Footnotes
- 1.
- Mill tells us that his Essay On Liberty was planned and written down in 1854. It was in mounting the steps of the Capitol in January, 1855, that the thought first arose of converting it into a volume, and it was not published till 1859. The author, who in his Autobiography speaks with exquisite modesty of all his literary performances, allows himself one single exception when speaking of his Essay On Liberty. “None of my writings,” he says, “have been either so carefully composed or so sedulously corrected as this.” Its final revision was to have been the work of the winter of 1858 to 1859, which he and his wife had arranged to pass in the South of Europe, a hope which was frustrated by his wife's death. “The Liberty,” he writes, “is likely to survive longer than anything else that I have written (with the possible exception of the Logic), because the conjunction of her mind with mine has rendered it a kind of philosophic text-book of a single truth, which the changes progressively taking place in modern society tend to bring out into strong relief: the importance to man and society, of a large variety of character, and of giving full freedom to human nature to expand itself in innumerable and conflicting directions.”
- 2.
- Herzen defined Nihilism as “the most perfect freedom from all settled concepts, from all inherited restraints and impediments which hamper the progress of the Occidental intellect with the historical drag tied to its foot.”
- 3.
- Ueber die Akademische Freiheit der Deutschen Universitäten, Rede beim Antritt des Rectorats an der Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität in Berlin, am October 15, 1877, gehalten von Dr. H. Helmholtz.
- 4.
- Ueber eine Akademie der Deutschen Sprache, p. 34. Another keen observer of English life, Dr. K. Hillebrand, in an article in the October number of the Nineteenth Century, remarks: “Nowhere is there greater individual liberty than in England, and nowhere do people renounce it more readily of their own accord.”
- 5.
- Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 391.
- 6.
- Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 39.
- 7.
- “As one generation dies and gives way to another, the heir of the consequences of all its virtues and all its vices, the exact result of preëxistent causes, so each individual, in the long chain of life, inherits all, of good or evil, which all its predecessors have done or been, and takes up the struggle towards enlightenment precisely where they left it.” Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 104.
- 8.
- Bunsen, Egypt, ii. pp. 77, 150.
- 9.
- Mémoire sur l'Origine Egyptienne de l'Alphabet Phénicien, par E. de Rougé, Paris, 1874.
- 10.
- See Brandis, Das Münzwesen.
- 11.
- “Is it not almost a self-evident axiom, that the State should require and compel the education, up to a certain standard, of every human being who is born its citizen? Yet who is there that is not afraid to recognize and assert this truth?” On Liberty, p. 188.
- 12.
- Times, January 25, 1879.
- 13.
- Sacred Books of the East, edited by M. M., vols. i. to ix.; Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1879 and 1880.
- 14.
- Computation or Logic, t. iii., viii., p. 36.
- 15.
- Lectures on Mr. Darwin's “Philosophy of Language,” Fraser's Magazine, June, 1873, p. 26.
- 16.
- Prantl, Geschichte der Logik, vol. i. p. 121.
- 17.
- L. Noiré, Pädagogisches Skizzenbuch, p. 157; “Todtes Wissen.”
- 18.
- Mill On Liberty, p. 193.
- 19.
- Zeller, Ueber den wissenschaftlichen Unterricht bei den Griechen, 1878, p. 9.
- 20.
- Her. ii. 53, οὗτοι δέ εἰσι οἱ ποιήσαντες θεογονίην Ἕλλησι, καὶ τοῖσι θεοῖσι τὰς ἐπωνυμίας δόντες καὶ τιμάς τε καὶ τέχνας διελόντες, καὶ εἴδεα αὐτῶν σημήναντες.
- 21.
Πάντα θεοῖς ἀνέθηκαν Ὀμηρός θ᾽ Ἠσίοδός τε
ὅσσα παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποισι ὀνείδεα καὶ ψόγος ἐστίν.
ὡς πλεῖστ᾽ ἐφθέγξαντο θεῶν ἀθεμίστια ἔργα,
κλέπτειν μοιχεύειν τε καὶ ἀλλήλους ἀπατεύειν.
Sext. Emp. adv. Math. 1289; ix. 193.δοκέουσι θεοὺς γεγενῆσθαι
τὴν σφετέρην τ᾽ αἴσθησιν ἔχειν φωνήν τε δέμας τε.—
Ἀλλ᾽ εἴτοι χεῖράς γ᾽ εἶχον βόες ἠὲ λέοντες
ἥ γράψαι χείρεσσι καὶ ἔργα τελεῖν ἄπερ ἄνδρες,
καί κε θεῶν ἰδέας ἔγραφον καὶ σώματ᾽ ἐποίουν
τοιαῦθ᾽ οἷόν περ καύτοὶ δέμας εἶχον ὁμοῖον,
ἵπποι μέν θ᾽ ἵπποισι, βόες δέ τε βουσὶν ὁμοῖα.
Clem. Alex. Strom. v. p. 601, c.Ὥς φησιν Ξενοφάνης Αἰθιοπές τε μέλανας σιμούς τε, Θρᾷκες τε πυρῥοὺς καὶ γλαυκοὺς. Clem. Alex. Strom. vii. p. 711, B. Historia Philosophies, ed. Ritter et Preller, cap. iii.
- 22.
- Εἶς θεὸς ἔν τε θεοῖσι καὶ ἀνθρώποισι μέγιστος, οὔ τι δέμας θνητοῖσι ὁμοίιος οὐδὲ νόημα. Clem. Alex. Strom. v. p. 601, c.
- 23.
- See Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 139.
- 24.
- Empedokles, Carmina, v. 411 (Fragm. Philos. Græc. vol. i. p. 12):—ὦ φίλοι, οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτ᾽ ἀληθείη παρὰ μύθοις οὓς ἐγὼ ἐξερέω; μάλα δ᾽ ἀργαλέη γὲ τέτυκται ἀνδράσι καὶ δύσζηλος ἐπὶ φρένα πίστιος ὁρμή.
- 25.
- Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, by J. Bonwick, 1870, p. 143.
- 26.
The word ψυχή is clearly connected in Greek with ψύχω, which meant originally blowing, and was used either in the sense of cooling by blowing, or breathing by blowing. In the former acceptation it produced ψύχος, coldness; ψυχρός, cold; ψυχάω, I cool; in the latter ψυχή, breath, then life, then soul. So far the purely Greek growth of words derived from ψύχω is clear. But ψύχω itself is difficult. It seems to point to a root spu, meaning to blow out, to spit; Lat. spuo, and spuma, foam; Goth, speivan; Gr. πτύω, supposed to stand for σπιύω. Hesychius mentions ψύττει = πτύει, ψυττόν = πτύελον. (Pott, Etym. Forsch. No. 355.) Curtius connects this root with Gr. φυ, in φῦσα, blowing, bellows, φυσάω, to blow, φυσιάω, to snort, ποι-φύσσω, to blow, and with Lat. spirare (i.e. spoisare). See E. B. Tylor, “The Religion of Savages,” Fortnightly Review, 1866, p. 73.
Stahl, who rejected the division of life and mind adopted by Bacon, and returned to the Aristotelian doctrine, falls back on Plato's etymology of ψυχή as φυσέχη, from φύσιν ἔχειν or ὀχεῖν, Crat. 400 B. In a passage of his Theoria Medica Vera (Halæ, 1708), pointed out to me by Dr. Rolleston, Stahl says: “Invenio in lexico græco antiquiore post alios, et Budæum imprimis, iterum iterumque reviso, nomenclaturam nimis quam fugitive allegatam; φυσέχη, poetice, pro ψυχή. Incidit animo suspicari, an non verum primum nomen animæ antiquissimis Græcis fuerit hoc φυσέχη, quasi ἔχων τὸ φύειν, e cuius vocis pronunciatione deflectente, uti vere familiariter solet vocalium, inprimis sub accentibus, fugitiva enunciatione, sensim natum sit φυσ-χή φσυχή, denique ad faciliorem pronunciationem in locum φσυχή, ψυχή. Quam suspicionem fovere mihi videtur illud, quod vocabuli ψυχῆς, pro anima, nulla idonea analogia in lingua græca occurrat; nam quæ a ψύχω ducitur, cum verus huius et directus significatus notorie sit refrigero, indirectus autem magis, spiro, nihil certe hæc ad animam puto.” (P. 44.)
- 27.
- ἀνδροσδὲ ψυχὴ πάλιν ἐλθεῖν οὔτεν
λειστὴ,
οὔθ᾽ ἐλετὴ, ἐπεὶ ἄρ κεν ἀμείψεται ἔρκος ὀδόντων.
Il. ix. 408. - 28.
- διὰ
δ᾽ ἔντερα χαλκὸς ἄφυσσεν δῃώσας;
ψυχὴ δὲ κατ᾽ οὐταμένην ὠτειλὴν ἔσσυτ᾽ ἐπειγομέυη.
Il. xiv. 517. - 29.
- “Ter frustra compressa manu effugit
imago,
Par levibus ventis volucrique simillima somno.”
Virg. Æn. ii. 792. - 30.
- See E. B. Tylor, Fortnightly Review, 1866, p. 74.
- 31.
- Im-manis, originally “not small,” came to mean enormous or monstrous. See Preller, Römische Mythologie, p. 72 seq.
- 32.
- Unkulunkulu; or the Tradition of Creation as existing among the Amazulu and other Tribes of South Africa, by the Rev. J. Callaway, M. D. Natal, 1868. Part I. p. 91.
- 33.
- See J. Samuelson, Views of the Deity, Traditional and Scientific, p. 144. Williams & Norgate, 1871.
- 34.
- “It has already been implied that the Aborigines of Tasmania had acquired very limited powers of abstraction or generalization. They possessed no words representing abstract ideas; for each variety of gum-tree and wattle-tree, etc., etc., they had a name, but they had no equivalent for the expression, ‘a tree;’ neither could they express abstract qualities, such as hard, soft, warm, cold, long, short, round, etc.; for ‘hard’ they would say ‘like a stone;’ for ‘tall’ they would say ‘long legs,’ etc.; for ‘round’ they said ‘like a ball,’ ‘like the moon,’ and so on, usually suiting the action to the word, and confirming by some sign the meaning to be understood.” Milligan, Vocabulary of the Dialects of some of the Aboriginal Tribes of Tasmania, p. 34. Hobart Town, 1866.
- 35.
- If Signer Ascoli blames me for deriving Niobe with other names for snow from the root snu, instead of from the root snigh, this can only be due to an oversight. I am responsible for the derivation of Niobe, and for the admission of a secondary root snyu or nyu, and so far I may be either right or wrong. But Signer Ascoli ought to have known that the derivation of Gothic snáiv-s, Old High-German snéo, or snê, gen. snêwê-s, Lithuanian snèga-s, Slav, snjeg, Hib. sneachd, from the root snu, rests on the authority of Bopp (Glossarium, 1847, s. v. snu; see also Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, ii. p. 700). He ought likewise to have known that in 1852 Professor Schweizer-Siedler, in his review of Bötticher's Arica (Kuhn's Zeitschrift, i. p. 479), had pointed out that snigh may be considered as a secondary root by the side of snu and snâ (cf. σμάω, σμήχω; ψάω, ψήχω; νάω, νήχω). The real relation of snu to snigh had been explained as early as 1842 by Benfey, Wurzellexicon, ii. p. 54; and Signor Ascoli was no doubt aware of what Professor Curtius had written on the relation of snigh to snu (Grundzüge der Greichischen Etymologie, p. 297). Signor Ascoli has certainly shown with greater minuteness than his predecessors that not only Zend snizh and Lithuanian snêga-s, but likewise Gothic snaiv-s, Greek νίφει, Latin nix, nĭv-is, and ninguis, may be derived from snigh; but if from snigh, a secondary development of the root snu, we can arrive at νίφ-α and at νίβα, the other steps that lead on to Niobe will remain just the same.
- 36.
At the end of the hymn the poet says:—
χαῖρε, ἄναξ, πρόφρων δὲ βίον θυμήρε᾽ ὄπαζε;
ἐκ σέο δ᾽ ἀρξάμενος κλῄσω μερόπων γένος ἀνδρῶν
ἡμιθέων, ὦν ἔργα θεοὶ θνητοῖσιν ἔδειξαν.This would seem to imply that the poet looked upon Helios as a half-god, almost as a hero, who had once lived on earth.
- 37.
- Corssen, Ueber Steigerungsendungen, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, iii. p. 299.
- 38.
- See Selected Essays, vol. i. p. 399.
- 39.
- The Childhood of the World, by E. Clodd, p. 62.
- 40.
Reynard the Fox in South Africa, or Hottentot Fables and Tales, by W. H. I. Bleek, 1864, p. 69. Dr. Theophilus Hahn, Die Sprache der Nama, 1870, p. 59. As a curious coincidence, it may be mentioned that in Sanskrit, too, the Moon is called sasāanka, i. e. “having the marks of a hare,” the black marks in the moon being taken for the likeness of the hare. Another coincidence is that the Namaqua Hottentots will not touch hare's flesh (see Sir James E. Alexander's Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of Africa, vol. i. p. 269), because the hare deceived men, while the Jews abstain from it, because the hare is supposed to chew the cud (Lev. xi. 6).
A similar tradition on the meaning of death occurs among the Zulus, but as they do not know of the Moon as a deity, the message that men are not to die, or that they are to die, is sent there by Unkulunkulu, the ancestor of the human race, and thus the whole story loses its point. See Dr. Callaway, Unkulunkulu, p. 4; and Gray, Polynesian Mythology, pp. 16-58.
- 41.
- According to a letter just received from an Esthonian lady, ämmarik does mean the gloaming in the language of the common people of Esthonia. Bertram (Ilmatar, Dorpat, 1870, p. 265) remarks that Koit is the dawn, Koido täht, the morning-star, also called eha täht. Ämarik, the ordinary name for the dawn, is used as the name for the evening twilight, or the gloaming in the well-known story, published by Fählmann (Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vol. i.) In Finnish hämära is twilight in general.
- 42.
- See Lectures on the Science of Religion, pp. 194, 200.
- 43.
- See my Lectures on the Science of Language (10th ed.), vol. ii. p 468.
- 44.
- See a most interesting essay, Le Petit Poucet (Tom Thumb), by Gaston Paris.
- 45.
- Selected Essays, vol. i. p. 478: “Here then we see that mythology does not always create its own heroes, but that it lays hold of real history, and coils itself round it so closely that it is difficult, nay, almost impossible, to separate the ivy from the oak, the lichen from the granite to which it clings. And here is a lesson which comparative mythologists ought not to neglect. They are naturally bent on explaining everything that can be explained; but they should bear in mind that there may be elements in every mythological riddle which resist etymological analysis, for the simple reason that their origin was not etymological, but historical.”
- 46.
- Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. p. 581.
- 47.
- Professor Blackie quotes Pausanias in support of this etymology. He says: “The account of Pausanias (viii. 25, 26), according to which the terrible impersonation of conscience, or the violated moral law, is derived from ἐρινύειν, an old Greek verb originally signifying to be angry, has sufficient probability, not to mention the obvious analogy of Ἀραί, another name sometimes given to the awful maids (σεμναί), from ἀρά, an imprecation.” If Professor Blackie will refer to Pausanias himself, he will find that the Arcadians assigned a very different cause to the anger of Demeter, which is supposed to have led to the formation of her new name Erinys.
- 48.
- Asiatic Researches, i. p. 272; Life of Sir W. Jones, vol. ii. p. 240 seq.
- 49.
- Asiatic Researches, i. p. 221.
- 50.
- See Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 48.
- 51.
- The Rev. W. W. Gill tells me that the Maori word for bone is iwi, but he suspects a foreign origin for the fable founded on it.
- 52.
- Tree and Serpent Worship, by James Fergusson. London, 1868. Very similar opinions had been advocated by Rajendralal Mitra, in a paper published in 1858 in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, “Buddhism and Odinism, illustrated by extracts from Professor Holmboe's Memoir on the Traces du Buddhisme en Norvège.” How much mischief is done by opinions of this kind when they once find their way into the general public, and are supported by names which carry weight, may be seen by the following extracts from the Pioneer (July 30, 1878), a native paper published in India. Here we read that the views of Holmboe, Rajendralal Mitra, and Fergusson, as to a possible connection between Buddha and Wodan, between Buddhism and Wodenism, have been adopted and preached by an English bishop, in order to convince his hearers, who were chiefly Buddhists, that the religion of the gentle ascetic came originally, if not from the Northeast of Scotland, at all events from the Saxons. “Gotama Buddha,” he maintained, “was a Saxon,” coming from “a Saxon family which had penetrated into India.” And again: “The most convincing proof to us Anglo-Indians lies in the fact that the Purânas named Varada and Matsy distinctly assert that the White Island in the West—meaning England—was known in India as Sacana, having been conquered at a very early period by the Sacas or Saks.” After this the bishop takes courage, and says: “Let me call your attention to the Pâli word Nibban, called in Sanskirt Nirvâna. In the Anglo-Saxon you have the identical word—Nabban, meaning ‘not to have,’ or ‘to be without a thing.’ ”
- 53.
- See Buddhaghosha's Parables, translated by Captain Rogers, with an Introduction containing Buddha's Dhammapada, translated from Pâli, by M. M., 1870, p. 110, note.
- 54.
- Hare, “On the Names of the Days of the Week” (Philol. Museum, Nov. 1831); Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, p. 177; Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 111.
- 55.
A writer in the Index objects to my representation of what Josephus said with regard to the observance of the seventh day in Greek and barbarian towns. He writes:—
Washington, Nov. 9, 1872.
“The article by Max Müller in the Index of this week contains, I think, one error, caused doubtless by his taking a false translation of a passage from Josephus instead of the original. ‘In fact,’ says Professor Müller, ‘Josephus (Contra Apion. ii. 39) was able to say that there was no town, Greek or not Greek, where the custom of observing the seventh day had not spread.’ Mr. Wm. B. Taylor, in a discussion of the Sabbath question with the Rev. Dr. Brown, of Philadelphia, in 1853 (Obligation of the Sabbath, p. 120), gives this rendering of the passage: ‘Nor is there anywhere any city of the Greeks, nor a single barbarian nation, whither the institution of the Hebdomade (which we mark by resting) has not travelled;’ then in a note Mr. Taylor gives the original Greek of part of the passage, and adds: ‘Josephus does not say that the Greek and barbarian rested, but that we [the Jews] observe it by rest.’
“The corrected translation only adds strength to Max Müller's position in regard to the very limited extent of Sabbath observance in ancient times; and Mr. Taylor brings very strong historical proof to maintain the assertion (p. 24) that ‘throughout all history we discover no trace of a Sabbath among the nations of antiquity.’ ”
It seems to me that if we read the whole of Josephus's work, On the Antiquity of the Jews, we cannot fail to perceive that what Josephus wished to show towards the end of the second book was that other nations had copied or were trying to copy the Jewish customs. He says: Ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τε διηνέχθησαν οἱ νόμοι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτῶν ζῆλον ἐμπεποιήκασι. He then says that the early Greek philosophers, though apparently original in their theoretic speculations, followed the Jewish laws with regard to practical and moral precepts. Then follows this sentence: Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐ δ᾽ ἔστιν οὐ πόλις Ἑλλήνων οὐδετισουν οὐδὲ βάρβαρος, οὐδὲ ἕν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἥν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, ἔθος οὐ διαπεφοιτηκε, καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται. Μιμεῖσθαι δὲ πειρῶνται καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν ὁμόνοιαν, κ.τ.λ. Standing where it stands, the sentence about the ἑβδομάς can only mean that “there is no town of Greeks nor of barbarians, nor one single people, where the custom of the seventh day, on which we rest, has not spread, and where fastings, and lighting of lamps, and much of what is forbidden to us with regard to food are not observed. They try to imitate our mutual concord also, etc.” Hebdomas, which originally meant the week, is here clearly used in the sense of the seventh day, and though Josephus may exaggerate, what he says is certainty “that there was no town, Greek or not Greek, where the custom of observing the seventh day had not spread.”
- 56.
- Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 118, note.
- 57.
- In Singalese Wednesday is Badâ, in Tamil Budau. See Kennet, in Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 90; D'Alwis, Journal of Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 17.
- 58.
- Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 276.
- 59.
- Ibid. p. 151.
- 60.
- Ibid. p. 120.
- 61.
- Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, pp. 137-148.
- 62.
- Ibid. p. 126. Oski in Icelandic, the god Wish, one of the names of the highest god.
- 63.
- Tacit. Hist. iv. 64: “Communibus Diis et præcipuo Deorum Marti grates agimus.”
- 64.
- Grimm, l. c. p. 148.
- 65.
- P. 125. “Pour quiconque s'est occupé d'études philologiques, Jéhova dérivé de Zeus est facile à admettre.”
- 66.
- Stanislas Julien, Le Livre de la Voie et de la Vertu. Paris, 1842, p. iv.
- 67.
- Montucci, De studiis sinicis. Berolini, 1808.
- 68.
- See W. E. A. Axon's “The Future of the English Language,” the “Almanach de Gotha,” and De Candolle's “Histoire des Sciences,” 1873.
- 69.
- The pronoun it woz speld in eight diferent wayz bei Tyndale th[p]s, hyt, hytt, hit, hitt, it, itt, yt, ytt. Another author speld tongue in the folowing wayz: tung, tong, tunge, tonge, tounge. The w[p]rd head woz vario[p]sli speld hed, heede, hede, hefode. The spelingz obay, survay, pray, vail, vain, ar often uzed for obey, survey, prey, veil, vein.
- 70.
- Popular Education—A Revision of English Spelling a National Necessity. By E. Jones, B.A. London, 1875.
- 71.
- “Rig-Veda-Prâtisâkhya, Das älteste Lehrbuch der Vedischen Phonetik, Sanskrit Text, mit Übersetzung und Anmerkungen, herausgegeben,” von F. Max Müller, Leipzig, 1869.
- 72.
- Beal, Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims, Introd. p. xxi.; Chinese Repository, vol. x. No. 3, March, 1841.
- 73.
- See an account of the Introduction of Buddhism into China, in Journal Asiatique, 1856, August, p. 105. Recherches sur l'origine des ordres religieux dans l'empire chinois, par Bazin.
- 74.
- Stan. Julien, Pèlerins Bouddhistes, vol. i. p. 296.
- 75.
- Dr. Edkins in his Notices of Buddhism in China (which unfortunately are not paged) says that Indians arrived at the capital of China in Shensi in 217 B. C. to propagate their religion.
- 76.
- Dr. Edkins, l. c., states that Kang-khien, on his return from the country of the Getæ, informed the Emperor Wu-ti that he had seen articles of traffic from Shindo. The commentator adds that the name is pronounced Kando and Tindo, and that it is the country of the barbarians called Buddha (sic).
- 77.
- Kabul or Ko-fu is, in the Eastern Han annals, called a state of the Yüeh-ki.
- 78.
- Generally identified with the Getæ, but without sufficient proof.
- 79.
- Translated by Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio.
- 80.
- The golden color or suvarnavarnatâ is one of the thirty-two marks of a Buddha, recognized both in the Southern and Northern schools (Burnouf, Lotus, 579).
- 81.
- This name is written in various ways, Ka-shio-ma-tô-giya, Ka-shio-ma-tô, Shio-ma-tô, Ka-tô, Ma-tô. In the Fan-i-ming-i-tsi (vol. iii. fol. 4 a), it is said “that K. was a native of Central India, and a Brâhman by caste. Having been invited by the Chinese envoy, Tsâi-yin, he came to China, saw the Emperor, and died in Lo-yang, the capital.” Of Kû-fa-lan it is said (l. c. vol. iii. fol. 4) that he was a native of Central India, well versed in Vinaya. When invited to go to China, the King would not let him depart. He left secretly, and arrived in China after Kâsyapa. They translated the Sûtra in forty-two sections together. After Kâsyapa died, Kû-fa-lan translated five Sûtras.
- 82.
- See Vasala-sutta (in Nipâta-sutta), v. 22.
- 83.
- Fa is the Buddhist equivalent for friar.
- 84.
- Mr. B. Nanjio informs me that both in China and Japan Buddhist priests adopt either Kû, the last character of Tien-kû, India, or Shih, the first character of Shih-kia—i. e. Sâkya—as their surname.
- 85.
- L. Feer, Sutra en 42 articles, p. xxvii. Le Dhammapada par F. Hû, suivi du Sutra en 42 articles, par Léon Feer, 1878, p. xxiv.
- 86.
- In Beal's Catalogue this name is spelt An-shi-ko, An-shi-kao, and Ngan-shai-ko.
- 87.
- His translations occur in Beal's Catalogue, pp. 31, 35, 37, 38, 40 (bis), 41 (bis), 42 (bis), 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51 (ter), 52 (bis), 54, 70, 88, 95 (bis). In the K'ai-yuen-lu it is stated that he translated 99 works in 115 fascicles.
- 88.
- Wû, comprising Keh-kiang and other parts, with its capital in what is now Sû-kau, was the southern one of the Three Kingdoms. Sun-khüan was its first sovereign.
- 89.
- The northern of the Three Kingdoms, with its capital latterly in Lo-yang.
- 90.
- See Beal, Catalogue, p. 5.
- 91.
- This name, Kû-fâ-hu, is generally re-translated as Dharmaraksha. Kû is the second character in Tien-kû, the name of India, and this character was used as their surname by many Indian priests while living in China. In that case their Sanskrit names were mostly translated into two Chinese characters: as Fâ, (law = dharma), hu (protection = raksha).—B. N.
- 92.
- According to Mr. Beal (Fahian, p. xxiii.), this Kû-fâ-hu, with the help of other Shâmans, translated no less than 165 texts, and among them the Lalita-vistara (Pou-yao-king), the Nirvâna Sûtra, and the Suvarna-prabhâsa-Sûtra (265-308). The K'ai-yuen-lu assigns to him 275 works, in 354 fascicles.
- 93.
- Edkins, l. c. Beal, Catalogue, p. 17; 14.
- 94.
- Edkins, l. c.
- 95.
- The Yâos subdued the Fûs, and ruled as the dynasty of the After Khin.
- 96.
- See p. 208. He is sometimes called Balasan, or, according to Edkins, Palat'sanga, Baddala, or Dabadara. In the Fan-i-ming-i-tsi (vol. iii. fol. 6) the following account of Buddhabhadra is given: “Buddhabhadra met Kumâragiva in China, and whenever the latter found any doubts, the former was always asked for an explanation. In the fourteenth year of Î-hsi (418 A. D.) Buddhabhadra translated the Fa-yan-king in sixty volumes.” This Sûtra is the Ta-fang-kwang-fo-fa-yan-king, Buddhâvatamsaka-vai-pulya-sûtra (Beal's Catalogue, p. 9). This translation was brought to Japan in 736.
- 97.
- The Sang-ki-liu, rules of priesthood; i. e. the Vinaya of the Mahâsaṅghika school.
- 98.
- I call him Dharmaraksha II., in order to prevent a confusion which has been produced by identifying two Shâmans who lived at a distance of nearly 200 years—the one 250 A. D., the other 420 A. D. The first is called Kû-fâ-hu, which can be rendered Dharmaraksha; the second is called Fâ-făng (law-prosperity), but, if transliterated, he is best known by the names T`on-mo-la-tsin, T`an-mo-tsin, or Dharmalatsin. He was a native of Central India, and arrived in China in the first year of the period Hiouen-shi of the Tsü-khu family of the Northern Liang, 414 A. D. He was the contemporary of Ki-mang, whom Mr. Beal places about 250 A. D., in order to make him a contemporary of Dharmaraksha I.
- 99.
- Mung-sun died 432, and was succeeded by his heir, who lost his kingdom in 439. Yâo-khang's kingdom, however, was destroyed by the Eastern Tsin, at the time of his second successor, 417, not by Mung-sun.
- 100.
- It is said in the tenth year of the period Hung-shi of Yâo-khang (better hsing), the copy arrived at Khang-an. But this cannot be, if Ki-mang went to India in 419. There must be something wrong in these dates.
- 101.
- The four Nikâyas or Âgamas; cf. Vinayapitaka, vol. i. p. xl.
- 102.
- Sâriputrâbhidharma-sâstra; cf. Beal, Catalogue, p. 80.
- 103.
- Beal, Catalogue, p. 36.
- 104.
- Edkins, l. c.
- 105.
- Ibid.
- 106.
- Beal, Catalogue, p. 77; on p. 20 a translation of the Lankâvatâra is mentioned.
- 107.
- See Athenæum, August 7, 1880; and infra, p. 370.
- 108.
- A long list of Sanskrit texts translated into Chinese may be found in the Journal Asiatique, 1849, p. 353 seq., s. t. “Concordance Sinico-Samskrite d'un nombre considérable de titres d'ouvrages Bouddhiques, recueillie dans un Catalogue Chinois de l'an 1306, par M. Stanislas Julien.”
- 109.
- Csoma Körösi, As. Res. vol. xx. p. 418. Journal Asiatique, 1849, p. 356.
- 110.
- Cf. Beal, Catalogue, p. 66.
- 111.
- The modern paper in Nepal is said to date from 500 years ago (Hodgson, Essays).
- 112.
- M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 516.
- 113.
- Burnell, South Indian Palæography, 2d ed. p. 84 seq.
- 114.
- See Sacred Books of the East, vol. i., Upanishads, Introduction, p. lxxviii.
- 115.
- Dr. Bühler (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1877, p. 29) has the following interesting remarks: “The Bhûrga MSS. are written on specially-prepared thin sheets of the inner bark of the Himalayan birch (Bœtula Bhojpatr. Wallich), and invariably in Sâradâ characters. The lines run always parallel to the narrow side of the leaf, and the MSS. present, therefore, the appearance of European books, not of Indian MSS., which owe their form to an imitation of the Tâlapatras. The Himâlaya seems to contain an inexhaustible supply of birch bark, which in Kasmîr and other hill countries is used both instead of paper by the shopkeepers in the bazaars, and for lining the roofs of houses in order to make them water-tight. It is also exported to India, where in many places it is likewise used for wrapping up parcels, and plays an important part in the manufacture of the flexible pipe-stems used by hukâ smokers. To give an idea of the quantities which are brought into Srînagar, I may mention that on one single day I counted fourteen large barges with birch bark on the river.... The use of birch bark for literary purposes is attested by the earliest classical Sanskrit writers. Kâlidâsa mentions it in his dramas and epics; Sustuta, Varâhamihira (circa 500-550 A. D.) know it likewise. As is the case with nearly all old customs, the use of birch bark for writing still survives in India, though the fact is little known. Mantras, which are worn as amulets, are written on pieces of Bhûrga with ashtau gandbâh, a mixture of eight odoriferous substances—e. g. camphor, sandal, tumeric—which vary according to the deity to which the writing is dedicated. The custom prevails in Bengal as well as in Gujarât. Birch-bark MSS. occur in Orissa. The Petersburg Dictionary refers to a passage in the Kâthaka, the redaction of the Yajurveda formerly current in Kasmîr, where the word Bhûrga occurs, though it is not clear if it is mentioned there too as material for writing on. The Kasmirian Pandits assert, and apparently with good reason, that in Kasmîr all books were written on bhûrgapattras from the earliest times until after the conquest of the Valley by Akbar, about 200-250 years ago. Akbar introduced the manufacture of paper, and thus created an industry for which Kasmîr is now famous in India.”
- 116.
- Dr. Burnell, Indian Antiquary, 1880, p. 234, shows that Koṅkanapura is Koṅkanahlli in the Mysore territory.
- 117.
- Beal's Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims, Introd. p. xlvi.
- 118.
- Pèterins Buuddhistes, vol. i. p. 158.
- 119.
- Fausböll, Dasaratha-jātaka, p. 25.
- 120.
- See, also, Albiruni, as quoted by Reinaud, Memoir sur l'Inde, p. 305.
- 121.
- See Letter to the Times, “On the Religions of Japan,” Oct. 20, 1880.
- 122.
- “Le Bouddhisme dans l'extrème Orient,” Revue Scientifique, Décembre, 1879.
- 123.
- Journal Asiatique, 1871, p. 386 seq.
- 124.
- Five of these translations were introduced into Japan; the others seem to have been lost in China. The translations are spoken of as “the five in existence and the seven missing.”
- 125.
- See p. 192.
- 126.
- See p. 192.
- 127.
- The MSS. vary between Sukhavatî and Sukhâvatî.
- 128.
- See, also, Lotus de la bonne Loi, p. 267.
- 129.
- Journal of the R. A. S. 1856, p. 319.
- 130.
- I owe this information to the kindness of M. Léon Feer at Paris.
- 131.
- See Journal Asiatique, 3d series, vol. iii. p. 316; vol. iv. p. 296-298.
- 132.
- J. R. A. S. 1866, p. 136.
- 133.
- J. R. A. S. 1866, p. 136.
- 134.
- Beal, Catalogue, p. 23. J. R. A. S. 1856, p. 319. Beal, Catalogue, p. 77, mentions also an Amitâbha-sûtra-upadesa-sâstra, by Vasubandhu, translated by Bodhiruki (Wou-liang-sheu-king-yeou-po-ti-she). There is an Amitâbha-sûtra, translated by Chi-hien of the Wu period—i. e. 222-280 A. D.—mentioned in Mr. Beal's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka, p. 6. The next Sûtra, which he calls the Sûtra of measureless years, is no doubt the Amitâyus-sûtra, Amitâyus being another name for Amitâbha (Fu-shwo-wou-liang-sheu-king, p. 6). See, also, Catalogue, pp. 99, 102. Dr. Edkins also, in his Notices of Buddhism in China, speaks of a translation of “the Sûtra of boundless age,” by Fa-t'ian-pun, a native of Magadha, who was assisted in his translation by a native of China familiar with Sanskrit, about 1000 A. D.
- 135.
- Srâvastî, capital of the Northern Kosalas, residence of King Prasenagit. It was in ruins when visited by Fa-hian (init. V. Sæc.); not far from the modern Fizabad. Cf. Burnouf, Introduction, p. 22.
- 136.
- Sârdha, with, the Pâli saddhim. Did not the frequent mention of 1,200 and a half (i. e. 1,250), 1,300 and a half (i. e. 1,350), persons accompanying Buddha arise from a misunderstanding of sârdha, meaning originally “with a half”?
- 137.
- Abhigñânâbhigñâtaih. The Japanese text reads abhigñâtâbhâgñâtaih—i. e. abhigñâtâbhigñâtaih. If this were known to be the correct reading, we should translate it by “known by known people,” notus a viris notis—i. e. well-known, famous. Abhigñâta in the sense of known, famous, occurs in Lalita-Vistara, p. 25, and the Chinese translators adopted that meaning here. Again, if we preferred the reading abhigñânâbhigñâtaih, this, too, would admit of an intelligible rendering—viz. known or distinguished by the marks or characteristics, the good qualities, that ought to belong to a Bhikshu. But the technical meaning is “possessed of a knowledge of the five abhigñâs.” It would be better in that case to write abhigñâtâbhigñânaih, but no MSS. seem to support that reading. The five abhigñâs or abhigñânas which an Arhat ought to possess are the divine sight, the divine hearing, the knowledge of the thoughts of others, the remembrance of former existences, and magic power. See Burnouf, Lotus, Appendice, No. xiv. The larger text of the Sukhavatîvyûha has abhigñânâbhigñaih, and afterwards abhigñâtâbhigñaih. The position of the participle as the uttara-pada in such compounds as abhigñânâbhigñâtaih is common in Buddhist Sanskrit. Mr. Bendall has called my attention to the Pâli abhiññâta-abhiññâta (Vinaya-pitaka, ed. Oldenberg, vol. i. p. 43), which favors the Chinese acceptation of the term.
- 138.
- Mahâsrâvaka, the great disciples; sometimes the eighty principal disciples.
- 139.
- Arhadbhih. I have left the correct Sanskrit form, because the Japanese text gives the termination adbhih. Hôgŏ's text has the more usual form arhantaih. The change of the old classical arhat into the Pâli arahan, and then back into Sanskrit arhanta, arahanta, and at last arihanta, with the meaning of “destroyer of the enemies”—i. e. the passions—shows very clearly the different stages through which Sanskrit words passed in the different phases of Buddhist literature. In Tibet, in Mongolia, and in China, Arhat is translated by “destroyer of the enemy.” See Burnouf, Lotus, p. 287; Introduction, p. 295. Arhat is the title of the Bhikshu on reaching the fourth degree of perfection. Cf. Sûtra of the 42 Sections, cap. 2. Clemens of Alexandria (d. 220) speaks of the Σεμνοι who worshipped a pyramid erected over the relics of a god. Is this a translation of Arhat, as Lassen (“De nom. Ind. philosoph.” in Rhein. Museum, vol. i. p. 187) and Burnouf (Introduction, p. 295) supposed, or a transliteration of Samana? Clemens also speaks of Σεμναί (Stromat. p. 539, Potter).
- 140.
- Indra, the old Vedic god, has come to mean simply lord, and in the Kanda Paritta (Journal Asiatique, 1871, p. 220) we actually find Asurinda, the Indra or Lord of the Asuras.
- 141.
- The numbers in Buddhist literature, if they once exceed a Koti or Kotî—i. e. ten millions—become very vague, nor is their value always the same. Ayuta, i. e. a hundred Kotis; Niyuta, i. e. a hundred Ayutas; and Nayuta, i. e. 1 with 22 zeros, are often confounded; nor does it matter much so far as any definite idea is concerned which such numerals convey to our mind.
- 142.
- Tishthati dhriyate yâpayati dharmam ka desayati. This is evidently an idiomatic phrase, for it occurs again and again in the Nepalese text of the Sukhavatîvyûha (MS. 26 b, l. 1. 2; 55 a, l. 2, etc.). It seems to mean, he stands there, holds himself, supports himself, and teaches the law. Burnouf translates the same phrase by, “ils se trouvent, vivent existent” (Lotus, p. 354). On yâpeti in Pâli, see Fausböll, Dasaratha-jâtaka, pp. 26, 28; and yâpana in Sanskrit.
- 143.
- Kiṅkinîgâla. The texts read kaṅkanîgalais ka and kaṅkanîgalais ka, and again later kaṅkanîgalunâm (also lû) and kaṅkanîgalânâm. Mr. Beal translates from Chinese “seven rows of exquisite curtains,” and again “gemmous curtains.” First of all, it seems clear that we must read gâla, net, web, instead of gala. Secondly, kaṅkana, bracelet, gives no sense, for what could be the meaning of nets or string of bracelets? I prefer to read kiṅkinîgâla, nets or strings or rows of bells. Such rows of bells served for ornamenting a garden, and it may be said of them that, if moved by the wind, they give forth certain sounds. In the commentary on Dhammapada 30, p. 191, we meet with kiṅkinikagâla, from which likewise the music proceeds; see Childers, s. v. gâla. In the MSS. of the Nepalese Sukhavatîvyûha (R. A. S.), p. 39 a, l. 4, I likewise find svarnaratnakiṅkinîgâlâni, which settles the matter, and shows how little confidence we can place in the Japanese texts.
- 144.
- Anuparikshipta, inclosed; see parikkhepo in Childers' Dict.
- 145.
- The eight good qualities of water are limpidity and purity, refreshing coolness, sweetness, softness, fertilizing qualities, calmness, power of preventing famine, productiveness. See Beal, Catena, p. 379.
- 146.
- Kâkâpeya. One text reads Kâkapeya, the other Kâkâpeya. It is difficult to choose. The more usual word is kâkapeya, which is explained by Pânini, ii. 1, 33. It is uncertain, however, whether kâkapeya is meant as a laudatory or as a depreciatory term. Boehtlingk takes it in the latter sense, and translates nadî kâkapeyâ, by a shallow river that could be drunk up by a crow. Târânâtha takes it in the former sense, and translates nadî kâkapeyâ, as a river so full of water that a crow can drink it without bending its neck (kâkair anatakandharaih pîyate; pûrnodakatvena prasasye kâkaih peye nadyâdau). In our passage kâkapeya must be a term of praise, and we therefore could only render it by “ponds so full of water that crows could drink from them.” But why should so well known a word as kâkapeya have been spelt kâkâpeya, unless it was done intentionally? And if intentionally, what was it intended for? We must remember that Pânini, ii. 1, 42 schol., teaches us how to form the word tîrthakâka, a crow at a tîrtha, which means a person in a wrong place. It would seem, therefore, that crows were considered out of place at a tîrtha or bathing-place, either because they were birds of ill omen, or because they defiled the water. From that point of view, kâkâpeya would mean a pond not visited by crows, free from crows. Professor Pischel has called my attention to Mahâparinibbâna Sutta (J. R. A. S. 1875, p. 67, p. 21), where kâkapeyâ clearly refers to a full river. Samatiṭṭḥika, if this is the right reading, occurs in the same place as an epithet of a river, by the side of kâkapeya, and I think it most likely that it means rising to a level with the tîrthas, the fords or bathing-places. Mr. Rhys Davids informs me that the commentary explains the two words by samatittikâ ti samaharitâ, kâkapeyyâ ti yatthatatthaki tîre thitena kâkena sakkâ patum ti.
- 147.
- Purobhaktena. The text is difficult to read, but it can hardly be doubtful that purobhaktena corresponds to Pâli purebhattam (i. e. before the morning meal), opposed to pakkhâbhattam, after the noonday meal (i. e. in the afternoon). See Childers, s. v. Pûrvabhaktikâ would be the first repast, as Professor Cowell informs me.
- 148.
- Divâ vihârâya, for the noonday rest, the siesta. See Childers, s. v. vihâra.
- 149.
- Krauñkâh. Snipe, curlew. Is it meant for Kuravîka, or Karavîka, a fine-voiced bird (according to Kern, the Sk. karâyikâ), or for Kalaviṅka-Pâli Kalavîka? See Childers, s. v. opapâtiko; Burnouf, Lotus, p. 566. I see, however, the same birds mentioned together elsewhere, as hamsakrauñkamayûrasukasâlikakokila, etc. On mayûra see Mahâv. Introd. p. xxxix.; Rv. I. 191, 14.
- 150.
Indriyabalabodhyaṅgasabda. These are technical terms, but their meaning is not quite clear. Spence Hardy, in his Manual, p. 498, enumerates the five indrayas, viz. (1) sardhâwa, purity (probably sraddhâ, faith), (2) wiraya, persevering exertion (vîrya), (3) sati or smirti, the ascertainment of truth (smriti), (4) samâdhi, tranquillity, (5) pragnâwa, wisdom (pragñâ).
The five balayas (bala), he adds, are the same as the five indrayas.
The seven bowdyânga (bodhyaṅga) are, according to him: (1) sihi or smirti, the ascertainment of the truth by mental application, (2) dharmmawicha, the investigation of causes. (3) wîraya, persevering exertion, (4) prîti, joy, (5) passadhi, or prasrabdhi, tranquillity, (6) samâdhi, tranquillity in a higher degree, including freedom from all that disturbs either body or mind, (7) upekshâ, equanimity.
It will be seen from this that some of these qualities or excellences occur both as indriyas and bodhyaṅgas, while balas are throughout identical with indriyas.
Burnouf, however, in his Lotus, gives a list of five balas (from the Vocabulaire Pentaglotte) which correspond with the five indriyas of Spence Hardy: viz. sraddhâ-bala, power of faith, vîrya-bala, power of vigor, smriti-bala, power of memory, samâdhi-bala, power of meditation, pragñâ-bala, power of knowledge. They precede the seven bodhyaṅgas both in the Lotus, the Vocabulaire Pentaglotte, and the Lalita-Vistara.
To these seven bodhyaṅgas Burnouf has assigned a special treatise (Appendix xii. p. 796). They occur both in Sanskrit and Pâli.
- 151.
- Niraya, the hells, also called Naraka. Yamaloka, the realm of Yama, the judge of the dead, is explained as the four Apâyas—i. e. Naraka, hell, Tiryagyoni, birth as animals, Pretaloka, realm of the dead, Asuraloka, realm of evil spirits. The three terms which are here used together occur likewise in a passage translated by Burnouf, Introduction, p. 544.
- 152.
- Iti sankhyâm gakkhanti, they are called; cf. Childers, s. v. sankhyâ. Asankhyeya, even more than aprameya, is the recognized term for infinity. Burnouf, Lotus, p. 852.
- 153.
- Avaramâtraka. This is the Pâli oramattako, “belonging merely to the present life,” and the intention of the writer seems to be to inculcate the doctrine of the Mahâyâna, that salvation can be obtained by mere repetitions of the name of Amitâbha, in direct opposition to the original doctrine of Buddha, that as a man soweth, so he reapeth. Buddha would have taught that the kusalamûla, the root or the stock of good works performed in this world (avaramâtraka), will bear fruit in the next, while here “vain repetitions” seems all that is enjoined. The Chinese translators take a different view of this passage, and I am not myself quite certain that I have understood it rightly. But from the end of this section, where we read kulaputrena vâ kuladuhitrâ vâ tatra buddhakshetre kittaprânidhânam kartavyam, it seems clear that the locative (buddhakshetre) forms the object of the pranidhâna, the fervent prayer or longing. The Satpurushas already in the Buddhakshetra would be the innumerable men (manushyâs) and Boddhisattvas mentioned before.
- 154.
- Arthavasa, lit. the power of the thing; cf. Dhammapada, p. 388, v. 289.
- 155.
- I am not quite certain as to the meaning of this passage, but if we enter into the bold metaphor of the text, viz., that the Buddhas cover the Buddha-countries with the organ of their tongue and then unroll it, what is intended can hardly be anything but that they first try to find words for the excellences of those countries, and then reveal or proclaim them. Burnouf, however (Lotus, p. 417), takes the expression in a literal sense, though he is shocked by its grotesqueness. On these Buddhas and their countries, see Burnouf, Lotus, p. 113.
- 156.
- It should be remarked that the Tathâgatas here assigned to the ten quarters differ entirely from those assigned to them in the Lalita-vistara, book xx. Not even Amitâbha is mentioned there.
- 157.
- Pratîyatha. The texts give again and again pattîyatha, evidently the Pâli form, instead of pratîyata. I have left tha, the Pâli termination of the 2 p. pl. in the imperative, instead of ta, because that form was clearly intended, while pa for pra may be an accident. Yet I have little doubt that patîyatha was in the original text. That it is meant for the imperative, we see from sraddadhâdhvam, etc., farther on. Other traces of the influence of Pâli or Prakrit on the Sanskrit of our Sûtra appear in arhantaih, the various reading for arhadbhih, which I preferred; sambahula for bahula; dhriyate yâpayati; purobhaktena; anyatra; saṅkhyâm gakkhanti; avaramâtraka; vethana instead of veshtana, in nirvethana; dharmaparyâya (Corp. Inscript. plate xv.), etc.
- 158.
- The Sukhavatîvyûha, even in its shortest text, is called a Mahâyâna-sûtra, nor is there any reason why a Mahâyâna-sûtra should not be short. The meaning of Mahâyâna-sûtra is simply a Sûtra belonging to the Mahâyâna school, the school of the Great Boat. It was Burnouf who, in his Introduction to the History of Buddhism, tried very hard to establish a distinction between the Vaipulya or developed Sûtras, and what he calls the simple Sûtras. Now, the Vaipulya Sûtras may all belong to the Mahâyâna school, but that would not prove that all the Sûtras of the Mahâyâna school are Vaipulya or developed Sûtras. The name of simple Sûtra, in opposition to the Vaipulya or developed Sûtras, is not recognized by the Buddhists themselves; it is really an invention of Burnouf's. No doubt there is a great difference between a Vaipulya Sûtra, such as the Lotus of the Good Law, translated by Burnouf, and the Sûtras which Burnouf translated from the Divyâvadâna. But what Burnouf considers as the distinguishing mark of a Vaipulya Sûtra, viz. the occurrence of Bodhisattvas, as followers of the Buddha Sâkyamuni, would no longer seem to be tenable (“Les présence des Bodhisattûvas ou leur absence intéresse done le fonds même des livres où on la remarque, et il est bien évident que ce seul point trace une ligno de démarcation profonde entre les Sûtras ordinaires et les Sûtras développés.” Burnouf. Introduction, p. 112.), unless we classed our short Sukhavatî-vyûha as a Vaipulya or developed Sûtra. For this there is no authority. Our Sûtra is called a Mahâyâna Sutra, never a Vaipulya Sûtra, and yet among the followers of Buddha, the Bodhisattvas constitute a very considerable portion. But more than that, Amitâbha, the Buddha of Sukhavatî, another personage whom Burnouf looks upon as peculiar to the Vaipulya Sûtras, who is, in fact, one of the Dhyâni-buddhas, though not called by that name in our Sûtra, forms the chief object of its teaching, and is represented as coeval with Buddha Sâkyamuni. (“L'idée d'un ou de plusieurs Buddhas surhumains, celle de Bodhisattvas créés par eux, sont des conceptions aussi étrangères á ces livres (les Sûtras simples) que celle d'un Adibuddha ou d'un Dieu.”—Burnouf, Introduction, p. 120.) The larger text of the Sukhavatîvyûha would certainly, according to Burnouf's definition, seem to fall into the category of the Vaipulya Sûtras. But it is not so called in the MSS. which I have seen, and Burnouf himself gives an analysis of that Sûtra (Introduction, p. 99) as a specimen of a Mahâyâna, but not of a Vaipulya Sûtra.
- 159.
- See H. Yule, Marco Polo, 2d ed. vol. i. pp. 441-443.
- 160.
- In China, as Dr. Edkins states, the doctrine of Amitâbha is represented by the so-called Lotus school (Lian-tsung) or Pure Land (Tsing-tu). The founder of this school in China was Hwei-yuan of the Tsin dynasty (fourth century). The second patriarch (tsu) of this school was Kwang-ming (seventh century).
- 161.
- See page 191.