WeRead Powered by ReaderPub
Archæology and the Bible cover

Archæology and the Bible

Chapter 51: APPENDIX
Open in WeRead

About This Book

This work surveys archaeological exploration across Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, synthesizing excavation reports, inscriptions, and artifacts that illuminate biblical narrative and context. The first part outlines the history of fieldwork and how material discoveries clarify settings, customs, and events described in Scripture, while the second part presents fresh translations and selections of ancient texts that corroborate or shed light on biblical traditions. Emphasis is placed on neutral interpretation of contested evidence and on providing pastors and teachers with accessible background, comparative cultural material, and documentary texts so readers can better visualize the world in which the biblical writers lived and wrote.

After the death of my wife Aphrodite, or, as she was called by some, Aphroditoute, having departed from the district of Herakles and Sabinos, I enrolled the other children who dwell with Mysthes who is called Ninnos, who was 33 years old, and after the others, the wife of my son Mysthes who is called Ninnos, viz.:—Zozime, freed-woman of Ptolemaios Ammoniarios, daughter of Marion Geomytha, and was 22 years old, (who was living with her mistress, in the enrolment of the 9th year; at the time of the enrolment she [Zozime] was living in the Greek quarter, but has now moved into the neighboring quarter of Apolloneios Hierax) and the children of these two, Ammonios, aged 5, and Didymos, aged 4, and Aut ........, were not otherwise enrolled in the enrolment in the first year of the Emperor Cæsar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and the Emperor Cæsar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus, on the thirtieth of Payni [i. e., June 24, 161 A. D.]. To Potomon, governor of the Arsinoite district of Herakles, and Asclepiades, the royal census-taker, and Agathos Daimon and Dioskoros, census-takers of the metropolis, on behalf of Mysthes who is called Ninnos, Mysthes, son of Philo, whose mother is Herais, daughter of Ammoniosone, of the citizens of the metropolis, who are enrolled from the quarter of Apolloneios Hierax: there belongs to me in the district of Ammonios 112 part of the place called Nekpherotios, in which I enroll myself and my household for the current enrolment of the 14th year according to the household enrolment, as also I enrolled myself according to the household enrolment in the 23rd year of Antoninus (i. e., 160-161 A. D.); I am also Mysthes who is also called Ninnos; the one enrolled is 59 years old, and his wife, Zozime, the freed-woman of Ammoniarios, daughter of Marion, who was enrolled in the household enrolment of the 23rd year in the same quarter, is 38 years old, and the children of those two, ........ not enrolled in the enrolments, 11 years old, and likewise Dioskoros 10 (?) years old, and likewise ........, 9 years old, and a daughter, Isidora, 8 years old: thus I make my deposition. 15th year of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Cæsar, the lord. Intercalary Mesore: (i. e., the end of August, 175 A. D.).

This papyrus, dated in the year 175 A. D., is very important as it proves that the census came every fourteen years. The enrolment mentioned at the end of it was made in connection with the census of 174-175 A. D., since the document is dated in August of the year 175. The enrolment mentioned about the middle of the document was the enrolment of 160-161 A. D. That was dated in the summer of 161. The one mentioned near the beginning of the quotation as having been made in the 9th year must refer to the census of the year 146-147, and the 9th year of Antoninus Pius, which was the year 147. The proof that the census was taken every fourteen years[608] is of the greatest importance to our subject, as will appear below.

This enrolment was made by one Mysthes Ninnos on behalf of his son, who was also called Mysthes Ninnos, the wife of the son who was a freed-woman, called Zozime, and their children, who were the grandchildren of the man making the enrolment. Mysthes Ninnos, the grandfather, had been married twice. His first wife was named Aphrodite; after her death he married Herais, the mother of the son, Mysthes Ninnos.

2. Translation Referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of Nero.[609]

Copy of an enrolment of Ammonios and ...... ios, the gymnasiarch and librarian of the public library in the city of Arsinoe, in the presence of Pa ...... xineos ...... Paesios, son of Myo, priest of those who are from Karanis of the district of Heracles. According to the commands through the most excellent governor, Lucius Julius Vestinus, I have enrolled today my goods which are free from debt and mortgage and lien; in the neighboring village, a third part of my father’s house and courtyard, and places cleared of abodes, two lots of a half acre each, which were bought from Mesoereus, son of Nekpherōs, in the fifth year of Nero Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus, Emperor, and a house in the village, which was bought from Onnophreus, son of Peteoræpeus, in the sixth year of Nero Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus, Emperor. Whatever I make from these or buy in addition I will first report as it shall occur.

The date of this document, which is only a copy, is not given, but as it refers to two transactions in real estate, which were dated respectively in the 5th and 6th years of Nero, and as that monarch’s reign began in October of the year 54 A. D., it is probable that this is a copy of an enrolment made in connection with the census of 62-63 A. D. This proves that the system of taking the census once in fourteen years was in operation as early as the reign of Nero.

3. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius.[610]

To Eutychides and Theon, local census-takers and village census-takers, from Horion and Petosiris, priest of Isis, the most great goddess, of the temple called the Two Brothers in the city of Oxyrhynchus on the street Myrobalanos, near the Serapeum. Those who live in the house which belongs to me and my wife Tasis and to Taurius, son of Harbichis, and to Papontos, son of Nechthesorios, and to Thæchemere, in the house which is near the aforesaid temple of the Two Brothers are as follows:

The papyrus at this point becomes too mutilated for further translation.

The importance of this document is revealed by an examination of the names of the officers, Eutychides and Theon. Another papyrus from the same place, which contains a notice of a removal, is dated in the 6th year of the Emperor Tiberius.[611] As these officers were still in office when this census was taken, this must be the census of the year 20-21 A. D.

4. Enrolments Probably Inaugurated by Augustus.

Another papyrus contains a list of people who were exempt from poll-tax in the 41st year of the reign of Augustus.[612] As the poll-tax was intimately connected with the census, it is altogether probable that the census was inaugurated by Augustus. As he became emperor in 27 B. C. and at once proceeded to organize his empire, the census may have begun early in his reign. If there was one in 20 A. D. there would be one in 6 A. D., 9-8 B. C., and possibly in 23-22 B. C. If there was not one in 23-22, that in 9-8 B. C. would be the first. This is the one to which reference is made in Luke 2:2. If the birth of Jesus occurred at the time of this census, it must have been earlier than we usually suppose. Ramsay thinks that the taking of the census in Judah may have been delayed till 7 or 6 B. C., on account of Jewish prejudices.

5. Document Showing that People Went to Their Own Towns for Enrolment.

In connection with the census of Quirinius it is stated in Luke 2:3: “All went to enroll themselves, every one to his own city.” This has been felt by many scholars to be an improbable statement, and has been cited as an evidence of the unhistorical character of the whole story of the census in Luke. In this connection part of a papyrus discovered in Egypt, which is dated in the 7th year of the Emperor Trajan, 103-104 A. D., is of great interest. This document contains three letters. The third of the letters is the one which relates to our subject. It is as follows:[613]

Gaius Vibius, chief prefect of Egypt. Because of the approaching census it is necessary that all those residing for any cause away from their own homes, should at once prepare to return to their own governments, in order that they may complete the family administration of the enrolment, and that the tilled lands may retain those belonging to them. Knowing that your city has need of provisions from the country, I wish .......... (At this point the papyrus becomes too fragmentary for connected translation.)

It is perfectly clear that in Egypt the enrolment was done on the basis of kinship. The word rendered “family” above [συνήθη] means “kindred” in the larger sense. The phrase rendered “belonging to” [them, i. e., the tilled lands] also means “kindred.” It appears, then, that in Egypt the enrolment of each district was intended to include all the kinsmen belonging to that district, and that, lest those residing elsewhere should forget to return home for the census, proclamations were issued directing them to do so. It is well known that in many respects the customs of administration in Syria and Egypt were similar. Luke’s statement, that Joseph went up from Nazareth to Bethlehem, because he was of the house and lineage of David, to enroll himself with Mary (Luke 2:4, 5), turns out to be in exact accord with the governmental regulations as we now know them from the papyri.

6. Inscription Supposed to Refer to Quirinius.

A fragmentary inscription found at Rome in 1828 is thought by Mommsen and others to prove that Quirinius was governor of Syria twice, and that the governorship to which Josephus refers (Antiquities, XVII, i, 1), which was coincident with the deposition of Archelaus in 6 A. D., was his second appointment. The inscription as filled out by Mommsen and others reads:[614]

[P. Sulpicius Quirinius, consul ..........; as proconsul obtained Crete and Cyrene as a province ..........; as legate of the divine Augustus, obtaining Syria and Phœnicia he waged war with the tribe of Homonadenses who had killed Amyntas the k]ing; when he returned into the domi[nion of the Emperor Cæsar] Augustus and the Roman people, the senate [decreed] thanksgivings [to the immortal gods] on account of the two success[ful accomplishments] and triumphal ornaments to him; as proconsul he ob[tained] Asia as a province; as the legate of the divine Augustus he [obtained] again Syria and Phœnicia.

If this inscription were intact its evidence would be decisive, but unfortunately it is only a fragment, and the name of Quirinius is just that which has to be supplied from other inscriptions. That so eminent a scholar as Mommsen thought that this name was the one which once began the inscription is of weight, but it does not compensate for the loss of the name.

7. Inscription from Asia Minor Referring to Quirinius.[615]

The following inscription, discovered by Prof. Ramsay and Mr. J. G. C. Anderson, of Oxford, is believed by Ramsay to prove that Quirinius was governor of Syria between 10 and 7 B. C.

To Gaius Caristanius
(son of Gaius of the Sergian tribe) Fronto
Caesianus Juli[us],
Chief of engineers, pontifex,
priest, prefect of P. Sulpicius Quirinius duumvir,
prefect of M. Servilius.
To him first of all men
at public expense by decree of the decuriones,
a statue was erected.

This inscription was found at Antioch, a fortified colony in southeastern Phrygia or southern Galatia, in the year 1912. The name Caristanius connects its erection with the time of the Hamonadian war, 10-7 B. C. That Quirinius received the honor of an election to the office of honorary duumvir of the colony at this time, is held by Ramsay to prove that he had been sent to Syria as governor, and had been military commander in the war against the Hamonades. It was the benefits which accrued to the little colony of Antioch from his victories in this war, which led to the election and the erection of this statue. Ramsay, accordingly, holds that this inscription proves Quirinius to have been governor of Syria about 11-7 B. C., and this confirms the statement of Luke 2:2, that the census at the time when Jesus was born was the first enrolment, when Quirinius was governor of Syria.

One objection to this theory is that from other sources (Josephus, Antiquities, XVI, x, 8; xi, 3), it appears that Sentius Saturninus was governor of Syria at this time, i. e., from 9-7 B. C., just at the time when, according to the papyri, the census should occur. This is supported by a statement of Tertullian, that Jesus was born when Saturninus was governor of Syria. To meet this objection, Ramsay supposes either that the authority of Quirinius and of Saturninus overlapped, the former being military commander and the latter civil governor, or that Quirinius ruled until about July 1st of the year 8, the census year, and Saturninus then took office. These are, however, mere possibilities. We have not yet clear information concerning these points.

Later, in 6 A. D., Quirinius was sent out to Syria again (see Tacitus, Annales, III, 48), and took over as governor of Syria the kingdom of Judah on the deposition of Archelaus, and conducted the census there of 6-7 A. D. (See Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, i.) Many scholars have held that Luke confused this governorship with earlier events and was accordingly in error as to his chronology by at least ten years, but the archæological facts here collected tend to corroborate Luke’s accuracy on this point. It should be added that Luke knew that Quirinius had charge of the census in Palestine in 6 A. D., as Josephus states, for he says: “This was the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria.”

8. Conclusions.

It should in all candor be noted just what archæology has proved concerning this matter, and what points are still, from the archæological side, outstanding. It has proved that the census was a periodic occurrence once in fourteen years, that this system was in operation as early as 20 A. D., and that it was customary for people to go to their ancestral abodes for enrolment. It has made it probable that the census system was established by Augustus, and that Quirinius was governor of Syria twice, though these last two points are not yet fully established by archæological evidence. So far as the new material goes, however, it confirms the narrative of Luke.

 

 


CHAPTER XXVII

ARCHÆOLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES

The Politarchs of Thessalonica. An Altar to Unknown Gods. An Inscription from Delphi and the Date of Paul’s Contact with Gallio. Some Epistles from Egypt. Inscriptions Mentioning Aretas, King of Arabia.

 

1. The Politarchs of Thessalonica.

In Acts 17:6 the rulers of Thessalonica are called in the Greek “politarchs.” It is a unique term, and its accuracy had been called in question by some scholars. Within the past hundred years no less than nineteen inscriptions have come to light which prove its accuracy, by referring to the rulers of Thessalonica as “politarchs.” One of the most important of these is from an arch in Thessalonica. It runs in part as follows, the beginning being illegible:[616]

In the time of the Politarchs, Sosipatros, son of Cleopatra, and Lucius Pontius Secundus Publius Flavius Sabinus, Demetrius, son of Faustus, Demetrius of Nicopolis, Zoilos, son of Parmenio, and Meniscus Gaius Agilleius Poteitus ......

Another fragmentary inscription shows that the rulers of the city bore this title as early as the time of Augustus. It is in part:[617]

Bosa, proconsul, made a stone-quarry for the temple of Cæsar, in the time of the priest and judge, the Emperor Cæsar, the divine son Augustus .........., the politarchs remaining faithful, viz.:—Diogenes, the son of Kleon, the ...., etc.

It is not clear from the inscriptions whether the number of politarchs was five or six.

2. An Altar to Unknown Gods.

In Acts 17:23 it is stated that Paul saw in Athens an altar with this inscription: TO AN UNKNOWN GOD. In the year 1909 an altar was discovered in the sacred precinct and temple of Demeter at Pergamos in Asia Minor, the home of one of the seven churches of the book of Revelation (Rev. 2:12, f.), which bore a mutilated inscription; (see Fig. 299). This inscription in the judgment of several impartial epigraphists should be restored as follows:[618]

To unknown gods,
Capito,
torch-bearer.

This is not only a confirmation of the statement of Acts 17:23, but of Pausanias[619] (second century A. D.) and Philostratus[620] (third century A. D.) that altars to unknown gods existed.

3. The Date of Paul’s Contact with Gallio.

The chronology of the life of Paul cannot be fully determined from the Bible itself. Such chronological data as the New Testament affords help us only to a relative chronology. Could the year of one of the dates given by the New Testament be determined by a date of the Roman empire, it would enable scholars to fix with approximate certainty the other dates. Hitherto the endeavor to do this has centered about the recall of Felix from Palestine and the coming of Festus (Acts 24:27), but there has been so much uncertainty about the date of this recall, that systems of chronology, differing from one another by from four to five years, have been constructed. A fragmentary inscription has come to light from Delphi, which seems to give us the desired aid for our Pauline chronology in that it fixes the date of the coming of Gallio to Corinth (Acts 18:12). This inscription, as its lacunæ are supplied by Deissmann, is as follows:

Tiberius Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, of tribunican authority for the 12th time, imperator the 26th time, father of the country, consul for the 5th time, honorable, greets the city of the Delphians. Having long been well disposed to the city of the Delphians .......... I have had success. I have observed the religious ceremonies of the Pythian Apollo .................... now it is said also of the citizens .................... as Lucius Junius Gallio, my friend, and the proconsul of Achaia, wrote .......... on this account I accede to you still to have the first[621] ..........

At this point the inscription is too broken for translation, although the beginnings of several lines can be made out. The importance of the inscription lies (1) in the fact that it mentions Gallio as proconsul of Achaia, and (2) in the reference to the 12th tribunican year and the 26th imperatorship of Claudius. It can be deduced from these, in comparison with other inscriptions of his, that this letter was written between January and August of the year 52 A. D.[622] If Gallio was then in office, and had been in office long enough to give information to Claudius of material importance to the purpose of the emperor’s letter to the Delphians, Gallio must have arrived in Corinth not later than the year 51. According to Dio Cassius, Claudius had decreed that new officials should start for their provinces not later than the new moon of the month of June.[623] Gallio must, therefore, have arrived in Corinth not later than July.

Paul’s stay in Corinth extended over eighteen months (Acts 18:11), and the narrative in Acts implies that a large part of it had passed before Gallio went there. Paul must, then, have arrived in Corinth not later than the end of the summer of the year 50. As the journey described in Acts 16 must have occupied some months, the council at Jerusalem, described in Acts 15, cannot have taken place later than the year 49 A. D. In Gal. 2:1 Paul says that this visit occurred fourteen years after the visit which followed his return from Damascus. As the Jews in counting time usually reckoned the two extremes as a part of the number, even if a part of them only should really have been included, the visit of Paul to Jerusalem, mentioned in Gal. 1:18 must have occurred not later than 36 A. D., nor earlier than 35 A. D. As this visit occurred “three” years after his conversion, we find, if we make similar allowance for the possibilities of Jewish reckoning, that his conversion occurred not later than 34 A. D., and possibly as early as 31 A. D.[624]

4. The Epistles.

The Epistles of the New Testament, especially those of Paul, are cast in the form of ancient letter-writing. This form in its more stately aspects has long been known through the letters of Aristotle, Epicurus, Cicero, Seneca, Pliny, etc., but the papyri discovered in Egypt afford us many examples of the more familiar and affectionate style of informal letter-writing, and frequently, at the beginning, afford parallels to expressions which are found in the introductions of Paul’s Epistles. The following examples will illustrate this:

Isias to her brother, greeting: If you are well and other things happen as you wish, it would be in accordance with my constant prayer to the gods. I too am in good health, and so is the boy; and all at home make constant remembrance of you. When I got the letter through Horus, in which you explain that you are in sanctuary at the Serapeum in Memphis, I straightway gave thanks to the gods for your being in good health, but as for your not coming to us when the evils that threatened you there have passed away, I am disconsolate because such a long time I have been keeping myself and the child, and am come to the lowest point on account of the price of bread, and I did think that now you were coming I should find a little relief, but you seem to have no idea of coming to us, nor to have an eye to our circumstances, as you would if you were still here. We are in need of everything, not only because such a long time and so many seasons have passed since you were here, but because you have not sent us anything. And besides that, Horus, who brought your letter, tells me further that you are released from sanctuary, and I am perfectly miserable. No, indeed! and your mother, too, takes it very hard, and you will do well to come for her sake as well as ours to the city, unless some more pressing need draws you elsewhere. Farewell, then, and have a care for your body so as to be in health. Good-bye.

Epephi 30th, of the 9th year.[625]

This letter was written in the year 172 B. C. “Brother” in it probably means husband. The husband had gone on a religious mission and has left the wife without support. He at last sent her a letter, and this is her reply. She wishes to persuade him to return, and writes with great tact. What she says about remembering her husband in her prayers, and her thanks to the gods for his health, reminds one of the language of Paul in 1 Thess. 1:2; 3:9; 2 Thess. 1:3, 11; 2:13; 1 Cor. 1:4; 2 Cor. 1:4-6; Phil. 1:3, 9; Col. 1:3; Philemon 4.

Another letter which illustrates the same points is this:

Ammonios to his sister Tachnumi, much greeting: Before all things I pray that you may be in health, and each day I make the act of worship for you. I salute heartily my goodest little boy Leo. I am jolly and so is the horse and Melas. Don’t neglect my son. I salute Senchris, and I salute your mother. I likewise salute Pachnumi and Pachnumi junior. I salute ...... and Amenothis. Hurry up about the boy until we go to my place. If I come to the place and see the place, I will send for you and you shall come to Pelusium, and I will come to you at Pelusium. I salute Steches, the son of Pancrates. I salute Psemmouthis and Plato. If your brothers dispute with you, come to my house and stay there until we see what to do. Don’t neglect it. Write me of your own welfare and of my boy’s. Hurry up over the matter of the farm. I wrote this letter in Themuis on the fifth of the month Phamenoth. We have two days more, and then we will arrive at Pelusium. Melas greets you all by name. I salute Psenchnumi, the son of Psentermout. I pray that you may be well and strong.[626]

The sentence of this letter which follows the greeting is couched in almost the same language as 3 John 2, and the number of people saluted in it and the manner of their salutation reminds one strongly of Rom. 16:3-16.

Clearly the New Testament Epistles conform in their affectionate expressions to the forms that were often employed by other letter-writers of that period of history.

5. Paul and Aretas, King of Arabia.

Paul says: “In Damascus the governor under Aretas the king guarded the city of the Damascenes in order to take me.”[627] Aretas is called by Josephus king of Arabia. He was Haretat IV, King of the Nabathæan Arabs. These Nabathæans were found in Arabia by the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C.); they conquered Edom about 400 B. C., driving the Edomites over into southern Judah; they helped one of the successors of Alexander the Great at the battle of Gaza in 312 B. C., and founded a dynasty of kings that lasted until overthrown by the Roman Emperor Trajan in 106 A. D. Haretat IV belonged to this line. The following Aramaic inscription, dated in his reign, affords monumental confirmation of his existence:

This is the tomb which Halafu, son of Kosnatan, made for himself and for Shaidu, his son, and his brothers, whatever males are born from this Halifu, both their sons and descendants by right of inheritance forever. And those who may be buried in this sepulcher and in this structure are this Shaidu and Manuath, Kenushath, and Ribamath, and Umaiyath and Shalimath, daughters of this Halifu. Also no descendant of Shaidu has authority, and no man after him of their sons or descendants, to sell this sepulcher, or to inscribe an epitaph or an emblem for anyone, except for the wife of one of them, or for his daughters, or kinsman, or relative by marriage he may inscribe the tomb. If any one shall do contrary to this, then the fine of Dushara, the god, our lord, shall be imposed upon him to the extent of five hundred silver shekels of Haretat, and in accordance with this inscription shall be deposited in the temple of Kaisha. Month Nisan, year fortieth of Haretat, King of the Nabathæans, who loves his people. Rauma and Abdobodat, stone-cutters.[628]

As Haretat ruled from 9 B. C. to 40 A. D., this inscription was written in 31 A. D., just a few years before Paul escaped from the officers of Haretat at Damascus. There are many other inscriptions dated in the reign of this king.

Another reads as follows:

This is the sepulcher and two monuments over it, which Abdobodat, the general, made for Aitebel, the general, his father, and for Aitebel, the commander of the two camps which are in Luhitu and Abarta, the son of Abdobodat. This is in the district of their command, which they exercised in the two places for thirty-six years in the reign of Haretat, King of the Nabathæans, who loves his people. The above-mentioned (monument) was constructed in the forty-sixth year of his reign.[629]

The forty-sixth year of Haretat was the year 37 A. D. The monument here translated was found at Medeba east of the Jordan (see Num. 21:30; Josh. 13:9), and the two places mentioned in it are believed to be Nabathæan names for Medeba and Rabbah Ammon (2 Sam. 11:1, etc.). It is evidence that Haretat had held this territory for a long time. Paul’s escape from Damascus (2 Cor. 11:32) occurred between the date of the preceding inscription and this one.

 

 


APPENDIX

(Appearing first in Second Edition.)

 

I

Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §2, (3), p. 70.

The discoveries at Carchemish included Hittite inscriptions, one of which is said to be longer than any Hittite writing yet discovered. A number of stone deities were also found, one of which is a bearded god of the eighth century B. C. seated on a heavy base supported by two lions. Three large gateways were found. On the inside of the court of one of these were dadoes from five to six feet high, “with sculptured slabs of alternating black diorite and white limestone adorned with carved figures of bulls, horses, and chariots.” The acropolis was surmounted by the ruins of a palace of King Sargon of Assyria, who conquered Carchemish, and by the ruins of a Roman palace. An avenue of broad steps, more than a hundred feet long, led up to these.

 

II

Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §3, to be read after (7) on p. 74.

(8) Hrozny, a Hungarian scholar, published in the Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 56 (December, 1915), a new study of the problem of Hittite decipherment. Owing to the war the publication has not reached the writer. An excellent résumé of it has, however, been published by Professor J. H. Moulton in the Expository Times, xxviii, 106 ff. (December, 1916).

It appears that in April, 1914, Professor Hrozny and Doctor Figulla went to Constantinople and copied cuneiform inscriptions from Boghaz Koi until the war recalled them. Hrozny’s study is based on this cuneiform material. He reaches the conclusion that Hittite is not only an Indo-European language, but that it also belongs to the western half of the Indo-European family. In other words, he finds it more closely related to Greek, Latin, Keltic, and the Teutonic tongues than to the Slavonic, Lithuanian, Armenian, and Persian languages, or to Sanscrit and its daughters. According to Hrozny, then, the Hittites came from western Europe, or the center from which the western European peoples radiated. He thinks they crossed into Asia by way of the Bosphorus. He supports his contention by some most interesting philological analogies. The Mitanni, on the other hand, belonged, he thinks, to the eastern half of the Indo-European family. They were closely related to the Slavs, Lithuanians, Armenians, Persians, etc. The indications seem to be that they entered Asia by way of the Caucasus. We await further evidence with great interest.

 

III

Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §9, p. 102.

Professor George L. Robinson, who was in Jerusalem in the spring of 1914 as Director of the American School, has published in the American Journal of Archæology, Vol. XXI, p. 84 (January-March, 1917), a brief statement of the discoveries on Ophel and at Balata. He mentions the finding on Ophel of a tower with rock-cut foundations, certain cave-tombs with oval roofs, a cistern with Roman baths, an inn, a Greek inscription (which tells of a synagogue), and an underground, rock-cut aqueduct, running parallel to and probably older than that of Hezekiah, which conducts the water of Gihon to the Pool of Siloam.

At Balata the foundations of old Hebrew houses were discovered, together with a portion of the Amorite city-wall, which was thick and oblique. The ruins of a palace were also found and a great triple gateway, the longest yet excavated in Palestine. This gate was on the west of the city. Near the tell an Egyptian sarcophagus was found, which some have thought might be the coffin of Joseph.

 

IV

A NEW BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION OF MAN

To supplement Part II, Chapter II, p. 257.

Since the first edition of this book went to press, the writer has had the good fortune to discover among the tablets from Nippur in the University Museum in Philadelphia a new Babylonian account of the creation of man. The text is written in the Sumerian language, and the script is of the mixed cursive variety that was employed during the time of the first dynasty of Babylon and the Kassite dynasty. The text is accordingly older than 1200 B. C., and may have been written before 2000 B. C. It reads as follows:

1. The mountain of heaven and earth

2. The assembly of heaven, the great gods, entered. Afterwards,

3. Because Ashnan had not come forth, they conversed together.

4. The land Tikku had not created;

5. For Tikku a temple-platform had not been filled in;

6. A lofty dwelling had not been built;

7. The arable land was without any seed;

8. A well and a canal (?) had not been dug;

9. Horses and cattle had not been brought forth,

10. So that Ashnan could shepherd herd and corral.

11. The Anunna, the great gods, had made no plan;

12. There was no šes-grain of thirty-fold;

13. There was no šes-grain of fifty-fold;

14. Small grain, mountain-grain, and great sal-grain there were not;

15. A possession and houses there were not;

16. Tikku had neither entered a gate nor gone out;

17. Together with the lady Nintu the lord had not brought forth men.

18. The god Ug came; as leader he came to plan;

19. Mankind he planned; many men were brought forth.

20. Food and sleep he planned for them;

21. Clothing and dwellings he did not plan for them.

22. The people with rushes and rope came,

23. By making a dwelling a kindred was formed.

24. To the gardens ...... they gave drink.

25. On that day their [gardens] sprouted (?) ....

26. Their lands covered (?) ............

.....................................................

..........................................................

.............................................................

...............................................................

 

Reverse

1. ........................................

2. Father Enlil (?) .............................

3. ........ standing grain ....................

4. For mankind ............................

5. .................. creation of Entu ....................

6. Father Enlil ................................

7. Duazagga, the way of the gods ............

8. Duazagga, the brilliant, for my god I guard (?).

9. Entu and Enlil to Duazagga ............

10. A dwelling for Ashnan from out of Duazagga I will [make?] for thee.

11. Two-thirds of the fold perished (?);

12. His plants for food he created for them;

13. Ashnan rained on the field for them;

14. The moist (?) wind and the fiery storm-cloud he created for them.

15. Two-thirds of the fold stood.

16. For the shepherd of the fold joy was overthrown;

17. The house of rushes did not stand;

18. From Duazagga joy departed.

19. From his dwelling, a lofty height, his boat

20. Descended; from heaven he came

21. To the dwelling of Ashnan; the scepter he brought forth to them;

22. His brilliant city he raised up, he appointed for them;

23. The reed-country he planted, he appointed for them;

24. The falling rain the hollows caught for them;

25. A dwelling-place was their land; food made men multiply;

26. Prosperity entered the land; it caused them to become a multitude.

27. He brought to the hand of man the scepter of command.

28. The lord caused them to be, and they came into existence.

29. Companions calling them, a man with his wife he made them dwell.

30. At night as fitting companions they are together.

A colophon states that the tablet contained sixty lines. Only five lines are entirely broken away.

Ashnan was a god of vegetation. Tikku, who had not created the land, was a personified river-bank. The story begins, therefore, before the beginning of vegetation and before the creation of dykes in Babylonia. As in the text translated in Chapter VIII, Part II, considerable space is occupied with the things that were non-existent when the process of creation began. The last sentence of this section asserts that the lord and Nintu had not brought forth men. Nintu is the goddess who in the creation story translated in Chapter VII, Part II, appears as the mother of mankind (see p. 279). The new tablet then states that Ug, the lion god, identified by a later text with Shamash, the sun god, first came forth to plan. “Mankind he planned; many men were brought forth.” The word rendered “planned” has also the meaning “know,” as in Gen. 4:1, where Adam is said to have known Eve. It seems probable, therefore, that the text indicates that men were born from a natural union of Ug and Nintu, just as it is said on p. 284, in another text from Nippur, that irrigation resulted from a similar union of the sun-god and Nintu. This shows that among the Sumerians there were different conceptions of the way mankind was made. A Babylonian story of the making of a man which is much more like the narrative of Gen. 2 than that contained in this new tablet is given on p. 256.

After telling how men were brought forth, and how they were left to provide houses and clothing for themselves, the new tablet tells how reed huts, similar to those still seen in the Babylonian marshes, were made. Clans were formed and irrigation begun. Here the obverse becomes too broken for connected translation.

At the beginning of the reverse several lines are fragmentary. From what can be made out, some god seems to be addressing Enlil. Reference is made to Duazagga, the heavenly abyss, which is described as “the way of the gods,” probably an allusion to the Milky Way. It is implied that the gods live along this way. It seems that all was not going well with men on the earth, so this deity proposed to make a dwelling for Ashnan, the god of agriculture, outside of Duazagga, presumably on the earth. Two-thirds of the fold perished; Ashnan accordingly created plants as food for men. This reminds us of how plants and fruits were given to man as food in Gen. 1:29. Ashnan also caused it to rain in order to promote the growth of vegetation. This, however, created a new evil. The reed huts were washed away, together with a third of the fold. Some god, probably Enlil, accordingly came down from heaven, and built a city. This gave to human society the required stability. In this stable society the god gave the scepter of command into man’s hand just as in Gen. 1:28 man is given dominion over all the lower orders of life. In this connection we find the statement:

“The lord caused them to be and they came into existence,” the form of which reminds one of the statement in Gen. 1:3, “God said, Let there be light: and there was light.”

The next line: “Companions calling them, a man with his wife he made them dwell,” recalls Gen. 2:18 and 24. The last line of the text is the Babylonian equivalent of the last clause of Gen. 2:24.

This text as a whole describes the creation of man, sketches the vicissitudes of pastoral life, and ends with a statement of the greater security and prosperity of urban life. It attributes the origin of everything to the gods.


 

Addition to Part II, Chapter XI, p. 309.

The entrance of Abraham and later of Jacob and his sons into Egypt in time of famine (Gen. 12:10 and 47:5-12) is strikingly illuminated by the following reports of officials stationed at fortresses on the Egyptian border.

The first of these texts was inscribed in the tomb of Harmhab, the founder of the nineteenth dynasty, though there is reason to believe that it was written during the reign of Amenophis IV of the eighteenth dynasty (1375-1357 B. C.). Some of the lines are broken. It reads as follows: