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APPENDIX VII.

PEDIGREE OF THE SHEIKH SÍDI ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.

Sídi ʿUkbå, son of ʿOmár with the surname El Mústajáb, the great conqueror of Barbary.

Sakéra.

Yadrúba.

Sʿaíd.

ʿAbd el Kerím.

Mohammed.

Yakhsha.

Domán.

Yahia.

ʿAlí.

Sídi Áhmed, or Mohammed, el Kuntí, born of a Limtúna mother called Yágedásh. He is said to have died in Fask, a district W. of Shingít.

Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, died in Waláta.

Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, is said to have changed the cruel custom, prevailing in the family before him, of murdering all the (male) children except one,—and to have left all his three sons alive. For this reason it is that his name occupies a prominent position in El Bakáy’s poem. He was a great friend of ʿAbd el Kerím ben Mohammed el Maghíli, and is said to have visited, in his company, the learned Sheikh e’ Soyúti in Egypt. He is said to have died A.H. 960 (A.D. 1553), in the district of Gídi or Ígídi, E. of the Sákiet el hamra.

Sídi el Wáfi, although Sídi ʿOmár’s second son, succeeded his father as Welí, while the Sheikhdom rested with his elder brother Sídi Mukhtár, who died in the sanctuary or chapel called Zawyet Kunta, situated in the neighbourhood of Bú-ʿAlí, the ksar or village of Tawát where the family of El Maghíli resided. El Wáfi’s younger brother was Sídi Áhmed e’ Regá.

Sídi Haiballa (Habíb-allah).	⎫ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎭	These four were only Welíye, without having the dignity of Sheikh.
Sídi Mohammed.
Sídi Bú-Bakr.
Bábá Áhmed.

Mukhtár, also called Mukhtár el kebír, in order to distinguish him from his grandson. With him the dignity of Sheikh was transferred into this branch of the family. He died, A.H. 1226 (A.D. 1811). A dream, or sacred vision, which he had in the year 1209, is very famous in those parts of Negroland.

Sídi Mohammed e’ Sheikh died 2nd Shawál, 1241 (10th May, 1826), during Major Laing’s residence in the hilleh in Ázawád.

Mukhtár, his eldest son, died 1263, in Timbúktu.

Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, Mukhtár’s younger brother, the present chief.

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APPENDIX VIII.

TWO POEMS OF THE SHEIKH EL BAKÁY, WHEREIN HE SATIRIZES THE FÚLBE OF MÁSINA.

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الحمد لله وحده وصلى الله على من لا نبى بعده

ولشيخنا وسيدنا احمد البكاى بن شيخنا وسيدنا محمد بن شيخنا وسيدنا المختار يخاطب الجماعة الفلانية الماسنية لما ارادوا ضيفه عبد الكريم بارث الانكليزى النصرانى

رِمْتُ امْراً امْراً عظيما فظيعـــا	قُلْ لِجَيْشِ الفُلَان قُلْتُ شَنِيعا
يَوْمَ تلقَوْنَهُ عزيزا منيعـــا	قد طلبتُمْ ضيفى سَتَلْقَوْنَ ضَيْفِى
وابوه حرٌّ اجاد الصنيعـــا	ضيفَ حُرٍّ لحرّة بنتِ حرّ
لم تَلِدْنى إِماؤٌ ثم ما ربْــــــبَيْنَنِى فى حجورهِنّ رضيعـــا
ما عردنا مِنْ سامَ الّا رفيعـــا	وابى مَنْ عَرَفْتُمُ وابوه
أَبْيَضَ الوجه سيّدا او قريعـــا	ما عردنا من سام الّا كريما
تَحْمل الفَحْمَ مِثْلَها أَنْ تَبيعـــا	ليس فى اُمَّهاتهمْ بنتُ عبدٍ
ربُّه بَتَّ عتْقَه مُسْتَطيعـــا	ابنها ربها ولاكِنْ ابوه
لبنى حامَ الأَلِىِ لَنْ اطيعـــا	لم تلدنى بنتٌ لِحامَ ولا ٱبْنٌ
لبى حام الالى لا يرون الضْــــــضَيْفَ الّا شهيرةٌ وبديعـــا
بمضاعٍ فضيفُه لَنْ يضيعـــا	انّ ضيفى عِرْضى وما كان عرْضى
انّ عبد مناف بن قُصَى بــــــن كِلاب بن مُرّة المستنيعـــا
ولوى بن غالب ونرار بــــــن معدّ أَوْصوُا بِأَنْ لا أَكيعـــا
ونهانى فَهْرُ بنُ مالكِ بْنِ النْــــــنَضْرِ أَنْ أَسْتَرِيبَ او أَسْتَرِيعـــا
عمرَ الشيخ من بنى احمد البكــــــاءِ يَنْمى الوافِىُّ حُرّا نصيعـــا
كان من عُقْبَةَ المجاب صريعـــا	ونماه الكُنْتِىُّ نجلُ علِىٍّ
ضيفُهُمْ لا يَمُوتُ فى الدَهْرِ ضَيْعـــا	تِلْكَ آبائِىِ الكِرامُ وكانوا
أَنَّ بَيْعَ السلطانِ لَيْسَ مَبِيعـــا	لا يَخافُ السلطانُ أَنَّ حَيْفَ أَوْ
منكم لن يراع الا اذا السلــــــطان عبد المجيد من نكمه ريعـــا
وطعانٌ فى الزِنْجِ يُزْجِى النجيعـــا	دُونَ ما تَطْلبونَ حَرْبٌ وضَرْبٌ
ومصاعُ السُيُوفِ حَوْلًا كتيعـــا	دون ذاك الفتى وسمر العوالى
كَرُعُودٍ قَصَفْنَ ريحًا وريعـــا	واحْتِباطُ لأَنْفَاط هنّا وهنّا
تَحْسِبُ الموتَ رَوْضَةً وربيعـــا	تَحْمِلُ الموتَ فيه فِتْيانُ ضَرُّوا
وكهولٍ شاختْ فى العزّ جميعـــا	مِنْ رَعاريعَ أَوْ غطاريفَ مُرْدٍ
فَوْقَ جُرْدٍ من الجياد عناجيــــــجِ يَعابيِب عُوِّدَتْ انْ تميعـــا
كان غُرْبًا سكْبا ذريعا سريعـــا	من سِبَطْرٍ نُمْرٍ رباع شناحٍ
ونشاصيةٍ مطهّمةٍ سلــــــهبةٍ أَوْ ثَقَتْ قَرًى ودسيعـــا
او كِدالٍ تُسْقُوا الحَليبَ النقيعـــا	من عِرابٍ للْحوض او لثكانَتْ
لِشِقاقى اضْحى قميعا قليعـــا	شَحْمتى فى قَلَعَتِى مَنْ تصدّى
والنبيين أَنْ ارانى كنيعـــا	حَسَبى الله ربُّ موسى وعيسى
فاظلّ الجموع منه الجميعـــا	آيَدَ الواحدَ الفريدَ بنصرٍ
ضَلَّ فى اليمّ والجموع صريعـــا	إِنَّ فِرْعَوْنَ كان أَغْوَى وأَقْوَى
مِثْلَ بَلِّ ٱلإِمامِ خِلًّا تَبِيعـــا	ماسِنَى عَقِّلوا اخاكم يكُنْ لى
إِنْ هُما لَمْ يُصابِرا لَمْ يليعـــا	او يكُنْ لى كما مضى ابواه
إِنَّ خيرا فى الشرّ أَنْ لا يشيعـــا	أَوْ يَدَعْنِى مِنْ شَرِّهِ وَأَدَعْهُ
آلُ فُودِىَّ ما تَبَنُّوا رفيعـــا	إِنَّ الاعْلامَ اهل الاحْلامِ مِنْكُمْ
فى طريقِ العلِى بصيرا سميعـــا	ماتبنّوا الَّا فَتًى أَحْوَذِيًا
ثم لا يصحبون خلقا خليعـــا	يُكْرِمون الكِرامَ إِذْ مِنْهُمُ هُمْ
عالمًا شارعاً تقيًا وريعـــا	ثم لا يصحبون الّا ولِيًّا
فلَدَيْنا الوِدادَ أَبْقوا وديعـــا	احْنوا مِنْ جوارنا ما أساتُمْ
ولدينا الإخاءَ أَبْقوا وضيعـــا	ولَدَيْنا الثناءَ أَبْقوا ربيطا
فَأَجَرْتُمْ رايًا مَعًا وصنيعـــا	لَوْ تَشاعونَ مِثْلَهُمْ فيه كُنْتُمْ
ع جبنُ الوَرَى لأَضْحَى شجيعـــا	لا كِنِ ٱلطَّبْعَ مالِكٌ فَلَوَ ٱسْطَا

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وله ايضا يخاطب الفلان فى شان ضيفه

محمّد سِيد العَبْد والعبد اسْوَد	أَحَقًّا اتى مِنْ عِنْدَ أَحْمَدَ احمد
فَيَسْلبه من ماله ويُقَيَّدُ	يُسَايِلُ عن ضيفى لِيَرْجعَ ضيفَه
وصن شِرْفُ ما ضَيْفِى لِهَذَا مُعَوَّدُ	ويجعله ضيفًا لِكاوُورِ عنْدَه
بلى حالمٌ والله احمد احمد	أَيقطانُ قال القول ام هم حالم
وَرِضْوَى وهَمْلانٌ وقُدْسُ وذُرْوَدُ	ومن دون ضيفى عاقِلٌ ويَلَمْلمٌ
على راسِه والمَشْرَفِىُّ المُهَنَّدُ	اياخذه من قَبْلَ أَنْ تاخُذَ الفَنَى
على سَرَقٍ إِنَّ الوشيجَ مُقَصَّدُ	اياخذه والسيف والرمح نائمٌ
ومِنْ عَرَبٍ شيخٌ وكَهْلٌ وأَمْرَدُ	اياخذه أَيْنَ التوارقُ كلُّها
ومِنْ جُنْدِنا موسى بنُ بوضالَ يَشْهَدُ	بنو الشيخِ عُثْمانَ بْنِ فُودِىَّ جُنْدُنا
لِكاوَى بن ام القُطْبى يُبْرِقُ يُرْعِدُ	وتَرْغَيْتَمُوتُ الُاسْدُ يَقْدُمُ حَيَّهُمْ
ولِلْوَغْدُ أَݤَّ الحِنَّ جيشٌ محشّد	وإِخْبِى بْنُ سالَمْ حَوْلَمُ إِيݤَوَدَّرَنْ
بنو حَمَّلاسِ القومُ فيها تَسَوَّدُ	وفى تِنْݤِرِيݤِيفٍ رِجالٌ أَعِزّةٌ
لهم أَسَدٌ فى النايِباتِ وأَسْوَدُ	وتَنْصُرُ ضيفى مِنْ كَلَسّوقِ فِتْيَةٌ
وهم اخوتى اجدى الىّ وانجد	هُمُ القوم فى الإسلام لا يَخْذَلُونَنىِ
الى نصْرِ دينِ الله تَسْعى وتحفد	ولى من بنى الفلان الارض عصبة
وأَنْفُسِهِمْ دينُ ٱلْإِلَهِ يُؤَيَّدُ	أَحَبُّ اليهم مِنْ بَيْتِهم واهْلهم
ابوا ونبوا من كلّ مَنْ هو هومُفْسِدُ	اذاما راوا كفرا وعصْيانَ ربّهم
ملائكةٍ نصرٌ وجيش مشرّد	ولى من رجال الله فى الا رض ثم مِنْ
فما النصر الّا مِنْه والله أَمْجَدُ	وحَسْبى فَحَسْبى اللهُ جلّ جلالُه
وإِنْ كَثَرُوا جِدًّا وعَزُّوا وحُمِّدُ (وا)	فما النصر الّا منه لا من مَلايِكٍ
على كلِ جبارٍ يَضُرُّ ويَعْنَدُ	هو الله جلّ الله عَوَّدَ نصْرَه
إِلى الله فى جَوْفٍ مِنَ اليل تَصْعَدُ	وانّى لَتَكْفِينِى مِنْ احمدَ دَعْوَةٌ
فَيُصْبِحُ منها وَهْوَ بِالْمَوْتِ مقْصد	ٱسَدِدُها سَهْمًا اليه بِسُحْرَةٍ
ابى لم يَتِبْ فَٱلأَمْرُلِلّه مَسَنَّدُ	فإِنْ تابَ يومًا فَهْو خير له وان
وعاد وشدادُ بْن عاد تَمَرَّدُ وا	فمن قبله فرعونُ نمرودُ قبله
ففادوا وبادوا كلّهم وتَفَرَّدُ وا	فكلٌّ عليه قَدْ دعى انْبِيَاءُهُمْ
وهود وابراهيم ثم محمد	دعى ربَّه موسى وعيسى وصالح
اجيبوا يُجِيبُ المومنين وينجد	فَمَدْعُوُنا سُبْحَانَهُ واحدٌ كَمَا
فإِنَّك لا حجرٌ عليك ولا يَدُ	فيا ربِّ اُنْصُرْنِى كَمَا قَد نَصَرْتَهُمْ
فما مِنْهُمُ الا حمِيدُ وأَحْمَدُ	وصَلِ عليهم ثم سَلِّمْ مُبارِكًا

TRANSLATION OF THE TWO POEMS OF ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.

By Dr. John Nicholson, Penrith.

“In the name of God,” &c.

“And our Sheikh and Lord, Áhmed el Bakáy, the son of our Sheikh and Lord Mohammed, the son of our Sheikh and Lord El Mukhtár, said, addressing the assembly of the Fulán of Másina, when they attacked his guest, ʿAbd el Kerím Barth, the Englishman, the Christian. (The metre is khafíf.)

“Tell the host of the Fulán,—I say, shameful! I am attacked in a great and weighty matter. Ye have sought my guest: you will find him, when you do find him, mighty, protected, the free guest of a free man, who is the son of a free woman who was daughter of a freeman, and whose father was a freeman, who lavished benefits. No slave bore me, nor did such foster me in their bosoms as a suckling; and my father is he whom you know, and his father. We have not descended from Sém, except as noble, as munificent, as white of face, as lords or chieftains. Among their mothers there is no daughter of a slave who bears coals, like herself, that she may sell them; whose son is her master, whereas his father is his master; who effected his manumission, as being obedient. No daughter nor son of Hám was my parent, nor will I obey the sons of the lazy Hám. Among the sons of the lazy Hám none but fat women and corpulent men see guests [?]. My guest is my honour, and my honour never was in jeopardy; therefore its guest shall never be imperilled. ʿAbd Menáf ben Kosay ben Kiláb ben Morra, my ancestor, and Luway ben Gháleb, and Nizár ben Mʿadd, admonish me not to fear; and Fehr ben Málik ben El Nadhr[159] forbids me to entertain alarm or suspicion. El Wáfi increases ʿOmár, the Sheikh of the sons of Áhmed el Bakáy, by the addition of a fair, freeborn man; and El Kuntí increased him—the progeny of ʿAlí—who sprang from ʿUkbå the Accepted, who perished heroically. Such were my ancestors, noblemen, and their guest never died in agony.

“The Sultan is not alarmed that the homage and allegiance of the Sultan will not be duly paid.[160] He will not be afraid of you, until the Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd is afraid of Nukmah.[161] War and blows are to be found elsewhere than where ye seek; and wounds among the Zinj drive forth the flowing blood,— without molesting this man,—and long spears and cuts of swords round about on all sides, and the explosion of cannons hither and thither, like thunders which crash in blasts and reverberations. They consider the death in which men are destroyed,—they count it a garden and a vernal season of noble youths and gallant lads, and mature men who have grown old together in dignity, mounted on sleek, swift horses, steeds, coursers, trained to run, tall piebalds, five-year-olds, tall, fleet, wide-stepping, rapid, apple-rumped, plump, long-boned, strong in back and neck, Arabian blood-horses of El Hódh, or Tagánet, or Kidál[162], that are fed upon cooling milk.

“I am secure in my position.[163] He who attempts to contend with me will be cut off, overwhelmed. I rely on Allah, the Lord of Moses, and Jesus, and the Prophets, that I may see myself contented. He aids the solitary and deserted with His help, so that He overwhelms the multitude altogether. Lo! Pharaoh was very wicked and very mighty: he lost his way in the sea, and the host were laid low.

“Oh, Másina! reprove your brother, that he may become a submissive friend to me, like the Imám Bello; or that he may be to me as both his parents were before: if they did not suffer, they did not fear. Or, let him leave me alone with his evil, and I will leave him alone. The best of evil is that it should not manifest itself.

“Behold! the learned and the humane among you, the Ál Fódiye[164]; they do not adopt a chief; they do not adopt any but one who is wise about the way of the Most High, and who sees and hears. They respect the honourable, because they are themselves such. They do not associate with the ignoble: they only consort with those that are saints, learned, poets, pious, abstemious. Repair the evil ye have done our neighbour; and preserve affection for us, preserve for us unfailing gratitude and inviolate brotherhood. If ye were willing, like them, ye should be in it, and would earn both fame and benefits. But nature is queen. If cowards only could, they certainly would be brave.”

“And he said again,—addressing the Fullán on the subject of his guest. (The metre is Tawíl.)

“Did Mohammed Síd, the slave, and that slave a black one, really come from Áhmed [ben] Áhmed, to inquire about my guest, in order to make him return as [become] his guest, that he might plunder him, and fetter him, and make him a guest of Kaúri with him, and with San-Shirfu?[165] My guest is not accustomed to this! Or did Yaktán say the speech? Is he not a dreamer? Yes, a dreamer, by Allah! Áhmed, Áhmed! And, besides my guest, there is ʿAákil, and Yalamlam, and Ridhwa, and Hamlán, and Kudsu, and Dhurwad.[166] Will he take him before death and the Indian scimitars seize on his own head? Will he take him while the sword and the spear are asleep, by stealth? Lo, the lances do not miss their aim! Will he take him where all the Tawárek are, and of the Arabs, a Sheikh, and a mature man, and a lad?

“The descendants of the Sheikh ʿOthmán ben Fódiye are our army; and of our army Músa ben Bodhál is a witness; and Targaitamútu, the lions, whose tribe Likáway[167], the nephew of Alkúttabu, leads, who lightens, thunders; and Ákhbi ben Sálem, round whom are the Igwádaren, and Woghdu Agga ’l Henne has a gathered host. And among the Tinkiríkíf there are noble men, the Benu Hammalása, whose troop shows valour; and young men from the Kél e’ Súk, who are lions in calamities, and who are brave, assist my guest. These are the people in El Islám: they do not disappoint me, and they are my brothers, and very useful and helpful to me. I have among the tribe of the Fullán a body of men in the land who run and hasten to defend the religion of Allah. Dearer to them than their house and family and souls is the religion of Allah, who is mighty! Whenever they see infidelity and rebellion against their Lord, they resist, and go aside from every impious person. And I have some of the men of Allah in the land, and also of the angels, as an auxiliary and a scattering host. And my trust—my trust is in Allah, whose majesty is great! and there is no help except from Him; and Allah is most mighty! So there is no help except from Him; not even from the angels, though they be mighty and worthy of praise. He is God, who is great! He redoubles His aid against every oppressor who is violent and exorbitant. As for me, it is sufficient protection against Áhmed that I should pray to Allah in the belly[168] of this night that approaches. I will aim my prayer at Him, at the dawn, like an arrow. He shall find himself, when he sees to-morrow, smitten with death. But if he repents one day, that will be best for him. But if he refuse,—will not repent,—then the matter is referred to Allah. Before him, Pharaoh, and Nimród, and ʿAád, and Sheddád ben ʿAád rebelled: but all those on whom their prophets invoked vengeance perished, and disappeared, and were desolated. Moses, and Jesus, and Sálih, and Húd, and Abraham, and subsequently Mohammed, called on their Lord. He alone then—glory to his name!—is the One we invoke. Just as they obey, so will He answer and help the faithful. Then, help me, O Lord, in the same way as Thou didst help them: for there is no defence and no help above Thee. And bless and prosper them with benedictions; for there are not any among them but those that deserve praise and honour.

“Finished with the help of God,” &c. &c.

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APPENDIX IX.

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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
OF THE
HISTORY OF SONGHAY AND THE NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS.

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Songhay.	A.D.	A.H.	Neighbouring Kingdoms.
	300		The kingdom of Ghána, or Ghánata, the central portion of which comprised the present province of Bághena, founded by Wakayamagha or mangha (mangho = great? Magha = Mohammed?) about three centuries before the Hejra; the ruling family whites (Leucæthiopes? Fúlbe?). At the commencement of the Hejra twenty-two kings had ruled.[169]
Zá Alayámin (Zá el Yemeni) comes to Kúkíá (El Bekrí’s Kúgha, Ca da Mosto’s Cochia), a very ancient place, and the older residence of Songhay, and founds the eldest dynasty of the Zá. The Libyan origin of this dynasty, of which that of the Sonní was a mere continuation, is very distinctly intimated by Leo Africanus, in the words “della stirpe di Libya.”[171]	Begin. of 7th century.	Beginning of Hejra.
	679-80	60	Already at this early date an extensive Mohammedan quarter existed in Ghánata, containing 12 mosques.[170] There is considerable doubt with regard to the accuracy of the date.
	837	222	Death of Tilútan, chief of the Limtúna, very powerful in the desert; he adopted Islám, and converted the neighbouring Negro tribes.
Gógó, an important commercial place, where Makhled Ébn Kaidád, with the surname of Ábú Yezíd, that great revolutionist who brought so much mischief over Northern Africa, was born. His father came often from Tózer to this place for trading purposes[172], evidently by way of Wárgelá, that most ancient trading place on the northern border of the desert. We thus see that the commerce between Northern Africa and Negroland was infinitely older than it has ever been supposed. I may here add, that I have not the slightest doubt that Wárgelá is meant by the Bakalitis of Ptolemy (lib. iv. c. 7, p. 305., ed. Wilberg.), which he describes from the side of Egypt as lying beyond Fezzán, although no Roman ruins exist in Wárgelá.	893	about 280
	900	287	Death of Ilettan, the successor of Tilútan.
	918	306	Temím, the successor of Ilettan, slain by the Zenágha or Senhája, after which a division takes place among the Berber tribes established on the border of the Desert and Negroland.
Kúkíá still the ordinary residence of the king of Songhay, who already at that period becomes very powerful.	961	350	Tin-Yerútán, king of, or rather a Berber chief having his residence in, Aúdaghost, an important trading colony of the Zenágha, who appear at that time to have dominated over the whole of the neighbouring part of Negroland, including Ghánata. In the very year mentioned, this place, which carried on at that time a most flourishing trade with Sijilmésa, was visited by the Arab geographer, Ébn Haúkal.[173] Kúgha (Kúkíá) was at that period so powerful that the king of Aúdaghost thought it prudent to make presents to the king of that place (the king of Songhay), in order to prevent him from making war upon him. Nevertheless twenty-three Negro kings are said to have been tributary to another king of Aúdaghost, named Tinezwa, in the fourth century of the Hejra.—The site of Aúdaghost is quite evident from El Bekrí’s excellent itinerary:—“You march five days in the sandhills of Warán, till you come to the copious well of the Bení Wáreth; then further on the well Warán; then a well watered district of three days.” At the same time the abundance of gum trees near Aúdaghost proves distinctly that the distance of fifteen days intervening between Aúdaghost, or Ghánata (near Waláta), is to be reckoned in a westerly direction, and that Aúdaghost therefore is to be sought for in the neighbourhood of Tejigja and Kasr el Barka, and not to the north-east of Waláta. I shall say more on this subject in another place.—At that time Aulíl was the great place for salt.
	990	380	Intercourse established with Negroland, according to the statement of Leo.[174]
Zá Kasí, the 15th prince of the dynasty of the Zá, adopts Islám.	1009	400
	1034-5	426	Ábú ʿAbd Allah, son of Tifaut, surnamed Naresht, again unites under his sway all the Berber tribes of the desert; makes a pilgrimage; dies 429.
	1040-1	432	Warjábi, the Mohammedan apostle of Tekrúr, died. Among others, the inhabitants of Silla were converted by him.
	1043-4	435	Jinni is founded[175], and soon becomes wealthy, owing to the trade in salt (from Tegháza) and gold (from Bítu).
	1048-9	440	ʿAbd Allah Ébn Yasín begins to teach and to reform.
	1052	445	Aúdaghost, which had become dependent upon Ghánata, conquered and ransacked by the Merábetín, the disciples of ʿAbd Allah Ebn Yasín, in the same year as Sijilmésa.
	1055-6	447	Yahia Ébn ʿOmár, chief of the Merábetín, dies, and is succeeded by his brother Ábú Bakr. The king of Ghánata, Tankámenín, son of the sister of Besí, an excellent king, evidently dependent on Ábú Bakr.
	1061	453	Ábu Bakr ben ʿOmár makes an expedition on a grand scale against the Negro tribes.
Ábú ʿObaid Allah el Bekrí’s invaluable Account of Negroland.
Gógó[176], or Gágho (the capital of Songhay), consisting of two towns, one the residence of the king and the quarter of the Mohammedans, the other inhabited by idolaters.  The Mohammedan worship so predominant already, that none but a Moslím could be king; nay, on the accession of a new king three royal emblems, consisting of a ring, a sword, and a Kuran (مصحٮ), which were said to have been handed down from former times, having been sent by an Emír el Múmenín (evidently from Egypt), were given to him. Thus we see, that already at that early period the king of Songhay was a Ruler of the Faithful, and the account of Áhmed Bábá, who dates Islám in this kingdom from the year 400, is confirmed in a remarkable manner. El Bekrí calls the then ruling king Kandá, and he is most probably identical with the Zá Bayuki or Bayarkoy Kaima (of Áhmed Bábá), the third successor of Zá Kasí.  Gógó already at that time was an important market place, chiefly for salt, which was brought from the Berber town Taútek, six days beyond Tademékka, which place was nine days from Gógó.  El Bekrí, besides Gógó, gives a very interesting account of Kúgha, but, unfortunately, he gives[177] no particulars with regard to its situation, except the distance of fifteen days from Ghánata, and especially neglects to determine its situation with regard to Gógó; but there is no doubt that it was identical with the Kúkíá of Áhmed Bábá, the old capital, Ca da Mosto’s Cochia.[178]  This town, therefore, which was lying at the very outset of the Egyptian caravan road, already at that time was inhabited exclusively by Mohammedans, while all around were idolaters. It was the greatest market for gold in all Negroland, although the quality of the gold brought to Aúdaghost was better than that exported from Kúgha. Besides gold, salt, wodʿa or shells (from Persia?), copper and euphorbium (فربيون?) were the chief articles of trade.	1067	460	The Senhája at this period ruled over the whole western part of the desert, and spread Islám over the neighbouring parts of Negroland, especially towards Ghánata.  Further eastward, between the southerly bend of the Niger and the later town of Ágades, were the Seghmára, under the dominion of the Tademékka, who had a very large town (Tademékka), a great commercial centre, nine days from Gógó, and forty from Ghadámes.  Between Tademékka and Ghánata there was a commercial place of importance called Tirekka (see Vol. V. p. 150.). Sáma and Hómbori, considerable seats of power.
	1076	469	Ghánata conquered by the Senhája, and great part of the inhabitants, as well as the neighbouring districts of Negroland, compelled by the Merábetín to embrace the Mohammedan faith.
Towards the end of the fifth century of the Hejra, Timbúktu, or Túmbutu, founded by the Ímóshagh (Tawárek), especially the tribes of the Ídenán and the Imedídderen, after it had been for a time their occasional camping ground, just as was the case with Árawán. First settlement at Bósebángo. It was at first a small market place for the inhabitants of the province of Rʿad. (?)			Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár takes up his residence in this part of Negroland.
	1087-8	480	Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár dies.
Gógó, according to Edrísi, powerful, and dominating over the neighbouring tracts; horses and camels; the nobility well dressed, having the face veiled; the common people wearing leathern frocks. The natives of Aújila already at that period carried on a spirited trade with Gógó (Edrísí, vol. i. p. 238.).	1153	548	El Edrísi’s account of Negroland, composed at this period, is not to be relied on in general, with the exception of a few instances, where he enters into particulars: for instance, the populous state of the towns of Silla and Tekrúr (Zágha), the latter being more populous and industrious; the salt mines of Aulíl,—the only ones known at that time in Negroland! (p. 11.); the rising of the Mandingo, or Wángara race (the Wákoré), a name then first appearing. Very doubtful appear the following data:—Tirki, or Tirekka, belonging to Wángara; even Kúgha, a dependence of Wángara, while at the same time Gógó—the real Gógó[179]—is said to have been absolute and independent. The great commercial importance of Wárgelá is confirmed, the inhabitants supplying Gógó with dates, and buying up the greater part of the gold brought there to market. Rice cultivated on the Niger, in the district of the Merása.
			Ghánata ruled by a descendant of Ábú Táleb[180], of the Zenágha tribe, who paid allegiance to the khalíf in the East; but, if we can believe Edrísi, he had still a large empire.
	1203-4	600	Ghánata having become very weak, is conquered by the Súsu, a tribe related to the Wákoré.
	1203-4	600	The tribe or dynasty of the Árúsíyin becomes powerful in the neighbourhood of Waláta.
			The inhabitants of Jinni, at least the ruling portion, including the king, adopt Islám.
Timbúktu (erroneously) stated by Leo Africanus[181] to have been founded by Mansa Slímán. This is evident confusion; the reason of which is, that Mansa Slímán, who reigned in the middle of the fourteenth century, restored Timbúktu after it had been plundered by the people of Mósi.	1213	610	?Baramindána, first Moslim king of Melle, styled king of Tekrúr by Makrízi, makes the pilgrimage.
	1233-4	631-633	With the death of Ébn Ghanía the domination of the great race of the Senhája ends.[182] The remains of this great tribe in the southern part of the desert (the Limtúna and Messúfa) [the latter as Meshedúf] are gradually reduced to the degraded condition of tributaries. Islám spreads east of the Niger, and the name Tekrúr appears in Kebbi, probably in connection with the town of Zágha (see Appendix VI.). Bíru, or Waláta, at that time the great emporium of Western Negroland.
	1235-1260	633-658	Mári Játah, king of Melle, on the upper Niger, conquers the Súsu, who at that time were masters of Ghánata. This is evidently the period of the beginning of the great commercial importance of Jinni, which now became a most powerful and wealthy state, as a well-frequented market of the Serracolets or Wakoré, Fúlbe, Jolof, Zenágha, the inhabitants of Western Tekrúr, and the Udáya.[183]
	1259-1276	658-675	Mansa Wáli, son of Mári Játah, performs the pilgrimage to Mekka in the reign of Sultan Bibars.
	1276	675	Mansa Wáli, brother of the latter.
			Mansa Khalífa, succeeds him; of insane mind; is murdered by his people.
			Mansa Ábú Bakr.
Some authors, such as Makrízi (Opuscl. Mscr. fol. 129 r.), attribute to this chief the conquest of Gágho or Gógó, that is to say, Songhay, by the Mellians; but from the account of Áhmed Bábá it is clear that such was not the case.	1310	710	Sákúra, or rather Sábkara, a usurper, made the pilgrimage to Mekka in the time of El Málík e’ Násir.
	1311-1331	711-731	Mansa Músa (properly Kunkur Músa), the greatest king of Melle, succeeds this usurper, develops the whole military and political power of that kingdom, which, according to the expressive terms of Áhmed Bábá[184], the Songhay historian, possessed “an aggressive strength without measure or limit.” While thus extending his dominion over an immense portion of Negroland, he kept on the very best terms with the Sultan Ábú ’l Hassan of El Mághreb (Morocco).
			Mansa Músa subjected to his dominion the four large territories of the Western part of Negroland; first, Bághena, formed out of the remnants of the kingdom of Ghánata, and including the whole inhabited country of Tagánet and Áderér; secondly, Zágha, or the Western Tekrúr, together with Silla; then Timbúktu, at that time still, as it seems, independent of Gógó; and finally Songhay, with its capital Gógó. Jinni, however, probably owing to its nearly insular character seems not to have become subjected to Melle even at this period, although it was engaged in continual warfare.
It is probably at the period of this pilgrimage, and not before, that both Songhay and Timbúktu became dependent on Melle, although the dependence was even at this time limited, the king of Songhay having, as it seems, quietly made his subjection on the approach of the host of Melle. Músa built a mosque and a mihráb outside the then town (Mohammedan quarter?) of Gógó.  Timbúktu also, as it would seem, surrendered without resistance[185], and the king of Melle built here a palace (mʿa-dugu), and the great mosque Jéngeré-bér, or Jámʿa el kebíra, with the assistance of the same Ís-hák, a native of Granáta (the “Granata vir artificissimus” of Leo, although commonly called e’ Sáheli, as if he were a native of Morocco), who built his palace in Melle. That space of the town of Timbúktu included between the two great mosques, Jéngeré-bér in the south-western, and San-koré in the northern quarter, was at that time open, and not inhabited. The mosque San-koré is generally stated to have been the oldest mosque in Timbúktu, although Áhmed Bábá, who only states that it was built at the expense of a rich wife, is not very explicit with regard to this circumstance.  Although Timbúktu thus lost its independence, it reaped a great advantage from becoming a portion of a powerful kingdom, and being thus well protected against any violence offered on the part of the neighbouring Berber population; and in consequence the town increased rapidly, it becoming soon a market place of the first rank, so that the most respectable merchants from Misr, Fezzán, Ghadámes, Tawát, Tafilélet, Darʿah, Fás, Sús, and other places gradually left Bíru or Waláta, and migrated to Timbúktu, although this was more frequently the case after the time of Sonní ʿAlí.	1326	726	Mansa Músa makes a pilgrimage to Mekka, with a very numerous cortége, resembling an army, and with great riches, going by way of Waláta and Tawát and returning by Gágho or Gógó.  Melle Proper seems to have had a double principle of government, one political and the other national. In political respects Melle was divided into two provinces—a northerly and a southerly one, probably divided by the Dhiúliba; the governor of the former being called Faraná (Farengh) Súra, the other Sangharzú-mʿa.[186] But in national respects Melle formed three large provinces, Kála, Bennendúgu, and Sabardúgu, each with twelve chiefs or governors[187], and each represented at court by an inspector; the inspector of the province of Kála was called Wafála-feréngh. Kála comprised evidently the province next to Jinni along the northern side of the river, including the towns of Sáre and Sáme; and the town of Kála itself, which formed the residence of the province, will be spoken of in the Appendix to Vol. V. Bennendúgu, also, the country of the Benni, known from other accounts, lay entirely on the S. side of the river, and Sabardúgu beyond, in the direction of the central portion of Melle. The important district Bitu or Bido seems to have been included in Melle Proper.
The town of Timbúktu ransacked and destroyed by fire and sword by the king of Mósi, the garrison of Melle making their escape, and giving up the town. The power of Mósi, which up to this time has always been the successful champion of paganism, is very remarkable at such an early period, but the date is not quite certain within a year or two. If the date given be right, it happened towards the end of the reign of Mansa Músa.	1329	?730
	1331-5	732-736	Mansa Mágha succeeds to his father Mansa Músa, and reigns four years.
The Songhay prince, ʿAlí Killun, or Kilnu, son of Zá Yásebí, escapes in the company of his brother from the court of Melle, where the princes had served as pages, Songhay owing allegiance to Melle at that period. Having safely reached his native country, Songhay Proper, with the capital Gógó, he makes himself independent in a certain degree from Melle, by founding the dynasty of the Sonni.[188]
	1335-6	736	Mansa Slímán, a brother of Músa and uncle of Mágha, succeeds to the throne of Melle, and restores the strength of the kingdom.
Timbúktu having been left, as it seems, to itself for seven years, relapses into a state of subjection or allegiance to Melle, and remains in this condition for the next 100 years.		737	Mansa Slímán again takes possession of Timbúktu[189], and even obliges Songhay Proper to acknowledge his supremacy.
		752	A king of Tekrúr makes a pilgrimage.[190]
Travels of Ébn Batúta, who visits Waláta, the frontier province of Melle, and an important trading-place, where at that time the Masúfa formed the higher class; thence by way of Karsekho, he went to Melle, or Máli, the capital of the great empire, situated on a northerly creek of the Dhiúliba[191]; whence he proceeded by land by way of Mímah to Timbúktu.	1352-3	753-754
Timbúktu at that time was inhabited mostly by people of Mímah and by Tawárek (Moláthemín), especially Masúfa, who had a headman of their own, while the Melle governor was Farba Músa.			The town of Tademékka, or rather Súk, in the territory of the Tademekket, had by this time evidently lost a great deal of its importance.
Ébn Batúta embarked in Timbúktu, or rather Kábara, and went along the river to Gógó, evidently at that time the common highroad of travellers. Gógó at that period was in a certain degree dependent on Melle.
	1359	760	Mansa Ébn Slímán reigned nine months.
	1360	761	Mansa Játah, son of Mansa Mágha, ascended the throne.
	1360-1	762	The same king sent an embassy to Ábú el Hassan of Morocco.
The fact of Mari Játah conquering Tekádda, at that time the commercial entrepôt between Songhay and Egypt, also mentioned by Ébn Batúta, shows clearly that he was master of Songhay, and exercised over it a certain degree of supremacy. Timbúktu, as Timbuch, appears in the Mappamondo Catalan—the first time that it becomes known to Europeans.	1373	775	Mansa Músa (II.), son of the latter, a weak king, the vizier Mári Játah usurping the power and conquering Tekádda (the trading place spoken of on a former occasion, Vol. I. p. 465.) for a short time.
	1387	789	Mansa Mágha, brother of the preceding king, succeeds to the throne; is killed after a reign of about a year.
	1388	790	Another usurper.
	1390	792	Mahmúd, a descendant of Mári Játah, the first king.
	1431	835	A king of Tekrúr makes a pilgrimage, dies in the town of Tór in the peninsula of Sinai.
Timbúktu conquered by the Ímóshagh (probably not the Masúfa, at that time not yet blended with the Arabs, and who had always been powerful in that place) under Ákil (Eg Malwal). The people of Melle had been so much weakened by continual inroads that they retired before the greater force, and were driven out for ever. Ákil, however, did not reside in the town, preferring a nomadic life; but he installed as governor, or Túmbutu-koy, Mohammed Násr, a Senháji from Shingít, who had also taken part in the government of the town under the rule of Melle. This Mohammed Násr built the mosque Yáhia in Timbúktu, which was called after his friend the Weli Yáhia from Tádelest. To the Túmbutu-koy belonged the third part of all taxes and of the whole revenue of the town. In the beginning the rule of the Tawárek, which according to the distinct statement of Áhmed Bábá never extended beyond the river, was mild; but gradually they became overbearing, using even violence towards the wives of the inhabitants, and offending ʿOmár, the son and successor of Mohammed Násr, by cheating him of his revenue.	1433	837	The empire of Melle begins gradually to decline; the power being divided among three, or rather five, separate parties, the governors of each of the three national provinces and the two governors of the political provinces; the Tawárek at the same time spreading devastation everywhere.
	1448	852	The Portuguese Company for opening the trade along the coast of Africa is established.
Timbúktu, or Túmbutu, an important entrepôt for the salt trade.	1454	860	Melle, in the account of Aloise Ca da Mosto, still a very powerful kingdom, the most powerful in the whole of Negroland, including the whole of the Gambia, and most important for the commerce of gold, the trade in which divided into three branches; one proceeding from Melle towards Kúkíá, and thence to Egypt; the other from Melle to Túmbutu, and thence to Tawát; the other likewise by way of Túmbutu, but thence to Wadán (Oden), which then was a very important place, not only for gold but also for the slave trade.[192] Timbúktu already at that time was a very important entrepôt for the salt, which all came from the mines of Tegháza.
	1460	865-6	The town of Ágades, built according to Marmol (see Vol. I. p. 459.), and nothing is more probable than that this commercial entrepôt was built about this time, perhaps a few years later, as it is Sonni ʿAlí who is said to have destroyed the very important market-place of Tademékka, which for many centuries had carried on the commerce between the Niger and Egypt.
Sonni ʿAlí, son of Sonni Mohammed Dʿaú, “the great tyrant and famous miscreant,” but a king of the highest historical importance for Negroland, the sixteenth of the Sonni, ascended the throne in Gágho, and changed the whole face of this part of Africa by prostrating the kingdom of Melle.	1464-5	869
Invited by ʿOmár, the Túmbutu-koy, Sonni ʿAlí marches against Timbúktu, which had never before belonged to Songhay Proper. While his horsemen appear on the south side of the river, Ákil makes his escape towards Bíru or Waláta. Sonni ʿAlí then, instead of attacking immediately the town of Timbúktu, went first to El Hódh, the south-western province of Waláta. Having thence returned to Timbúktu, from whence ʿOmár also, the Túmbutu-koy, had meanwhile fled to Bíru[193], he ransacked and plundered the town, and made a terrible havoc amongst its inhabitants, even surpassing that which took place on the occasion of the pagan king of Móshi conquering the town. Sonni ʿAlí seems especially to have exercised some cruelty against the learned men. But, notwithstanding, the town seems soon to have recovered from this blow, for it was in the latter part of this century that it became more densely inhabited than before. But the reason was that, in consequence of the conquests of Sonni ʿAlí, the Arab merchants from the north broke off their traffic with Ghánata or Waláta (Bíru), and instead began to visit the markets of Timbúktu and Gógó.	1468-9	873	Waláta or Bíru becomes insignificant, all the merchants emigrating to Timbúktu and Gógó.
Sonni ʿAlí conquered Bághena, that is, the centre or original part of the ancient kingdom of Ghánata and the later Waláta, but satisfied himself with making the chief of that country his tributary. Sonni ʿAlí then made Jinni likewise tributary, which place had not been conquered even by the kings of Melle, and he there likewise caused an immense bloodshed. Jinni was at that time highly flourishing through its industry in native cloth.[194] At a later time the first Áskíá held the king of Jinni as a prisoner in his capital. (Leo, l. vii. c. 3.)
It must have been Sonni ʿAlí to whom João II. of Portugal, sent an embassy; and it was evidently that king who allowed the Portuguese to establish a factory in Wadán, or Hóden, which however they did not preserve for a long time, the place being too barren, and at too considerable a distance from the coast. But nevertheless, the establishment of this factory is a very remarkable fact.			In the South-Western part of the desert the Berabísh and the Udáya struggling for the predominance. The Zenágha already in a degraded position.
	1471	876	The coast of Guinea explored by the Portuguese.
	1481	886	Alfonso V. dies; is succeeded by the still more energetic João II. The Portuguese build Elmina, the first European establishment on the coast of Guinea.
	1488	894	The Jolof Prince, Bemoy, came to Portugal, and communicated so much information with regard to the nations of the interior of Africa, especially the Mósi, who, according to him, had much in common with Christians, that he excited the greatest interest. It was supposed that the king of Mósi was the long sought Prester John. Ogane is the native royal title of the king of Mósi. In consequence, from this time forward, numerous messengers were sent into the interior by the king João from different quarters, and a nearer alliance seems to have been concluded with the king of the Mandingoes, although it was well understood in Portugal at that time that the empire of the Mellians had fallen to ruin.
Sonni ʿAlí was drowned in a torrent on his return from an expedition against Gurma, after having conquered the Zoghorán[195] (not Zaghwána) and the Fullán.	5th Nov. 1492	15th Mohar. 898
The power of the tribe of the Fullán in those quarters, in the south of Songhay, at so early a date is of the highest interest; in the west they are noticed at the same period repeatedly by De Barros.[196]
The army of the deceased king proceeded from Bʿanebi (Benʿaba? the capital of Gurma, see Appendix VI. p. 560.) to Dangha, evidently the place (Denga) touched at by myself on my journey, and here Ábú Bakr Dʿaú, son of Sonni ʿAlí, ascended the throne. But Mohammed, son of Ábú Bakr, a native of Songhay (“Nigrita”—Leo) and officer of Sonni, collected his party and marched against the new king. But having attacked him at Dangha, he was beaten, when he escaped to the neighbourhood of Gágho, where he collected again his army, and vanquished the king in a most sanguinary but decisive battle. Sonni Ábú Bakr Dʿaú fled to Abar (Adar?), where he died.		2 Jumád, 898
Mohammed ben Ábú Bakr, surnamed e’ Thúri, on ascending the throne with the titles Emír el Múmenín and Khalífa el Moslemín, adopted as royal title, Áskíá, or Síkkia.[197] Thus the dynasty of a foreign family, Libyan, Coptic, or Himyaritic, was supplanted by a native Songhay and African—(e tornò el dominio nei Negri)—although it leaned more towards Islám and Mohammedan learning than the former one. For Áskíá was a friend of the learned, and followed their advice.		14 Jum. II. 898
The first thing which this great Songhay king felt it incumbent to do was to give his subjects some repose, by reducing his army and allowing part of the people to engage in pacific pursuits, all the inhabitants having been employed by Sonni ʿAlí in warlike purposes.
Altogether it does not appear exaggerated what Áhmed Bábá says of this distinguished king, that “God made use of his service in order to save the true believers (in Negroland) from their sufferings and calamities.”
Immediately after his accession to power, Áskíá sent for his brother ʿOmár from Bíru or Waláta, which place already at this time had so totally merged into a Songhay province, that the Songhay idiom, at least in the higher circles, where a traveller like Leo was likely to move about, had become the common language. “Questa gente,” says Leo of the inhabitants of Waláta, “usa un certo linguaggio detto Sungai.”[198] Áskíá then made his brother, in whom he had implicit confidence, Túmbutu-koy in the place of[199] Al Mukhtár ben Mohammed Násr.			The Songhay language extends as far as Waláta and Jinni.
He then sent his other brother, likewise called Omár, but with the surname Kumzághu[200], the feréng of Kúrmina who conquered the important town of Zágha, and made war against “Bukr mʿa,” (Burku-mʿa?), evidently a Mandingo governor of the empire of Melle. He also, according to Leo, imprisoned the ruler of Jinni, whom Sonni ʿAlí had allowed to reside in his own capital, and kept him during his lifetime a prisoner in Gágho, ruling Jinni by means of a governor.	1494	end of 899
Having thus not only consolidated, but even extended, the empire, the first Áskíá undertook a pilgrimage to Mekka, which brought him into contact with the princes and learned men of the East, and made him more famous than any other of his enterprises. The most distinguished men of all the tribes under his command accompanied him on his great journey, especially the great Weli Múr Sáleh Júr, a Wákoré, native of the town of Tutálna[202] in the province of Tindírma, and 1500 armed men, 1000 on foot and 500 on horseback. He took with him 300,000 mithkál, but behaved so generously that, according to Leo, he was obliged to contract a loan of 150,000 mithkál more. He had an official investiture performed by the Sheríf el ʿAbási, as Khalífa in Songhay, and took the advice of the most learned and pious men, such as Jelál e’ Soyúti. He also founded a charitable institution in Mekka for the people of Tekrúr.	20th Sep. 1495	901 Safer, 902	João II., the indefatigable king of Portugal, died, whose spirit found no repose but in promoting the welfare of his people, and in distant discoveries, especially in Africa. As we learn from an occasional hint in De Barros[201], this king had already sent an ambassador to the Mansa of Melle.
Háj Mohammed Áskíá returned to Gágho.	August 1497-8	Dhú el Hajja, 903
Háj Mohammed undertakes an expedition, or a formal jihád, against Nʿasi the sultan of Mósi, having sent the Weli Múr Sáleh Núr as an ambassador to that king, in order to induce him to embrace Islám. But the Mósi people having consulted the souls of their ancestors, and refused to change their native worship, Áskíá devastated their country. He came back from this expedition in Ramadhán. He (himself or ʿOthmán) then conquered the country of Bághena, the ancient seat of the empire of Ghánah, or Ghánata, the king of which had already been made tributary by Sonni ʿAlí, and slew the Féllani (Púllo) chieftain Damba-dumbi. We therefore at this early period find the Fúlbe very powerful, as well in the south (Gurma, see p. 596.) as in the north-west; while from De Barros we learn, that their power in the south-west was not less great. The Songhay king made an expedition against Abairu (?), and deprived him of his kingdom.[203]	1498-9	904
	1499-1500	905
	1500	906
Áskíá then sent his brother ʿOmár Kumzághu against Melle, where the Káíd Kám Fati Kalliyen seems to have exercised at the time supreme power; but ʿOmár not feeling himself strong enough to take the town of Zillen, or Zalna, where the court of Melle seems to have been, he sent for the king himself, encamping meanwhile in a place called Tánfaren, a little to the east from Zillen. Háj Mohammed Áskíá then came in person, vanquished the káíd, destroyed the town, together with the palace of the king of Melle, and sold the inhabitants into slavery.	1501	907
According to Leo[204], Áskíá made the whole of Melle tributary, laying such a heavy tribute upon that ruler that he entirely tied his hands. Nevertheless the capital of Melle still at that time was a flourishing place, and the largest town in Negroland, containing about 6000 dwellings. Perhaps this is the town called Zillen, or Zalna, by Áhmed Bábá.
In the same year Háj Mohammed Áskíá sent an expedition against Bargú, or, as it is more justly called, Barbú[205], the country enclosed between Gurma, Yóruba and the great river. The inhabitants of this country being a very warlike set of people, the struggle appears to have been very violent; and although Áhmed Bábá does not seem to intimate the whole of the result, yet it is clear, from the fact that the Songhay king was occupied with Bargú for the next four or five years, that he met with great resistance; this is also clearly indicated by traditions still extant in that country, the name Bargú being generally derived from the Songhay words five (go), horses (beri); “five horses” being the only remnant of an army led into the country by the Songhay king. Such a state of things is also clearly indicated by another document.[206]			ʿAlí Ghajídéni, the powerful king of Bórnu (see Vol. II. p. 644), about this time probably undertook his expedition to the south-western frontier of his large empire, beyond the Kwára, in order to protect it against the encroachments of his powerful contemporary the Songhay king.
The Songhay king made an expedition against Kelinbút. The following years no expedition seems to have been undertaken, the Áskíá being busy with the internal affairs of his extensive empire which extended from Kebbi in the east as far as the present country of Kaarta, and from Bennendúgu as far as Tegháza. It appears that he staid the greater part of this period near Timbúktu, where he was evidently when Leo visited this part of Africa, who thought Timbúktu to be his usual residence, but nevertheless was fully aware, although he did not clearly express it, that Gágho was his other residence—“Questo signor fu preso dal detto Izchia e tenuto in Gágo fino alla morte,” l. vii. c. 3, at the end. The Áskíá staid in Kábara, “the well known harbour,” when he heard of the learned man, the fákih Mahmúd, having come to Gágho, and he immediately embarked and went there by water; for almost all the intercourse between Timbúktu and the whole western quarter on the one side, and the centre of the Songhay empire with its capital on the other, was along the river.	1506	912
Háj Mohammed sends the Bʿakukurakoy ʿAlí Fulánu and Belgha Mohammed Kirí against Mʿa Futa[207] Kaitál, the fereng of Bághena, who had revolted.	1511	917
Háj Mohammed, always extending his empire further westward, marched against a powerful chieftain, Allʿaín[208] Almatní Tíndhar, and slew him in Zárú. This is a highly interesting expedition, as the results of it exercised a powerful influence as far as the coast, where the enterprising Portuguese were at that time establishing their power. For it happened just at the time that Kolli, Allʿaín’s eldest son was absent on an expedition, and when he heard of the fate of his father he fled with his army to Fúta, which at that time belonged to the king of Jolof, and endeavoured to assume the sovereign power, in which attempt he succeeded, by the slaughter of the king of Jolof. The country of Jolof thus became divided between Kolli (Kolli Salti [Sáttigi?] Tíndhar) and Dúmala (Dámil, a common title, the Temala of the Portuguese), the most powerful of the governors of the former king of Jolof.	1512	918	The Portuguese in the Senegal quite surprised at the great flame of war (incendio di guerra) which at that time ravaged all the countries from east to west.[209]
			Kolli founded a powerful Negro dynasty, and was succeeded by his son Yuríma, to whom succeeded Kalábi (Kolli Labbe) Batára, a most excellent prince, celebrated on account of his piety and justice; then followed Kata, son of Yuríma.
At the end of this year, the Songhay king marched against Kátsena, and returned from thence in the first Rebí of the following year. This is an extraordinary short time for so distant an expedition, even if he had been residing in the easternmost part of his empire at the time when he undertook it. Nevertheless, if we can believe Leo, the Áskíá conquered not only Kátsena but also Góber (which already at that time had a very large capital and a good trade, and considerable industry, especially in leather work), Zánfara, Zegzeg, Kanó, and almost the whole of Háusa[210]; but it would almost appear to me as if Leo in this case had confounded Áskíá with Kanta, the ruler of Kebbi.	1513	919	The Portuguese, under D’Ataide, take possession of Azemmúr.
			The Háusa States become important—Korórofa.
	1514	920	The Portuguese occupy Tednest.
About the end of this year the Áskíá marched against Al-ʿAdálet, the king of Ágades, and returned from thence the following year, having driven out, as we know from other sources[211], the Berber tribes, and transplanted there a good many of his own people, although the Songhay language may have been spoken there before this period. However, it is evident from Leo’s account[212], who seems to know nothing of this expedition, that the king of Ágades paid tribute to Áskíá already before this time. At all events this was the highest pitch of power to which not only Háj Mohammed himself, but the Áskíás in general, attained; for, on his return from this expedition, Kanta, the governor of Léka, in the province of Kebbi, who owed him allegiance, and who had accompanied him in this war, demanded his share in the booty, which, probably, was very great, and not being satisfied rose against him and vanquished him in a great battle; after which he made himself independent of Songhay, and was successful, Áskíá, who marched against him the following year, being obliged to retrace his steps without having obtained the slightest success. It is therefore next to impossible that Áskíá achieved the conquest of the Háusa provinces, as described by Leo.	1515	921
	1516	922	Kanta founds an independent kingdom in Kebbi. Starting from Birni-n-Duggul in the province of Kátsena, he took up his residence first in Gungu then in Suráme, and finally in Léka.
	1517	923	Kanta vindicates his independence of Songhay.
Háj Mohammed again visited the western part of his empire, and on the 15th Ramadhán stayed in Timbúktu.	1518	924
The name Songhay, not mentioned by former authors, becomes conspicuous, being employed as well by Leo as by De Barros.
The king resided again in Songhay Proper, and was in Sankar, a place beyond Kúkíá, when he learnt the death of his beloved brother, ʿOmár Kumzághu, to whom he was so much indebted for the stability of his rule. He then invested another brother named Yáhia, with the governor- or fereng-ship of Kúrmina, which certainly was the most important province of the empire.	1520	926
Háj Mohammed lost another brother, ʿOmár the Túmbutu-koy (see p. 598.); and thus having been deprived of his most faithful servants, and having passed the prime of life, became the plaything of his overbearing sons, the intrigues taking a more open turn after some affair in Banku, or Bango, the character of which is not quite clear.	1521-2	928
	1524-5	931
At length affairs assumed such a serious character, that the heir-apparent, or Feréngmangha Háj Músa, the eldest son of the king, who had accompanied him on his pilgrimage, threatened to kill him; so that the aged Mohammed fled to Tindírma, and placed himself under the protection of his brother Yáhia. The latter then seems to have brought about some understanding among the members of the royal family. For in the following year we find the old king again in Gágho, when Músa revolted openly against his father, and went with some of his brothers to Kúkíá. Yáhia, the feréng of Kúrmina, being again requested by his brother to interfere between him and his sons, came to Gágho, and was sent by the latter to Kúkíá, but was openly attacked by the mutinous children, and murdered. Músa, then, seeing that his father was powerless, returned to Gágho, and towards the end of the year, on the great holiday, forced him to abdicate after a reign of thirty-six years and six months. Nevertheless, he left him in his palace, while he himself stayed in his own house. Háj Mohammed Áskíá, as Áhmed Bábá says, was too great (or too mild) to rule a (turbulent) country like Songhay.	1527-8	934
	1528-9	935
That the extent of the empire, in its prime, was not exaggerated by the author of the history of Songhay, is clear from the account of Múláy Áhmed’s expedition.
Áskíá Músa began his bloody and restless reign by endeavouring to murder all his brothers, and pursued them to Kúrmina, where they had taken refuge under the protection of the governor of that province, ʿOthmán Jubábu, another son of Háj Mohammed; but he forced them all to decamp, together with the governor of the province himself, as well as the governor of Banku, or Bango, and other great men. The aged ʿAlí Fulánu, who had accompanied El Háj Mohammed on his pilgrimage, fled to Kanó.[213]	1529	935
Músa, having returned to Gágho, continued the attempt to murder his remaining brothers, as far as he was able to lay his hands on them, while they on their part, endeavoured to rid themselves of their tormentor, so that he had not a moment’s rest.	1533	940	ʿAbd el Kerím ben Maghíli, from Bú ʿAlí, in Tawát, the great apostle of Middle Negroland, where he is stated to have transplanted the power formerly grafted upon Songhay, is said to have died this year. If this be really the case, as it would seem to be, a former passage in my work about this distinguished man (Vol. II. p. 76.) has to be altered a little.
			At this period, the Portuguese sent presents to the king of Melle, who was reduced to the western provinces of his empire, and therefore is now styled Mandi Mansa, and who then waged war with Temalá (the Dámil, rey dos Fullos; see above). The Portuguese endeavoured also to open communication with the king of Mósi (el rey dos Moses), of whose power they had received reports, but from the wrong side, namely, from Benín. The king of Mósi was then waging war with the Mandi Mansa.
In this sanguinary reign, it is cheering to find that the Portuguese sent an embassy, among the other princes in the interior, also to a nephew of this Músa, king of Songhay[214], from the side of Mina, or Elmina, their colony on the gold coast.	1534	941
Músa died. Mohammed Bánkoré, son of ʿOmár Kumzághu, was made Áskíá in a place called Mansur. This cruel prince drove the old Háj Mohammed from the royal palace, where even Músa had left him, and imprisoned him in a place called Kankáka. Mohammed Bánkoré was a warlike prince, but he was not successful in his career, nor was he a favourite with the people. He marched against Kanta, but was totally routed at a place called Wen-termása (a Berber name), and fled most ingloriously, having a very narrow escape through the waters of the Niger.	1535-6	942
			The power of the kingdom of Kebbi more firmly established. But after the death of the first Kanta, the founder of the dynasty, his two sons, Kanna and Himáddu, fight for the royal power, when Himáddu is said to have driven back the former with the aid of the Fúlbe.
He then marched against Gurma, and sent Mári Tamiza, the feréng of Dendi, against the enemy. But the latter having laid in chains all the leading men in the army, deposed the king, 2nd Dhu el Kʿada (12th April), and installed Ismáʿaíl, a son of Háj Mohammed, on the throne as Áskíá.	1536	943
Ismáʿaíl brought his aged father from Kankáka back to Gágho, where he died in the night preceding the ʿAíd el Fotr, and was buried in the great mosque. In the same year Ismáʿaíl went to Dire.[215]	1537	944
Áskíá Ismáʿaíl then marched against the Bakabóki (the chief of Bojjo?), in Gurma, and killed and carried into slavery a great many people; so that a slave in Gágho fetched not more than 300 shells.		945
Áskíá Ismáʿaíl, a very energetic and much respected king, unfortunately reigned too short a period, and died after a reign of not more than two years, nine months, six days, in the month of Rejeb (October or November).	1539	946
The army which had just marched out upon an expedition, made Is-hák, another son of Háj Mohammed, Áskíá, on the 16th Shʿabán. The new king proved a very stern master, the severest king who ruled over Songhay; but he made himself also respected by his enemies, even in the most distant quarter. Thus, in the third year of his reign, he marched against Yaghaba (not Baghaba), the most distant place of the sultans of Banduk, or Bennendúgu, on the remotest south-westerly branch of the Niger; and two years later he waged war on the opposite side of his vast dominions against Kukurkáb (Kokoy-Kábi?)[216], in the territory of Dendi.	1542	949
	1544	951	About this time Mohammed, the ruler of Bórnu, fought a celebrated and sanguinary battle with the king of Kebbi, probably Tómo, who founded here a new and large capital, Birní-n-Kebbi. (See Vol. II. p. 646.)
In the course of this year Ís-hák sent his brother Dáúd, the feréng of Kúrmina, against Melle. The Sultan (Mansa) of Melle, who, having been reduced to the position of a tributary chief by the great Háj Mohammed, seems to have conceived the hope of making himself again independent under his successors, left his palace and fled, and Dáúd remained for seven days in the capital defiling the honour of the royal palace in the grossest manner.	1545	952
At the same time, this energetic Songhay king showed his power to Múláy Áhmed, the powerful ruler of Morocco, who, looking about for a fresh source of strength, cast	1549	956
Dáúd having ascended the throne in Kúkíá one day before the death of Ís-hák, returned to Gágho on the 1st Rebí I. Dáúd was a very peaceable king, and undertook no expedition at all. He resided towards the end of his life a long time in Tindírma, the capital of the province of Kúrmina, where he had a palace and kept a large establishment. Áskíá Dáúd, who is said by the Imám e’ Tekrúri, as cited by De Slane[217], to have imitated the example of his father Háj Mohammed, died after a reign of nearly thirty-four (lunar) years.	1553	960	Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, the great ancestor of the family of El Bakáy, died in the district Gídi or Igídi.
El Háj, or El Háj Mohammed, then ascended the throne, being the eldest son of Dáúd, and named after his grandfather, whom he is said to have equalled in the qualities of bravery and patient endurance, although he remained far behind in success, and was plunged from the beginning of his reign in civil war, which began to rage the very day of his accession to the throne, the Feréng Mohammed Bánkoré preparing to oppose him; but fortunately the latter was induced by the Fáki Mohammed, the Kádhi of Timbúktu, to give up his pretensions, in order to apply himself to study. He was then arrested and lodged in the state prison in Kantú.	1582	990
Then El Hádi, son of Áskíá Dáúd, and brother of El Háj, whom, as the most faithful, the king had entrusted with the government of Kúrmina, revolted, left Tindírma, and marched against the capital, Gágho. He even succeeded in entering the town in the night before the 4th Rebí-el-awel, clad in a coat of mail, and preceded by a trumpet, drum, and other insignia of royal power, while the Áskíá, who at the time was very weak and sick, was seized with fear of losing his throne; but through the aid of Híki, the governor of the powerful province of Dendi, the revolt was overcome. El Hádi was thrown into the state prison at Kantú, and all his adherents were severely punished.	1584	Safer. 992
While the empire was thus undermined by intestine civil wars, the great enemy who was to crush it from without approached from the north; but this time the danger passed by. Múláy Hámed, or Áhmed, in order to learn the real state of affairs in Tekrúr, and especially in Songhay, whose power could not fail to attract his attention, sent an embassy with costly presents; but the Áskíá received the messengers kindly, and sent a more valuable present in return, among other articles 80 eunuchs. But shortly after the departure of this embassy, the rumour spread of Múláy Hámed having sent a large army; and this report was soon confirmed. The emperor of Morocco sent a very numerous host, said to be 20,000[218] strong, in the direction of Wadán, at that time the general caravan road, with the order to conquer all the places along the river (the Senegal and Niger, probably, regarded together)[219], and thus to proceed towards Timbúktu,—an order which clearly shows the immense extent of the Songhay empire, even at that time: and the Imám e’ Tekrúri[220] distinctly states that, even at the time of its downfall, it comprised a region of six months in extent. But this time also the danger passed by; the numbers of the army themselves causing its ruin, in consequence of hunger and thirst. In order to take at least a slight revenge, the Sultan of Morocco then sent an officer with a small troop of musketeers, to take possession of the salt-mines of Tegháza, which at that time supplied the whole of Western Negroland with that necessary article[221], and thus to deprive the inhabitants of Songhay of it.[222] It was in the month of Shawál (September) that the news reached Gágho that all intercourse with those salt-mines had been cut off. It was then that people went and dug salt in Taödénni, and other places.[223]			Together with Móshi, the ruler of Búsa, on the Niger, is mentioned by Áhmed Bábá under this reign as a powerful king. The power of Kebbi, therefore, probably had begun to decline.
While the danger was gathering from without, a new intestine war broke out, which does not appear to testify to the great courage and energy for which Áhmed Bábá praises this Áskíá.	1586	994	The salt-mines of Tegháza shut, and those of Taödénni opened, on this occasion.[224]
For in the last month of this year, the brothers of El Háj Áskíá revolted, and brought Mohammed Bána, another of the numerous sons of Dáúd, with them from Kará (كَرَى?) to Gágho, and, deposing El Háj, installed the former in his place as Áskíá, on the 4th Moharrem. El Háj, probably, notwithstanding his original bravery and energy, was suffering from disease all the time of his reign. He died (a natural death apparently) a few days after his deposition, having reigned four years and five months.	1587	995
Immediately after the accession of Mohammed Bána to the throne, a new conspiracy was formed, issuing from the state prisoners in Kantú, especially the two pretenders, El Hádi and Mohammed Bánkoré, and aiming at the installation of Núh, another son of Dáúd, the Farma of Bantal; but the rebellion was successfully suppressed, most of the conspirators killed, and Núh, together with his brother Mústapha, whom El Háj had designated as his successor (Feréngmangha), laid in chains, and imprisoned in the province of Dendi.
The Balmʿa, Mohammed e’ Sádik, son of Áskíá Dáúd, having punished the oppressive governor of Kábara, and vanquished his own brother Sáleh, the Feréng of Kúrmina (24 Rebí II.), and being joined by the troops of the latter, and by many other bodies of the great army of the West, the Feréng of Bághena, Mansa, the Hómborikoy, and others, left Kábara on the 1st Jumáda. Áskíá Mohammed Bána marched out of Gágho on the 12th, in order to meet the rebel, but died the same day, either from the effects of wrath, or in consequence of the heat of the weather and his own corpulency. He reigned one year, four months, and eight days.	1588	976
The day following the death of Mohammed Bána, the army having reentered the town of Gágho, Ís-hák, another son of Dáúd, ascended the throne as Áskíá. But the Pretender, having been raised by his troops on his way to Gágho, to the dignity of Áskíá, pursued his march, while Áskíá Ís-hák left his capital, when both armies met at a place called Kamba-Kíri, evidently only four days’[225] march from Gágho, where, after a violent struggle which lasted the whole day, the army of the Pretender was beaten, and he escaped towards Timbúktu. Great was the disappointment of the inhabitants of this town. They had celebrated the accession to power of their favourite, Mohammed e’ Sádik, with the greatest manifestations of joy, and had even imprisoned, on the 21st, at his request, the messenger who had announced the accession of Ís-hák. On the 28th, there arrived the favourite as a fugitive, who brought them the account of the unfortunate battle, and, having plunged them into deep sorrow, continued his flight, in company with the Hómborikoy, the Barakoy, by way of Tindírma, across the river to the other side. He was, however, overtaken, and confined in the state prison at Kantú, where he was killed, together with the Barakoy; as were also the Túmbutu-koy and the Ímóshaghenkoy. Of course the inhabitants of Timbúktu, having so openly favoured the proceedings of the Pretender, were severely punished, and a new Túmbutukoy, Al Hasan, the last during the Songhay period, and a new Ímóshaghenkoy, were installed. Áskíá Ís-hák likewise installed new governors of Banku, Bal, and Kúrmina, and confirmed others in their provinces.
Having recovered from the severe shock inflicted upon the empire by this rebellion, Áskíá Ís-hák undertook an expedition against Namandúgu, evidently the place touched at by myself on my road to Timbúktu, inhabited by pagans of the Gurma tribe, and the following year he undertook an expedition against some other part of Gurma[226],—namely Tínfiri. Having thus had some respite, and consolidated his empire, he planned an expedition against Kala, the province to the north of Jinni, which it would seem had been subjected to the former Áskíá; but when about to undertake this expedition into the furthest parts of his empire, he heard of the arrival[227] of the Mahalla of the Bashá Jódar, a valiant eunuch of Múláy Hámed, the emperor of Morocco, with an army of 3600 musketeers, in 174 divisions of 20 each besides the officers[228]; and he met him on the battle-field on the 18th Jumád II., but fled before him.	1588-9	997
		998-999
Jódar remained only seventeen days in Gágho, when the Khatíb Mahmúd behaved in a very hostile manner towards the strangers. On visiting the palace of the Áskíá, in the presence of witnesses, he found it not equal to his expectation, and accepted the conditions of Ís-hák, who offered to give him 1000 slaves and 100,000 mithkál of gold, if he gave up the conquered country. The Bashá, although he was not authorized to agree upon these conditions himself, consented to write an account of them to his liege lord, and return meanwhile to Timbúktu. He therefore wrote to Múláy Hámed, in conjunction with the Káíd Áhmed ben el Haddád, adding at the same time, in order to show his master that the conquered country was not worth a great deal, that the dwelling of the Sheikh El Harám (a very inferior personage) in Morocco excelled by far the palace of the Áskíá. But the ambitious Múláy Hámed, the friend of Philip II., who, in following the example of his friend the mighty prince of Europe, contemplated the conquest of new regions, was filled with wrath at the receipt of the despatches of his officer Jódar, deposed him on the spot, and sent the Bashá Mahmúd ben Zarkúb, accompanied by 80 musketeers, with instructions to undertake the command of the army, and drive Áskíá Ís-hák out of Sudán.
Meanwhile Jódar having arrived at Móse- or Bóse-Bango (the same creek of the great river where I was encamped for some time) on the last day of Jumáda II., remained encamped for thirty-five days, from the 1st Rejeb till the 6th Shʿabán, outside the town of Timbúktu[229], when the term fixed for the return of his courier from Morocco having elapsed, he well saw that all was not right, and that his master was not content with his proceedings. He therefore entered the town with his soldiers, chose for himself the quarter of the Ghadámsíyín, between the gate leading to Kábara and the market, as the most densely inhabited quarter, and as containing the largest houses, for the purpose of erecting there a kasbah, driving the inhabitants out of their dwellings by force. It also seems, from another passage of Áhmed Bábá, that the Rumá shut all the gates of the town with the exception of the gate leading to Kábara, the consequence of which was that all the people, in order to enter the town or to go out of it, had to pass through or under the kasbah, so that the whole traffic and all the intercourse could easily be overawed by a limited garrison.
On Friday, the 26th Shawál, the new Bashá Mahmúd arrived in Timbúktu, accompanied by the two káíd’s, ʿAbd el ʿAálí and Ham Baraka, and deposed Jódar, reproaching him bitterly for not having pursued the king Ís-hák; but Jódar excused himself by pleading that he had no boats at his disposition. The first thing therefore which the Bashá Mahmúd had to do was to procure boats, the inspector of the harbour having fled with the whole fleet in the direction of Banku, or Bengu. It was on this occasion that all the trees in the town were cut down.
On the 20th Dhú ’l Káda, the Bashá Mahmúd left Timbúktu with the whole of his army, taking the ex-bashá Jódar with him, and installing in the government of the town the káíd El Mustapha and the emír Ham from Wádí Darʿa. Having kept the great festival near the town in a place called Síhank (?), he marched against Ís-hák, who approached with his army to make a last struggle for his kingdom and the independence of his country. But although the Áskíá seems to have been not totally devoid of energy, he could not contend against that terrible weapon which spread devastation from a great distance, for the Songhay do not seem to have possessed a single musket; and it is not impossible that the Moroccains had some small field pieces[230], while the Songhay did not even know how to use the one small cannon which the Portuguese had once made them a present of, and which the Bashá afterwards found in Gágho. The consequence was, that in the battle which ensued on Monday the 25th Dhú-el Hijje, Ís-hák and the Songhay were beaten, and the king fled on the road to Dendi, making a short stay in Kira-Kurma, and leaving behind him some officers, whom he ordered to make a stand in certain stations, especially the Balmʿa Mohammed Kágho, who had been wounded by a ball, and the Barakoy Buttu. To the latter he gave orders at the same time to make forays against the Fullán, a fact of the highest importance, and which, combined with another fact, which I shall soon bring forward, shows how this remarkable tribe, which we have seen stirring in these regions already several years previously, as soon as they saw the established government endangered, broke out in order to make use of circumstances for establishing themselves firmly in the country.	1591	999	The Fúlbe or Fullán begin to play a prominent part in the history of this region.
Áskíá Ís-hák wanted the Bara-koy to imprison the royal princes who were in his company at the time, in order to prevent their joining the enemy, but they escaped; and he also endeavoured, in vain, to cause a diversion in his rear, by raising a revolt in Timbúktu, but his messenger was killed. The Bashá Mahmúd ben Zarkúb pursued the king, and did not halt till he reached Kúkíá, having, with him, according to Áhmed Bábá, 174 divisions of musketeers, each of twenty men[231]; so that, if the ranks were all filled, he had 3480 men, or, including the officers, about 3600; and these being all armed with matchlocks, there was certainly no army in Negroland able to resist them.[232] Seeing that a numerous undisciplined army against a well disciplined and compact band, armed with such a destructive weapon, was only a burthen, the Songhay king seems to have thought that a band of choice men, even if small in numbers, was preferable, and he therefore sent Híki Serkía, an officer of acknowledged bravery, with a body of 1200 of the best horsemen of his army, who had never fled before an enemy, to attack the Bashá. But the fate of Songhay was decided; treachery and disunion still further impaired the power which, even if well kept together, would still have had great difficulty in resisting such an enemy. When therefore that very body of cavalry rendered homage to the Balmʿa Mohammed Kágho, in the beginning of the last year of the tenth century of the Hejra, and made him Áskíá, Ís-hák seeing that all was lost, (from Dendi, where he staid at the time?) took the direction of Kebbi.[233] He was, however, obliged to retrace his steps, as the Kanta, the ruler of that kingdom, which at that period was still enjoying very great power,—afraid probably of drawing upon himself the revenge of the dreaded foreign foe, who with the thunder of his musketry was disturbing the repose of Negroland; or, moved by that ancient hatred which, since the expedition to Ágades, existed between the Songhay and the inhabitants of Kebbi,—refused him admission into his dominions. Ís-hák therefore crossed the river, and went to Téra[234], where his last friends took leave of him. Even the inhabitants of this very place, who have preserved their independence till the present day, were not able, or were not inclined, to defend their liege lord. “There they separated, and bade each other farewell. The king wept, and they (the courtiers) wept, and it was the last time that they saw each other.” There was certainly a strong reason for weeping over the fate of Songhay. That splendid empire, which a few years back had extended from the middle of Háusa as far as the ocean, and from Mósi as far as Tawát, was gone, its king an exile and fugitive from his native land, deserted by his friends and nearest relations, had to seek refuge with his very enemies. Driven back from the Mohammedans in Kebbi, he now turned towards the pagans of Gurma, and those very inhabitants of Tínfiri upon whom he had made war two years before; and, indeed, the pagans were more merciful than the Mohammedans, and forgot their recent wrong sooner than the latter their old one; but probably the ex-king excited their fear; and, after having resided there some time, he was slain, together with his son and all his followers, in the month of Jumáda the second.	1591-2	1000	The tribe of the Erhámena becomes powerful in the west.  The Zoghorán or Jawámbe conquer great portions of the former Songhay country.
Meanwhile there seemed to be still a slight prospect for the pretender Mohammed Kágho to save at least part of the empire, as all that remained of wealth and authority in Songhay gathered round him to do him homage; but even now the ancient family discord prevailed; and while he strengthened himself by some of his brothers, whom he liberated from prison, especially Núh, the former governor of Bantal, others among his brothers, sons of Dáúd, fled to the enemy, and, being well received, dragged after them a great many of the most influential men of the army. After this, Mohammed Kágho was induced by treachery to throw himself upon the mercy of the Bashá, from whom he received the assurance that he had nothing to fear; but he was laid in chains, and soon after executed.
The Bashá Mahmúd, although he evidently governed the country with a strong hand, nevertheless, in the beginning at least, thought it more prudent to keep up a certain national form, and conferred the dignity of Áskíá upon the Barakoy Bultu; but the latter soon found it better to provide for his own safety by a speedy flight, and the Bashá then gave the hollow title of Áskíá to Slímán ben Áskíá Dáúd, who had been the first to put himself under his protection.
The Bashá then went to pursue Núh, formerly governor of Bantal, who, having been liberated from his prison by Mohammed Kágho, returned to Dendi, that outlying and important province of Songhay, as soon as he saw his protector fail, and declared himself Áskíá in Dendi; but even beyond the Niger he seemed not to be safe; such was the remarkable vigour of this small Moroccain army, and the energy of its leader, under the auspices of that aspiring genius Múláy Hámed. On the frontier of Dendi, the Moroccain musketeers, within hearing of the subjects of Kanta, fought a battle with this last germ of Songhay independence, and vanquished Áskíá Núh even there; and the Bashá pursued the fugitive prince without relaxation from place to place for full two years, fighting repeated battles with him. Nay, he even built a fortress or kasbah in Kalna (?[235]), and placed there a garrison of 200 musketeers under the Káíd ʿOmár, as if he intended to hold possession for ever of this distant province for his master in Morocco. This is a highly interesting fact. But a small spark of native independence nevertheless remained behind in this province, from whence the Moroccains, after the first energetic impulse was gone, were forced to fall back.
While the Bashá himself was thus waging relentless war against the nucleus and the eastern part of the Songhay empire, the conquest and destruction of national independence was going on no less in the west. The great centre of national feeling and of independent spirit in that quarter was Timbúktu, a town almost enjoying the rank of a separate capital, on account of the greater amount of Mohammedan learning therein concentrated. It was on account of this feeling of independence, probably, that the inhabitants would not bear the encroachments of the Káíd el Mústapha upon their liberty, especially as he wanted to fill from his own choice, after the death of Yáhia, the place of the Túmbutu-koy, or Túmbutu-mangha, as he is here called, the office of the native governor. Thus a bloody tumult arose in the town, when the Tárki chief Ausamba came to the assistance of the distressed Káíd, probably from motives of plunder; and thus the whole town was consumed by flames, it being a dreadful day for the inhabitants. Nay, the enraged Káíd, who had now got the upper hand, wanted to slaughter them all; but the Káíd Mámi succeeded in reestablishing peace between the inhabitants and El Mústapha; and quiet and comfort began to return; so that even those who had emigrated again returned to their native homes. Even the inspector of the harbour, who had retired to the province of Banku, or Bengu, came back with the fleet. The communication therefore with Jinni and the region on the upper course of the river was reopened.
Having then made a successful expedition against the Zoghorán, who devastated the districts of Bara and Dirma, and inflicted upon them a most severe punishment, the Káíd Mámi went himself to Jinni, which had suffered a great deal from the devastating incursions of the pagan Bámbara, and took up his residence for a time in the palace of the Jinnikoy. Having then installed ʿAbd-Allah ben ʿOthmán as governor of Jinni, and arranged matters in that distant place, he returned to Timbúktu. Samba Lámido (“lámido” means “governor”), evidently a Púllo, in Danka, or Denga, devastated many of the places on the Rás el má, and committed great havoc and bloodshed.			The Bámbara appear as a conquering race.
Thus the Moroccains had conquered almost the whole of this extensive empire, from Dendi as far as, and even beyond, Jinni; for they even took possession of part of Bághena, and conquered the whole province of Hómbori, or, as it is called from its rocky character, Tóndi or El Hajri, to the south of the river. Nay, they even conquered part of Tombo, the strong native kingdom inclosed between Hómbori, Mósi, Jinni, and Jimballa. They had their chief garrisons in Jinni, Timbúktu, Bámba, which on this account received the name Kasbah, in Gágho, and Kalna in Dendi; and their chief strength consisted in intermarrying with the natives, and thus producing a distinct class of people, who, as Ermá, or Rumá, are distinguished to this very day; while the peculiar dialect of Songhay, which they speak, has been produced lately as a distinct language by M. Raffenel.[236] But these half-castes soon found all their interest in their new abode, and cared little for Morocco; so that the advantage which the latter country drew from this conquest was only of a very transitory character. Certainly, there was some sort of order established; but there was no new organization, as it seems; the old forms being preserved, and soon becoming effete. On the whole, we cannot but admire the correctness of the following passage of Bábá Áhmed, who says: “Thus this Mahalla, at that period, found in Sudán (Songhay) one of those countries of the earth which are most favoured with comfort, plenty, peace, and prosperity everywhere; such was the working of the government of the Emír el Múmenín, Áskíá el Háj Mohammed ben Ábú Bakr, in consequence of his justice and the power of his royal command, which took full and peremptory effect, not only in his capital, but in all the districts of his whole empire, from the province of Dendi to the frontiers of Morocco, and from the territory of Bennendúgu (to the south of Jinni) as far as Tegháza and Tawát. But in a moment all was changed, and peaceful repose was succeeded by a constant state of fear, comfort and security by trouble and suffering; ruin and misfortune took the place of prosperity, and people began everywhere to fight against each other, and property and life became exposed to constant danger; and this ruin began, spread, increased, and at length prevailed throughout the whole region.”
Thus wrote old Bábá Áhmed, who had himself lost everything in consequence of that paramount calamity which had befallen his native land, and who had been carried a prisoner to the country of the conqueror, till, owing to the unbounded respect which the enemy himself felt for the learning and sanctity of the prisoner, he was released, and allowed to return to Songhay, where he seems to have finished his days, by endeavouring to console himself, for the loss of all that was dear to him, with science, and in writing the history of his unfortunate native country.			The kingdoms of Asianti and Dahóme begin to become powerful.
Múláy Hámed el Mansúr, the conqueror of Songhay, died.	1603	1012
Zédán, his youngest son is proclaimed sultan; but has to sustain a long struggle against his brothers ʿAbd-Alla and Sheikh; and after an unfortunate battle on the 8th December, is driven beyond the limits of Morocco, when Sheikh is recognised for a limited period.	1607	1016
All these changes could not fail to exercise an immediate influence upon the government of Songhay, which had now become a province of Morocco.[237]
Múláy Zédán died.	1630	1040
Múláy ʿAbd el Melek succeeds him: is assassinated.
Múláy Wálid succeeds him.	1635	1045-6
	1637	1048	The French make a settlement on the Senegal.
The history of Songhay, composed by Áhmed Bábá.	1640	1050	The Tademékket are driven out of their former seats and deprived of their supremacy by the Awelímmid or Áwelímmiden (the Lamta), who formerly had been settled in Igídi with the Welád Delém, with whom they were allied. Karidénne, the son of Shwásh and of a wife from the tribe of the Tademékket, murdered the chief of the latter tribe, and drove them out of Áderár, when they went westward and implored the protection of the Bashá, who assigned them new seats round about the backwaters between Timbúktu and Gúndam.
Great inundation in Timbúktu, in consequence of the high level attained by the river.
Múláy Áhmed Sheikh succeeds to Múláy Wálid; but is soon after killed in a revolt.	1647	1057
Króm el Háji usurps the throne: is soon after assassinated.	1654-5	1065
Múláy Mohammed, son of Múláy ʿAlí, the founder of the Filáli dynasty, dethroned by his brother E’ Rashíd: E’ Rashíd takes possession of the town of Morocco.	1664	1075-8
Sídi ʿAlí, governor of Sús, takes refuge in Songhay[238]—a proof that the garrison stationed there had made themselves quite independent of Morocco at that time, notwithstanding the energetic rule of E’ Rashíd, who died	1667	1078-9	About this period the Welád Bille, in Tishít, possessed great power.
	1672	1083
Múláy Ismáʿaíl succeeds him, but without being able to establish his power over all parts of the empire. It is very remarkable, that this king formed a standing army of Negroes, especially Songhay, whom he married to Moroccain women, in order to rule his own subjects; just in the same manner as a body of Moroccain soldiers intermarrying with Negro women dominated Songhay. These were the “ʿabíd mtʿa Sídi Bokhári.”[239]	1672	1083	Hennún, the son of Bóhedal, chief of the Welád Mebárek, received the investiture as ruler of Bághena from Ismáʿaíl.
Múláy Áhmed, the nephew of Múláy Ismáʿaíl, governor of Darʿa and Sús, undertook an expedition into Súdán, with a large body of troops, and although he lost 1500 men in crossing the desert, brought back a rich spoil in gold and slaves, principally from a place called Tagaret, which it is not easy to identify, especially as it is said that he found there a king of Súdán. It is probably a place in Taganet, most likely Tejígja. There is no mention of a garrison dependent upon Morocco. In this same year Timbúktu is said to have been conquered by the Mandingoes (Bámbara?).	1680	1091	About this time Sóba, the mighty king of Góber, residing in Mághale, one day W. of Chéberi, makes warlike expeditions beyond the Kwára.
Múláy Áhmed el Dhéhebi succeeds to the aged Ismáʿaíl. Although his reign lasted only two years, and he was constantly engaged in civil war, he is said to have made an expedition into Súdán, from whence he brought back great treasures.[240] But this is evidently a confused statement, and probably refers to the deeds of his elder namesake, Múláy Áhmed el Dhéhebi.	Mar. 22, 1727	1140-1
Múláy ʿAbd-Alla succeeds to the throne. Constant civil war in the beginning of his reign.	1729	1142-3
	1740	1153	About this time the Kél-owí take possession of Áír or Ásben.
Sídi Mohammed built Swéra or Mogadór.	1757	1171-2	Babári, powerful king in Góber.
About this time Gógo, which had hitherto been ruled by the Rumá, was conquered by the Tawárek tribe of the Awelímmiden.  Probably in consequence of this event, Ágades, having been deprived of its commercial resources, begins to decline.	1770	1184	ʿAbd el Káder produces a religious revolution in Fúta, combined, perhaps, with a reaction of the Wolof against the conquerors[241], or rather of the race of the Toróde,—the Wolof intermixed with the Fúlbe—against the element Málinké and Púllo. Sáttigi Sambalámu, the last of the Sóltana Deniankóbe. The order of the succession is as follows:— Chéro Solimán Bal, Almáme ʿAbdu, Almáme Mukhtár, Almáme Bú-bakr, Almáme Shíray, Almáme Yúsuf, Almáme Birán, Almáme Hammád, Almáme Makhmúdo, Almáme Mohammed el Amín, son of Mohammed Birán.
The chief Káwa, who rules seventy years over the Awelímmiden, establishes a powerful dominion on the north bank of the Niger (Áusa).	1780	1195	Venture collects his information from two Moroccain merchants. Tombo very powerful. Marka, the Aswánek, in Bághena. Kawár, the Fúlbe, in Másina.
Timbúktu, according to the very doubtful statement of Shabíni[242], under the supremacy of Háusa. If this were true, it would be a very important fact; but it is evidently a mistake, Áusa being meant.	1787	1202-3	About this period falls the quarrel between the Sheikh El Mukhtár el kebír and the Welád Bille, the former overthrowing the latter with the assistance of the Méshedúf and the Áhel Zenághi.
Timbúktu, under the sovereignty of Mansong, at that time king of Bámbara [very questionable].[243] Professor Ritter[244] supposes the Moors to have been ejected at that time, so that Timbúktu became an independent Negro town.	1803-4	1218	El Mukhtár opens friendship with ʿOthmán dan Fódie, the Jihádi, who this year entered into open hostility against Bawa, the king of Góber, and brought about that immense revolution in the whole centre of Negroland.
			About this period a great struggle between the Awelímmiden and the Tademékket.
	1804	1219	The Fúlbe make Gandó, in Kebbi, the seat of their operations.
Mungo Park navigates the Niger.	1805-6	1220-1	The Rumá, still powerful between Sébi and Timbúktu, dominate the passage of the Niger.
	1811	1226	Sídi Mukhtár dies.
Mohammed or Áhmed Lebbo brings the religious banner from Gandó: and gradually acquires the supremacy in Másina over the native chiefs.	1816	1232-3	Great and sanguinary battle between the Songhay, Rumá, and Berabísh on the one side, and the Awelímmiden on the other, near the island Kúrkozay.
	1817	1233	Sheikh ʿOthmán dan Fódie before his death divides his extensive dominions between his brother ʿAbd-Alláhi and his son Bello, the former receiving all the western provinces along the Niger, with Gandó as his capital, the latter the south-easterly provinces, with Sókoto.
Lebbo commences hostilities with Mohammed Galáijo, the chief of Konári, vanquishes him, and forces him to retreat eastward.	1820	1236-7	Constant war between Másina and Bámbara.
The Fúlbe of Másina occupy Timbúktu in the beginning of the year.	1826	1242-3
Major Laing left ʿEn-Sálah on the 10th of January; was attacked, and almost slain, in Wádi Ahennet, on the 27th (?) by a party of Tawárek; was received very kindly by Sídi Mohammed, the son of Sídi Mukhtár, in the hillet e’ Sheikh Sídi Mukhtár, in Ázawád. Sídi Mohammed died in consequence of a contagious fever. Laing left this place about August 12th; arrived at Timbúktu, August 18th; being ordered out of the town by the Fúlbe, he left that place on September 22nd, under the protection of Áhmed Weled ʿAbéda; and was murdered by him and Hámed Weled Habíb, probably on the 24th.
The Sheikh El Mukhtár, the son and successor of Sídi Mohammed, settles in Timbúktu.	1827	1243	ʿAbd-Alláhi, the ruler of Gandó, dies. Is succeeded by his son Mohammed Wáni.
Caillié stays in Timbúktu from the 20th April till the 3rd May.	1828	1244
The Fúlbe enter Timbúktu with a stronger force.	1831	1247
	1836	1250	Khalílu succeeds to the empire of Gandó.
The Tawárek conquer the Fúlbe.	1844	1260
The Fúlbe, under ʿAbd-Alláhi, make a great expedition along the Niger as far as Burrum.
Lebbo dies. His son Áhmedu succeeds him.	1846	1262
Sheikh El Mukhtár dies in the month Rebí el áwel; El Bakáy succeeds him.	1848	1264
	1851	1268-9	The Kél-gerés kill e’ Nábegha, the chief of the Awelímmiden, at Tintaláít.
The young Áhmedu succeeds his father Áhmedu.	1852-3	1269
The Fúlbe make a great expedition against Timbúktu.	1855	1272-3	The Igwádaren opposed to the Awelímmiden.