Lake Manontoye, where Mr. Shaw wintered, is not so large as Lac Eturgeon: it abounds with excellent fish and wild fowl; and oats, rice, and cranberries, grow spontaneously in the swamps. There are very few islands on it. There are about three hundred of the Chippeway nation who resort to it; they are very wild, and delight in war, which they sometimes wage against the Sioux, on the Mississippi; and they are frequently absent from their families fifteen months, scarce ever returning without a prisoner or a scalp.^[61]

It is very strange that the thirst of blood should stimulate the human mind to traverse such an amazing extent of country, suffering inexpressible hardships, and uncertain of success, to gratify a passion, which none but an infernal spirit could suggest; and when success has crowned his labours, that he should return with inconceivable satisfaction, and relate the transactions of his journey, with the greatest exultation, smiling at the relation of agonies which he alone occasioned. The most dreadful acts of a maniac cannot exceed such cruelty: happy those, who enjoy the benefits of society, whose civilization, and whose laws protect them from such detestable outrages.

Previous to their going to war, the head chief calls a council, and each chief has a belt of wampum, and a war pipe: the belt to remind [77] them of former transactions relative to the nation they intend to commence hostilities against, and the pipe to smoke at the council fire. When they have determined to make war, they send the belts and pipes to their enemies; and if a similar compliment is returned, they instantly prepare for blood, with the most steady and determined resolution.

The novel of Emily Montague affords a striking example of this strong propensity for blood, which I shall relate in the author’s own words.

“A Jesuit missionary told me a story on this subject, which one cannot hear without horror. An Indian woman with whom he lived on his mission, was feeding her children, when her husband brought in an English prisoner; she immediately cut off his arm, and gave her children the streaming blood to drink. The Jesuit remonstrated on the cruelty of the action; on which, looking sternly at him—I would have them warriors, said she, and therefore feed them with the food of men.”

When I was at Cataraqui, the capital of the Loyalist settlements in Canada, a party of Mohawks and Messesawgers accidentally met, and having bartered their skins and peltry with the traders, sat themselves down to drink the rum their merchandize had produced. As the liquor began to operate, their imaginations suggested to them that they were of different nations, and as the Mohawks always claimed a superiority, intoxication made them proud: at last a dispute arose, and a Messesawger Indian was killed, and his heart taken out, which the [78] Mohawks intended to have broiled, but they were prevented by a gentleman who accidentally passed by their hut, and prevailed upon them to give it up.

It seems to be the constant attention both of the male and female part of the Indians to instil ideas of heroism into the minds of the rising generation, and these impressions they carry far beyond the line of reason or of justice. Is it then surprising that every action of their lives should tend to satisfy their thirst for revenging offences committed against them, and that these sentiments should operate so powerfully in directing their future conduct? There is, nevertheless, one exception to these observations—their conduct to traders, who are obliged on some occasions, when intoxication runs high, to beat them very soundly;—to their credit, in these instances, I must confess I never knew them to resent this severity when sober. The only remark they have made has been—“Friend, you beat me very severely last night—but I do not mind, I suppose I deserved it—it was the liquor made me offend.” Or if they betray any dissatisfaction, one glass of rum will reconcile all differences. With regard to severity when they are perfectly sober, I am convinced it would be highly dangerous, and should be cautiously avoided.

But although they often express these blood-thirsty sentiments, and too frequently put them in execution, yet there are occasions when they exercise both temper and reason.

When I was at Pimistiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I had a large dog, to protect myself and property; an Indian came in rather [79] in liquor to ask for rum, and probably might strike the animal; the dog instantly seized him by the calf of the leg, and wounded him dreadfully. He returned to his hut, and made no complaint till the next morning, when he desired to speak with me: I went to him, and he told me how the dog had used him, saying, he hoped I would give him a pair of leggons, to supply those which the dog had torn; but that with regard to his leg, he did not trouble himself much about that, as he knew it would soon be well. I immediately granted his request, and added a bottle of rum, with which he seemed well pleased, and I heard no more of it.

But to return to the subject of going to war. The women and children sometimes go forward in their canoes singing the war songs, and encamp every evening at sunset, having a great dislike to travelling in the dark. Forty-eight young warriors are placed, in four divisions, to keep guard at night, armed with guns, bows and arrows, and some scotté wigwas, or fire bark, to light in case of sudden surprise.

This bark is taken from the birch tree, and being properly dried, is used by the Indians to light them to spear fish: it is fixed on a stick about seven feet long, and either put at the head of the canoe, or carried by the person who attends upon the man that spears, and whose business it is also to steer the canoe.

At day break the Indians depart, and pursue their journey regardless of the weather, till they arrive in the enemy’s country, when the utmost precaution is adopted that it is possible for human invention to suggest.

[80] When war is made against the Mississippi Indians, they endeavour to kill the men and women, and bring away the children to dispose of to the traders, who send them down to Montreal for servants. The boys are not so much to be depended upon as the girls, being more stubborn, and naturally disdaining the idea of slavery; they are also full of pride and resentment, and will not hesitate to kill their masters in order to gratify their revenge for a supposed injury. The girls are more docile, and assimilate much sooner with the manners of civilization. Being unaccustomed to domestic life, they are at first sick and unhealthy; but the change soon becomes familiar to them, and they then prefer it to the uncultivated manner of living in which they were brought up.^[62]

A few days after my return to Lac la Mort, a band of Savages arrived from the Red Lake, called by the Indians, Misqui Sakiegan, and some from Lake Shabeechevan, or the Weed Lake, about five days march beyond Lake Manontoye. Red Lake is so called on account of a remarkable circumstance which happened to two famous warriors of the Chippeway nation, who were hunting by the lake side, and as they were looking out for game, perceived at some distance an enormous beast, that appeared much larger than any animal they had ever seen; his pace was slow and heavy, and he kept constantly by the water side. They followed him as close as they thought prudent, determined at all hazards to use their best endeavours to kill him. As they approached, they had a clearer view, and discovered that his body was covered with something like moss; this increased their surprise, and after consulting together, they continued advancing towards the beast, and fired large shot, without appearing to make any impression. They [81] fired again with as little effect as before; then retreated some distance, sat down and sung their war songs, addressing themselves to the Master of Life, and desiring his assistance to enable them to conquer it, as they believed it to be the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, in the shape of this monster. They then got up and pursued him, both firing at the same time: the shot proved successful, and caused the animal to turn round, which induced them to keep up their fire till the beast jumped into the water, and they lost sight of him. From the circumstance of his blood dyeing the water red, this lake has ever since been called the Red Lake.

Fish is caught here in great abundance, and wild rice grows in very great plenty in the swamps. The country likewise abounds with all sorts of animals for hunting. There are several rivers and falls of water on the northwest part. The Indians are very fond of fishing and hunting here during the winter season, as they are generally very successful even in the most severe weather. From Red Lake to Lake le Sel, or Salt Lake, by the Indian accounts, there are fourteen short portages, and twenty-two creeks. Lake le Sel is very small, and the water shallow and muddy. It does not exceed three miles in length. There are few fish except eels, cat fish, and pike; but it abounds with musquashes and wild fowl. From this lake to Lake Caribou, or Rein deer Lake, is eight days march across five creeks and three portages.

Lake Caribou, or, in the Indian language, Ateeque, is about thirty miles long, with several small islands, resembling the Mille Isles, in the River St. Laurence, above Montreal. The water is deep and clear, [82] and the bottom hard. It abounds with large trout, white fish, pickerill, pike, and sturgeon. It is surrounded by a chain of high mountains. Some years ago a French trader settled here, but of late it has been deserted. The Indians reckon it ten days march to Lake Schabeechevan, across thirteen portages, and as many creeks; but as I wintered here the following year, though I went to it by a different track, I shall not describe it till I give an account of the occurrences of that time. From Lake Schabeechevan to Lake Arbitibis are three small lakes, eight creeks, and five portages. Lake Arbitibis is very large, and the surrounding land rocky and mountainous. This Lake furnishes the Indians with fish and wild fowl. The aquatic race abound in this part of the world, doubtless so appointed for the support of the numerous tribes of Savages, who are obliged to resort to the lakes for food. At the northern extremity of this Lake is a large fall of water, which flows from a river whose current is rapid for about twenty miles. On this river there are also dangerous rapids; the land upon its banks is low, and the beach sandy. From Lake Arbitibis to Crow’s Nest Lake, called by the Indians, Cark Cark Sakiegan, is a short distance. The utmost circumference of Crow’s Nest Lake scarcely exceeds two leagues, and is only remarkable for a small island in the middle, with about forty high palm trees, where the crows build their nests, which is called Cark Cark Minnesey. The fish in this Lake are very indifferent, being mostly of the sword-fish kind, which the Indians seldom eat. From this Lake is a long portage, and about half way a high mountain. At the end of the carrying place is a river called Cark Cark Seepi, or Crows’ River, which runs with a strong current for about thirty miles, from Neeshshemaince Sakiegan, or the Lake of the Two Sisters; so called from the meeting of two currents, which form one grand discharge into [83] the lake. The Hudson’s Bay Indians hunt here with great success. At the end is a carrying place about a quarter of a mile long, that leads to a remarkably narrow river, which runs with a strong current for about fifty leagues: the land on each side being very high, makes the navigation dark. The Indians in going up this river travel as light as possible, to enable them to combat the strong current. The Hudson’s Bay Company are supplied with a considerable quantity of peltry from this river.

As the description of this country, hitherto so little explored, is a principal part of what I intended in this publication, I have described it either from my own knowledge, or the most authentic information I was able to procure from the Savages. In this respect I have followed Carver, who on his arrival at the grand portage, met a large party of Killistinoe and Assinipoil Indians, from whom he received accounts of several lakes and rivers, which he describes agreeable to the information he obtained.

It is necessary to observe, that though the Indians are very expert in delineating countries upon bark, with wood coal mixed with bears’ grease, and which even the women do with great precision, the length of a day’s march is very uncertain, and consequently cannot afford any geographical information. This remark, I trust, will be found to want no farther proof than the consideration that their drafts consist principally of lakes and rivers, as they seldom travel much by land; and when their track over land is described, it is perhaps only a short portage which they cross, in order again to pursue their journey on their favourite element. But as few persons will probably read this account [84] with a view of going into this country, the description I have been able to give will be sufficient for the generality of my readers. I lament exceedingly my inability to make this work more perfect, but trust that it will be found highly useful to those whose avocations may induce them to have recourse to it for information and guidance in commercial pursuits. If an Indian goes with the stream, or against it, from sunrise to sunset, it is called a day’s march. This uncertainty makes it very difficult for any one who travels as a trader to ascertain any thing more than the Indian distance from one lake to another. As Mr. Carver, in his map, says that the branches which run from Riviére St. Louis, at the end of West Bay, in Lake Superior, are but little known, I can with equal propriety observe that those from Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon, both east and west, are very difficult to describe geographically. The known candour of my countrymen, will, I am persuaded, pardon any errors of this sort, as I can assure them I have exerted my best endeavours to render the description of places, with respect to distances and situation, as clear as possible, which the chart I hope will more fully explain.^[63]

Having given an account of the different lakes, rivers, &c. from Lac la Mort, I shall continue the narrative from my return from Lake Manontoye, where I relieved Mr. Shaw.

A few days after, another band of Savages arrived with skins, furs, and some provisions; they stayed with me two days, making merry with what rum I could spare them, without doing any mischief, and departed at last very peaceably. On the twenty-third of February another band came in, consisting of about eighty, men, women, and children, who brought dried meats, oats, bears’ grease, and eight packs of beaver, which I purchased, giving them rum, as usual, with which they got intoxicated. In this frolic one woman was killed, and a boy terribly burnt. On the third day they departed, well pleased with their reception, leaving us plenty of provisions. The weather being more moderate, I sent my men to the lake to look after the nets, which had been under the ice a considerable time, the severity of the season not having allowed us to examine them for near a month, when, to our great mortification they were found almost rotten, and not a single fish; but as one of the Canadians could make nets as well as myself, we repaired the damage; and caught plenty of fish to support us till April.

The severity of the season was sensibly felt by Mr. James Clark, belonging to the same company, who had five men starved at Lake Savan, [86] a bad lake for fish, about three hundred and fifty miles from my wintering ground;^[64] the Indians being obliged to hunt so far back in the woods that they could not give him any assistance; and from the concurrent accounts of the traders in the northwest, as well as from the Savages who resorted to my house, it was the hardest winter they ever remembered.

About this time a large band of Chippeways arrived, traded with me for their hunt, and finished their frolic in a peaceable manner. While this band was with me, a curious circumstance occurred, which I shall relate.

One part of the religious superstition of the Savages, consists in each of them having his totam, or favorite spirit, which he believes watches over him. This totam they conceive assumes the shape of some beast or other, and therefore they never kill, hunt, or eat the animal whose form they think this totam bears.

The evening previous to the departure of the band, one of them, whose totam was a bear, dreamed that if he would go to a piece of swampy ground, at the foot of a high mountain, about five days march from my wigwaum, he would see a large herd of elks, moose, and other animals; but that he must be accompanied by at least ten good hunters. When he awoke he acquainted the band with his dream, and desired them to go with him: they all refused, saying it was out of their way, and that their hunting grounds were nearer. The Indian having a superstitious reverence for his dream (which ignorance, and the prevalence of example among the Savages, carries to a great height), thinking himself [87] obliged to do so, as his companions had refused to go with him, went alone, and coming near the spot, saw the animals he dreamed of; he instantly fired, and killed a bear. Shocked at the transaction, and dreading the displeasure of the Master of Life, whom he conceived he had highly offended, he fell down, and lay senseless for some time: recovering from his state of insensibility, he got up, and was making the best of his way to my house, when he was met in the road by another large bear, who pulled him down, and scratched his face. The Indian relating this event at his return, added, in the simplicity of his nature, that the bear asked him what could induce him to kill his totam; to which he replied, that he did not know he was among the animals when he fired at the herd; that he was very sorry for the misfortune, and hoped he would have pity on him: that the bear suffered him to depart, told him to be more cautious in future, and acquaint all the Indians with the circumstance, that their totams might be safe, and the Master of Life not angry with them. As he entered my house, he looked at me very earnestly, and pronounced these words; “Amik, hunjey ta Kitchee Annascartissey nin, O Totam, cawwicka nee wee geossay sannegat debwoye:”—or, “Beaver, my faith is lost, my totam is angry, I shall never be able to hunt any more.”

This idea of destiny, or, if I may be allowed the phrase, “totamism,”^[65] however strange, is not confined to the Savages; many instances might be adduced from history, to prove how strong these impressions have been on minds above the vulgar and unlearned. To instance one, in the history of the private life of Louis the XV. translated by Justamond, among some particulars of the life of the famous Samuel Bernard, the Jew banker, of the court of France, he says, that he was superstitious [88] as the people of his nation are, and had a black hen, to which he thought his destiny was attached; he had the greatest care taken of her, and the loss of this fowl was, in fact, the period of his own existence, in January, 1739.

Dreams are particularly attended to by the Indians, and sometimes they make an artful use of the veneration that is paid to them, by which they carry a point they have in view: I shall relate an instance for the satisfaction of the reader.

Sir William Johnson, sitting in council with a party of Mohawks, the head chief told him, he had dreamed last night, that he had given him a fine laced coat, and he believed it was the same he then wore; Sir William smiled, and asked the chief if he really dreamed it; the Indian immediately answered in the affirmative: Well then, says Sir William, you must have it; and instantly pulled it off, and desiring the chief to strip himself, put on him the fine coat. The Indian was highly delighted, and when the council broke up, departed in great good humour, crying out, who-ah! which is an expression of great satisfaction among them.

The next council which was held, Sir William told the chief that he was not accustomed to dream, but that since he met him at the council, he had dreamed a very surprising dream; the Indian wished to know it; Sir William, with some hesitation, told him he had dreamed that he had given him a tract of land on the Mohawk River to build a house on, and make a settlement, extending about nine miles in length along the banks: the chief smiled, and looking very cheerfully at Sir William, [89] told him, if he really dreamed it he should have it; but that he would never dream again with him, for he had only got a laced coat, whereas Sir William was now entitled to a large bed, on which his ancestors had frequently slept. Sir William took possession of the land by virtue of an Indian deed signed by the chiefs, and gave them some rum to finish the business.^[66] It is now a considerable estate, but since the war the Americans have deprived him of it, with all the buildings, &c. which are very valuable. It lies on the opposite shore to the German Flats, but the land is by no means equal in goodness with the soil there. Perhaps no part of America produces land better calculated for cultivation than the German Flats.

During the American war, the best Loyalist troops were collected from the Mohawk River, and it was agreed on all hands that for steadiness, bravery and allegiance, they were not to be excelled. Government has done its utmost to reward many of them for their services, by giving them land in Canada and Nova Scotia; and to those whom poverty obliged to solicit them, implements of husbandry. They are now in a very flourishing state, and there is no doubt but they will prove valuable friends and supporters of Great Britain on any future emergency.

During the severe weather, I had a narrow escape from a contrivance of the Indian who was occasionally with me, and whom I employed in hunting, and making marten traps: this was occasioned by jealousy, on account of his wife, who was a pretty young Squaw, of the Rat nation, and whom he suspected of infidelity.

[90] Being short of provisions, and having only one faithful Canadian in the house, except the Indian and his wife, I desired him to make a number of marten traps, and set them in two different roads, called a fork. Having finished about two hundred, and set them in the woods, baited with fish heads, which these animals are very fond of, he returned, and I gave him some rum for his trouble. Every day, for a considerable time, he went regularly to examine them, and when successful, was always rewarded to his satisfaction. Having been unfortunate several days, I charged him with doing other business, instead of examining the traps, to which he made no reply. I communicated my suspicions to my man, and desired him to watch the Savage. The next day the Canadian discovered him in the woods dressing some partridges:^[67] when he returned home in the evening he asked for rum, which I refused, telling him he did not deserve any. This answer displeased him; and looking earnestly at me, he replied, that I did not use him well; for though he had been unsuccessful with his traps, his trouble was the same; and that he generally found them out of order, which obliged him to set them right, and employed him the whole day. This excuse did not make any alteration in my conduct, and I told him the weather was too bad to get at any rum. He then began to imagine that I suspected him, and knew of his laziness, and immediately opened his mind, telling me very frankly that he was jealous of me; and that his reason for not going to examine the marten traps, was to prevent any communication between me and his wife, which, had he been far distant from home, might have been easily effected; and for this reason he kept near the house to watch her, knowing that she was fond of me; but that if I would give him some rum, to drive away the bad spirit from his heart, he would endeavour to forget the injury I had done him.

[91] Judging it prudent to remove his suspicions, I gave him two gallons of rum, a carrot of tobacco, a shirt, a pair of leggons, a scalping knife, &c. and several articles to his wife. Having received the presents, he called her to drink with him, and thank the trader with a cheerful heart for his great kindness. When they were a little merry he began to sing, and I heard him repeat these words: “Mornooch Amik kee zargetoone mentimoyamish;” or, “I do not care though the Beaver loves my wife.” This did not please me, as I knew his jealousy would increase in proportion to the quantity of liquor he drank. However, I used the utmost precaution, securing his weapons to prevent his doing me any injury. His wife hearing him repeat the words so frequently, began to be angry, and pulled his hair and scratched his face. I thought this a favourable opportunity to express my dislike, and told him he was a fool to be jealous; that I gave him the rum to drive away the bad spirit, but it had a contrary effect; that I never wanted any thing of his wife but to make or mend snow shoes, and always paid her for her trouble. Yes, cries the wife, he is a fool, Beaver, and I will beat him; which she instantly did, and cut his head with a glass bottle. I then interfered, and parted them.

The moment I was gone, he began the old song, and continued singing till he was sober; when getting up, he came to me and said, “Beaver, I have seen the bad spirit in my dream, who told me that the trader had robbed me.” Irritated at the expression, I told him his lips never spoke truth, and that he had no sense; and thinking it right to suppress this humour, beat him very severely. When he had recovered his reason, he said to me, “Beaver, you have sense, though you have spotted my carcase.” I then remonstrated with him on the great [92] folly of being jealous; but he was sullen, and made no reply. He then called his wife, but she being asleep did not hear him; he called a second time, and asked for his gun, tomahawk, and scalping knife; but not receiving any answer, he was very angry, and said to me, “Beaver, I will throw away my body;” to which I did not think it prudent to make any reply. He then laid himself down on the ground, and called his wife a third time. She came to him, and observing displeasure in his countenance, told him not to be angry with the Beaver, for he was a great warrior, and always opened his heart to them. He ordered her to bring him a bark bowl full of water, and set it down carefully between the Beaver’s legs. Whilst she was gone for the water, he said to me, “Come here, Beaver, and I will shew you that I have nothing sweet on my lips, but will speak the truth.” The wife returned and placed the bowl of water as her husband directed; when it had stood some time he said, “Beaver, put your finger in the water, and let it remain till I tell you to take it out.” I obeyed him with the utmost cheerfulness, and in a few minutes, by his desire, withdrew it. He then said, “Beaver, you know that a husband is so called because he is the master of weakness, and for that reason he should protect his wife; and at the same time, you, as a trader, should not injure me: but that I may not accuse you unjustly, I will try you by my own thoughts. Beaver, look at my wife, and look at the water, and tell me where you put your finger; if you cannot tell, you have certainly robbed me.” I then put in my finger again, and pointed out the place. “No;” said he, looking earnestly at me and his wife, “as you cannot be certain that it is the exact place where you first put in your finger, neither can I be certain that you have robbed me; though I as much believe it, as you do that the place you pointed out was the exact spot.” I [93] confessed myself surprised at his disbelief; but not willing to incense him, I told him I was sorry he should imagine me capable of such wickedness as to be guilty of injuring him, for my mind was as calm as the water in an undisturbed state; and after giving him a few presents, sent them away, injoining him to use his wife well, as she was perfectly innocent. As they departed, he said to me smiling, “Beaver, you must get somebody else to look after your marten traps.”

Adultery among the northern Savages is generally punished in a summary way by the husband, who either beats his wife very severely, or bites off her nose. It is extremely dangerous for a trader to be suspected, for when the husband is intoxicated, his jealousy rises into madness; and revenge, whether the party suspected be innocent or guilty, is continually to be expected. When the mind of an Indian is once affected, his passion increases in proportion to the quantity of rum which he drinks, though he has the art to conceal it when he is sober. It is the baneful effects of rum which puts every jealous thought in motion, and then it knows no bounds, till intoxication completely overpowers him, or returning sobriety restores his lost reason.

Early in the month of April, I received a letter from Monsieur Jaques Santeron at Lake Schabeechevan, in the same employ as myself, to inform me that he was tired of being a servant, and thinking his labours not sufficiently rewarded, had determined to make a grand coup, having a number of fine packs which he purposed selling to the Hudson’s Bay Company: that he should leave his wintering ground next morning with four birch canoes, and would write further particulars on bark, which he should nail against one of the crooked trees at the foot of [94] the Grand Rapid, in case I should be disposed to come that way, and concluded with great gaieté de cœur, wishing me and all my friends very well.

I was greatly surprised on receiving this unpleasant intelligence, and particularly as I had never heard of his integrity being impeached in the smallest degree; and I was disappointed, as I expected him to pass my wintering ground on his return to Pays Plat.

Conceiving it my duty to exert my best endeavours to prevent the loss of so much property to my employers, I engaged Kesconeek the chief, and twenty Savages, under promise of being satisfied for their trouble, to conduct me to the crooked trees. We went off with the utmost expedition, and in a few days arrived at the spot, where I saw the piece of bark, as he described, and the following words written with charcoal, “Adieu, mon cher ami, je prends mon départ avec courage, et j’attends une bonne vente pour ma pelleterie. De bon cœur je vous souhaite la prosperité; faites mes complimens à tous mes amis—au revoir mon cher companion.”

Having perused it, and explained it to the chief; he said he was a bad spirit, and that as he had been gone six days before our arrival, it would be impossible to overtake him, as he could not be far from the entrance of the North River, leading to Hudson’s Bay, and if I pursued him, I should not get back in time to trade with the Indians for their great hunt. We therefore returned, after a fruitless expedition, extremely mortified at the disappointment, as I was very sensible he would never return to Canada, to make satisfaction to his employers.

[95] Soon after my return the grand band came in with all their winter’s hunt, which they call Kitchee Artawway. They consisted of about thirty families, of twenty in each. He who has most wives is considered the best hunter, being obliged to provide for their maintenance by his own industry. The Indians laugh at the Europeans for having only one wife, and that for life, as they conceive the good spirit formed them to be happy, and not to continue together unless their tempers and dispositions were congenial.

Having bartered for their skins and furs, they asked for rum; I told them I had only one small keg left, which I would give them at their departure, which satisfied them: and when they were ready to embark, I ordered a Canadian to put it into the chief’s canoe.

Having disposed of all my merchandise except a few articles, and a small quantity of rum, to barter with any Indians I might happen to meet with in my return to Pays Plat, we baled up our peltry, and on the 23d of May left Lac la Mort, with four small birch canoes richly laden with the skins of beavers, otters, martens, minx, loup serviers, beaver eaters, foxes, bears, &c.^[68]

Before I proceed to relate the particulars of my voyage, I shall mention the Indian manner of killing the white bear and the buffalo. The large white bear, commonly called the grisly bear,^[69] is a very dangerous animal; when the Indians hunt it they generally go six or eight in a band; the instant they see one, they endeavour to surround it, by forming a large circle: if it is on the march they fire at it;—but it is most frequently discovered in the winter season sucking its paws; in [96] that case they approach nearer, and form a double row for the animal to run between. One of the party is then sent out, who fires at the bear and generally wounds it: this rouzes it to pursue the Indian, who runs between the ranks, and the rest of the band fire and soon dispatch it.

The buffalo I need not describe; it is well known to be a remarkably strong animal; the Indians say its head is bullet proof, and therefore they always fire at the body, endeavouring to hit the heart. When they are in pursuit of this animal they make up small huts of snow in different places, for near a mile in length on each side of the road; in each of these huts an Indian stands with a bow and arrow, to shoot at it as it passes, preferring that mode to powder and ball, as it does not alarm the rest of the herd. The snow prevents the buffalo from smelling the Indians, though their scent is very strong and quick. The instant the animal drops they tomahawk it.

On the 2d of July we arrived at Portage Plain, so called on account of its being a barren rock, near a mile long, joining to Lake Alemipigon: it was sunset when we encamped. Besides the sixteen Canadians, our party was increased considerably by about twenty of the Sturgeon and Nipegon Indians, who accompanied us according to the usual custom of following the trader to assist at the carrying places. The day previous to our departure some traders overtook us, and encamped also. They informed us of a band of Indians who were enemies to the Nipegons being near at hand, and desired me to acquaint the Savages with it. Before their arrival the Sturgeon Indians left us, and the other band would fain have quitted the ground; but upon telling them I wanted [97] their assistance on my journey, they agreed to stay, though I thought very reluctantly.

We soon discovered several canoes, and in about half an hour the Indians landed. They were of the nation of the Wasses, and always at war with our Savages.^[70] Being a select people, they seldom associate with other tribes, and are continually on the hunt, only making their appearance in spring and autumn. We received them very cordially, and after the usual forms of salutation, made mutual presents to each other: they told me they had heard of me by some Indians at Lac la Mort, and were desirous of seeing me before my return to Michillimakinac, or in their language Tecodondoraghie.

I soon perceived the uneasiness of my Indians, and was careful to keep them at some distance from each other; but all my precaution was ineffectual, and before my departure a most dreadful catastrophe was the consequence of their mutual hatred.

Our Indians having made up huts, began to sing their medicine songs to induce the Wasses to partake of a feast which they said they intended to make, with a view of preventing any dispute with them; but knowing that the Nipegons had no provisions but what I found them, I suspected their intentions were not so pacific as they pretended: this induced me to ask a boy belonging to the band, why they pretended to make a feast, without having any provision to do it; he replied, that the Wasses had made them a present of dried meat, and with this and some huckle berries they had saved, they intended to make their visitants merry. This answer confirmed my suspicions, as no feast is [98] ever made, where friendship is intended, without inviting the trader; and as no notice was sent me, I dreaded the evil consequence of their meeting.

Deliberating with myself on the unpleasant prospect, and considering how to act to prevent mischief, I was interrupted in my meditations by a Savage (Ayarbee, or the big man), who came to give me intelligence of an intended plan to destroy the Nipegon Indians, and which was communicated to him by an old woman who belonged to the band of Wasses.

In about an hour the Nipegon huts were in order to receive their intended guests, who were encamped in a hollow, surrounded with cedar trees and bushes, close to the lake side. The Nipegons being determined to counteract the designs of their deceitful visitors, and punish their intended perfidy, made holes in the bark of their huts, in which they placed their guns, loaded with swan shot. Each man taking his station; the Wasses, to the number of eighteen, ascended the hill, and were coming prepared to partake of the feast, with knives and wooden bowls, intending to overpower the Nipegons on a given signal; but they were fatally disappointed, for when they got within thirty yards of the Nipegon huts, they were fired at, and all the band, except a girl about fourteen years of age, killed on the spot; she was dangerously wounded, but advanced with a gun, which she snatched from an Indian who was preparing to dispatch her, and shot Ayarbee through the head, and was herself soon after tomahawked and scalped by a Nipegon boy about the same age, who at such an early period of life displayed all that ferocity which marks the most determined chief.

[99] Thus was treachery rewarded: and though in my heart I could not but approve of the conduct of the Nipegon Indians, I was afraid of trusting to them, and had resolved on taking my leave of them, when the chief came up and informed me, he was very sorry that his band could not accompany me any farther, for being afraid of the resentment of the nation of the Wasses, when they came to hear of the transaction, notwithstanding they had done it in their own defence, they had determined to depart; and soon after pushed off their canoes, and left me, a circumstance which pleased me exceedingly. The next day a party of Indians met us, to whom I related the disaster. They were very much shocked, and said the Nipegon Savages might repent their rash conduct, though at the same time they acknowledged them right in guarding against the designs of the Wasses. They asked me if I had got their packs, as they assured me they had made a good hunt, and had rich peltry. This information vexed me exceedingly, as I should certainly have increased my cargo had not the affair happened, and likewise have given more satisfaction to my employers, though I had already a large quantity of goods, and had every reason to be pleased with my success. The Nipegons made up fourteen bales of dried meat, which they took with them; but the furs and skins were hidden in the woods, and never afterwards found that I heard of.

We continued our journey to Lac Eturgeon, where soon after our landing, we killed a great many wild fowl, and caught plenty of fish. Here we met about fifty of the Hawoyzask or Rat Nation Indians,^[71] with whom I made a small barter, chiefly with rum, having disposed of all my Indian goods.

[100] Our journey was retarded for some time in order to gratify my curiosity. A young Indian girl fell sick, and the chief desired me to stay to see the wonderful effects of their medicines, as she was very bad, and without immediate assistance, he said, must soon change her climate. The physician who attended her said, that the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, had put the bear’s claws into her, and his medicines would remove them. A hut was prepared, and the girl stripped to her matcheecoaty or under petticoat; she was then painted with vermilion, and daubed over with soot and bears’ grease, and profusely sweated, which soon relieved her pain. During the operation, the physician addressed himself to the Master of Life, begging his assistance, and thanking him for giving knowledge to restore health: then giving her a decoction of roots, he made a perfect cure. I could not help admiring his skill and manner of proceeding, though I attributed her recovery solely to the plentiful perspiration she underwent.^[72]

Previous to our departure, one of their women was delivered of a fine boy, and I was highly delighted with the mother’s tenderness, as the infant sucked the milk, which in their language is called tootooshonarbo, or the sap of the human breast, an expression which struck me forcibly. The husband was also very attentive, and performed the part of an affectionate parent, which induced me to give him some rum to cheer his heart, and drink my health. He seemed pleased with the present, and addressing himself to the Great Spirit, thanked him for the safe delivery of his mentimoye:—then looking very earnestly at me, told me how much he was indebted to me for the comfort that I had afforded him, and that he was sure that I was a brave warrior, for my generosity to him and his wife, when they so much wanted assistance. When the young [101] warrior cried, he observed, that he wished to be grateful to me for my attention to his parents, and that it was only the echo of his breath, (meaning his voice) to praise the goodness of the Saggonash, or Englishman. As I got into my canoe, he said, “Beaver, be strong, you will always have a public road among the Nipegon Indians, therefore return as soon as you can; in the mean time, I shall take care to acquaint all the Indians with your goodness, and I hope when we see you again, we shall have had a good hunt, and be able to give you furs and skins to repay your kindness.” I told him I always loved the Indians, that I was adopted by the Chippeways, and considered myself as one of their tribe; that I would return as soon as possible with plenty of goods for their families; that my heart was melted by his regard for me, and giving him and his wife each a parting glass of the strong water, took my leave, and pursued my journey.

We arrived at Pays Plat on the 10th of August, where I met some brother traders, who had been in different parts of the inlands, particularly the Northwest. Here we waited for fresh goods from our employers, and enjoyed ourselves with the remains of our different provisions, which we threw into a common stock, and made ourselves merry with the scanty pittance, recounting our several adventures: but none of them had suffered the difficulties I had experienced, except Mr. Shaw, whom I happily relieved at Lake Manontoye; the rest of the traders having wintered very remote from me, by the way of the Grand Portage.

Soon after our arrival, our employers sent their agents with a fresh assortment of merchandize and provisions, which rejoiced us exceedingly, [102] having been a considerable time without corn or grease, and absent from Michillimakinac about fourteen months. I delivered my cargo of furs, consisting of about one hundred and forty packs, in good condition,^[73] and loaded the canoes with the fresh goods; then taking leave of my companions, prepared for my departure for the Inlands, to winter another year among the Nipegon Savages. But before I begin to relate my second adventure, I cannot forbear making some observations on the hardships attending an Indian life, particularly as an interpreter and trader.

My salary was about one hundred and fifty pounds per annum, which I certainly deserved, considering the knowledge I had of the Chippeway language.

I was sent into the Inlands with only corn and hard grease, without any other provisions I could rely on; for as to fish and other animal food, the former in a great measure depends on the season, the latter on the arrival of Savages; and though in general I was successful in aquatic pursuits, and received frequent supplies from the Indians, it was a precarious mode of subsistence, and at Lac la Mort I suffered great hardships.

I had sixteen men, and an Indian and his wife occasionally with me, to feed and govern, and on the continuance of their health my existence in a great measure depended. As it was my constant duty to be in the way, in case of the arrival of Savages, being the only one who could talk their language, I had few opportunities of hunting, neither could I go far abroad to examine whether the Canadians did their duty or not: I [103] was therefore always full of anxiety, and rejoiced when the spring returned to set me free.

The constant attention necessary in taking care of the goods to prevent depredations, the continual fears and apprehensions of being plundered by a set of intoxicated beings; always liable to insults, without daring to resent them; and when I had bartered all my merchandize, and made a successful trip—feeling a painful solicitude till the fruits of my labours were safely delivered to my employers. Upon the whole, perhaps no situation can be more distressing, and it has often filled my mind with surprise when I reflected on the engagement I entered into, which consumed the prime of my days in a traffic, the dangers and fatigues of which scarce any salary could compensate. I believe nothing but the flattering idea of thinking myself superior to others as an interpreter, prompted me to continue in a station so fatiguing to support, and so difficult to execute; and I cannot but conclude with this observation:—That however censurable a man may be for indulging even this degree of pride, the liberal mind will easily pardon the presumption, as they know he alone is the sufferer; and as self-opinion governs the pursuits of mankind, the individual who is most influenced by it, must stand or fall by the consequences.