gentiles," and other special messengers and missionaries, Christianity spread to those among whom these dispersed and exiled Jews were living, but it was only gradually that the idea grew that it was a world religion, and not for the Jews only.
To one other point I would draw your attention. Most of Christ's followers were very humble men, of little or no education. They heard the words and carried His message among their own people. But the cities of the world, as we have seen, were inhabited by men whose minds were filled with Greek thought, Greek philosophy. They had no religion that made a real difference in their lives, although they speculated eagerly about "the unknown god," and paid reverence to such deities as "Diana of the Ephesians"; but they were highly educated.
If these fishermen of the Sea of Galilee, who were Christ's first disciples, these humble men of whom I wrote just now, had gone about from city to city and spoken of Christ and of Christianity in the very simple language in which they must have spoken of these things, what effect could they have had on the people whose minds were full of philosophical speculations? Very little. To accept the gospel of Christ "like a little child" would have been quite impossible for these men whose minds were formed by the Greek thought.
But after those first humble fishermen and the like came others, men of learning: St. Luke, who was a doctor, a medical man, a scientific man; St. John and St. Paul. All these, and many more, no doubt, who became fervent Christians, had been educated in the Greek philosophy. The writings of St. John and of St. Paul show beyond possibility of mistake that this philosophy was familiar to them and that their minds and thoughts worked in the ways that it had taught them.
Directly they began to feel the reality of Christ's message, and that He really was a divine Person, then they, naturally, were able to see in His message and teaching a great deal that the fishermen had not understood. They saw that it was a message which could be interpreted in such a way as to fit in with all that philosophical speculation with which the minds of all educated men in the world were full. It not only fitted in with that speculation, but it seemed to come as the crown and the completion of it all. It gave it just what it had been very badly wanting. It brought God into a world that had been seeking, seeking very hard, to find God, but a world, as we have seen, that, in spite of all the seeking, was practically Godless.
The designed end
Now, that is the conclusion of this Greatest Story in the World, or, at least, it is the point at which it seems best to me to leave it. The threads of the story have come together now. They have come together in this sense, that we have the great machine formed by the Roman government ready to convey any message throughout the length and breadth of the world (or of what was then counted as making up the world). That is the first thing. Then we have the Greek thought distributed all along the world roads which this machine had made, and along which it keeps up the communications. And finally we have the Jews, that people of such extraordinary toughness, so marvellously determined to hold on to their own ways of life and of serving God, thoroughly dispersed all the world over, and so carrying their religion and their religious books, which are the base of the Christian religion, with them everywhere.
These are the three great facts which have come together at this point at which we are leaving this great story—the Roman world-power, the Greek world-thought, the Christian world-religion. That the last had to go through dreadful trials and suffer terrible persecution before it could become world-wide (even as the world was understood then) makes no difference. The foundations had been laid on which it was to be built.
I do not know how it may seem to you, but to me it rather looks as if the whole story, all through the ages, even from the first page where we began to trace it, say some five thousand years before Christ, had been working up to just this point—as if it all had been designed to this end.
Understand me—I do not say that it is so. None of us is able to tell how far man has been allowed to act of his own free will in forming his story on the earth, and in what chapters and pages of the story his acts have been determined by a Higher Power. We know that he is allowed much freedom. We are sure, too, that the freedom is not unlimited. Therefore it is impossible for us to tell, of any particular action or series of actions, whether they are all man's own or whether they have been arranged for him. I will only say this, that it looks to me very much as if it had been arranged that the Roman power, the Greek thought, and the Christian religion should come together just at this moment in our story and complete each other for the service of man. I say that it looks to me as if it were so. Do each of you think it out for yourself and see how it appears to you.
ABRAHAM, in Chaldæa, 55
Actium, battle of, 210
Æneas, 164
Agricultural Age, the, 4
Alexander, the Great, 155 et seq.
death of, 158
his generals, 160
Animals, in Egypt, 14 et seq.
Antony, 209 et seq.
and Cleopatra, 210
Art, in Babylonia, 65
Assyria, rise of, 54, 67-68
fall of, 103
Astronomy, in Babylon, 59
BABYLONIA, 49 et seq.
and Egypt, 25
Bast, the Cat-goddess, 34
Book of the Dead, the, 40
Bronze Age, the, 6
CÆSAR, JULIUS, 198
assassination of, 206
commands in Gaul, 199
crosses Rubicon, 200
defeats Pompey, 200
Dictator for life, 202
in Britain, 199
subdues Parthians, 201
Camels, in Egypt, 13
Carchemish, battles at, 104-5
Carthage, destruction of, 176
Carthaginians, 147 et seq.
defeated by Gelo, 149
Cinna, 197
Cleopatra restored by Cæsar to throne, 201
and Antony, 210
Comitia, 179 et seq.
Corn, in Egypt, 16
Costume, in Babylonia, 66
in Egypt, 38 et seq.
Creation of World, Babylonian account of, 60
Crete, 76 et seq.
Crœsus, king of Lydia, 117
Cuneiform writing, 69 et seq.
Cyrus, the Persian, 111 et seq.
sends back exiled Jews, 113
DELTA, the, 3
EGYPT, 11 et seq.
hunting in, 15
Upper and Lower, 21
Egyptian religions, 27 et seq.
Etruscans, the, 166
Euphrates, the, 2
Evans, Sir Arthur, 76
FAMOUS Romans, compared with Famous Greeks, 221
First Dynasty of Egyptian Kings, 21
Flood, the. Babylonian account of, 61
GELO, defeats Carthaginians, 149
Goats, in Egypt, 13
Gracchus, Tiberius and Caius, 194
Granicus, river, battle on, 157
Greece great men of, 139
Greek learning, philosophy, art, etc., 121 et seq.
states, jealousy between, 145 et passim
states, downfall of Sparta, 145
warrior, 118
HANNIBAL, 173-4
Hieroglyphic, 36
Historians, Thucydides and Herodotus compared, 146
Horses, in battle, 89
Horus, Egyptian god, 31
Hunting Age, the, 4
Hyksos, the "Shepherd" Kings of Egypt, 23
IONIANS, the, 128
Ipsus, battle of, 160
Iron Age, the, 6
Isis, Egyptian goddess, 31
Israel, divided from Judah, 101
Issus, battle of, 157
JEHOVAH,89
Jerusalem, taken by Nebuchadnezzar, 106
destruction of, by the Romans, 218
Jewish religion, basis of Christian religion, 107
its character, 108 et seq.
Jews, the, in Alexandria, 161
Canaan,95
Egypt, 73-74
Jews, Greek influence among, 204
Pharisees and Sadducees, 204
revolt against Rome, 205
Herod, the great, king of, 206, 217
under Roman procurators, 215
KHAMMURABI, Code of, 62 et seq.
Knossos, 77 et seq.
LABYRINTH, at Crete, 81
Legions, the, 181 et seq.
in Asia Minor, 185
power passing to, 195
Levant, the, 2
MARATHON, battle of, 131-2
Marduk, or Merodach, 58
Megiddo, battles at, 104
Memphis, 23
Mesopotamia, 3
Minoans, their sea-power, 82-83
Minos, king of Crete, 78
Minotaur, the, 81
Mithridates, king of Pontus, 193, 196
Moses, 74
Mummies, 44
Mycenæ, Cretan buildings at, 79
NEBUCHADNEZZAR, king of Babylon, 105
Nile, the river, 3, 5, 11 et seq.
OAKS, old, in England, 8
Octavius, 209 et seq.
Octavius, Master of the World, 211
called Cæsar Augustus, 213
Osiris, Egyptian god, 31
Ostriches, carved, 11
PALESTINE, between the two Empires, 25
Papyrus, 17
Parthians, the, subdued by Julius Cæsar, 201
Pastoral Age, the, 4
"Pax Romana," 192
Peoples of the Sea, 120
Persian Gulf, 2
Persians, the, 110 et seq.
their battle methods, 116
Phalanx, the Greek, 117
the Macedonian, 153
Philip, king of Macedon, 153 et seq.
Philistines, the, 95-100
Philosophers, Stoic and Epicurean, 143
Phœnicians, 96
Platæa, battle of, 137
Pompey, the Great, 197 et seq.
Pontius Pilate, 213
at trial of Christ, 216
Postal Service, in Roman Empire, 220
Pottery, 18
Priests, their power in Egypt, 36, 38, 47
Ptolemy, 159
Punic Wars, the, 172 et seq.
Pyramids, the, 42
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, 167 et seq.
RE, the sun-god, 33
Rome, 164 et seq.
constitution of, 178 et seq.
Rome, conquers Macedon, 187
Egypt, 188
Mistress of the World, 190 et seq.
slaves in, 194, 198
SACRED animals, 30
Salamis, battle of, 136
Scarabs, 34
Seleucus, 159
Semites, 55 et seq.
Senate, of Rome, 178 et seq.
Sennacherib, in his chariot, 102
Seth, Egyptian god, 31
Shanash, Babylonian sun-god, 57
Sicily, Greeks in, 148
its importance to Rome, 172
Silsilla, 11
Solomon, his kingdom, 100
Sothis, the star of Seth, the Dog-star, 12
Souls, Egyptian idea of, 45
Spartans, soldiers in Asia Minor, 111
virtues of, 138
Stone Age, the, 6
Sulla, 196-7
Sumerians, 54
Syracuse, siege of, by Athenians, 150
Dionysius, tyrant and saviour of, 151
TETHMOSIS III., 23
Themistocles, salvation of Greece due to, 136
Thermopylæ, battle of, 135
Three great facts that worked together, 226-7
Tigris, river, 2
"Totem," worship of, 30
Triumvirate, the first, 199
the second, 208
Troy, the siege of, etc., 124
Homer's account of the siege of, 124
more probable story of the siege of, 125 et seq.
WAR, methods and engines of, 90 et seq.
Water-raising machine, 51
XERXES, king of Persia, his attempt on Greece, 133
his alliance with Carthage, 134
ZOROASTER, or Zarathustra, 114
THE END