2. Subject and predicate.
72. Most sentences consist of a subject and a predicate, showing the construction of Sumùsúlat syà, Sya y sumùsúlat (§§ 53, 54). Indeed, this goes farther than in English; many commands, 5for instance, have the subject-and-predicate structure: Sumúlat ka. Write thou, i. e. Write.
Nevertheless, much of the syntax is determined by the use of constructions which lack subject-and-predicate structure.
a. Non-predicative sentences.
1073. The sentences which lack subject-and-predicate structure are of two general types: (1) exclamatory, and (2) impersonal-anaphoric.
74. To the exclamatory type belongs the use in independent sentences of certain particles, the primary interjections: Abà! 15Ah! Aráy! Ouch! Ó! Oh!
As in other languages, some of these violate the normal phonetic structure, that is, are “inarticulate”: Sss! Whew!, uttered when the weather is very hot. One whistles when one wants the wind to blow.
2075. To the exclamatory type belong, further, words and phrases used as secondary interjections: Anò! What! (unpleasant surprise). Inà ko! or: Ina kò! Mother of mine! Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are!
As the second example shows, object expressions are here used 25without aŋ (§ 68).
76. Certain words with the prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology), with their attributes: Kaitìm naŋ gabi! What-blackness of-the night! i. e. How black the night is!
77. Certain words with the prefix ka- and reduplication expressing 30recent completion of an act (see Morphology), with their modifiers: Karáratiŋ ko pa lámaŋ! Just-arriving by-me still only! i. e. I have only just arrived.
78. Vocatives, in calling or address: Kayò ŋ maŋa makasalánan! Ye sinners! In this use personal names lack si and all 35object expressions lack aŋ (§ 68): Hwàn! Juan! Mámaʾ! Sir! Áli! Madam! Wala ŋ hiyàʾ! Shameless one!
79. Commands of certain brusque or familiar types, used, e. g., to children, servants, animals, in haste or excitement: Hintú na! Stop! Ílag na! Get out of the way! Súloŋ! Go ahead! 40Hurry up! Panáog nà sa báhay! Come down from the house! Come on out! Tàbí poʾ Look out please! (Cry of drivers to people on the street. The accent is irregular by § 51 for tabì).
80. Certain set expressions, such as greetings: Maganda ŋ áraw pòʾ! Good-morning! Salámat. Thanks. Salámat sa iyò. 5Thank you.
81. Expressions of affirmation and negation: Óo. Yes. Oo ŋàʾ. Yes indeed. Támaʾ. That’s right, Exactly. Hindìʾ. No. Walàʾ. None, Nothing, There isn’t.
82. The mere naming of an idea, as in counting or giving 10the title of a story: Isà, dalawà, tatlò, ápat, limà.... One, two, three, four, five....
83. (2) Of the impersonal-anaphoric type are many answers to questions or continuations of dialogue: Kahápon. Yesterday. Akò. I, It’s I, It was I. (Never “Itò y akò,” or the like).
1584. Certain occurrences, especially meteoric phenomena, are not analyzed into subject and predicate: Umúulàn. It’s raining. Kabilúgan naŋ bwàn. Roundness of-the moon, i. e. There is a full moon. Bumábahàʾ. There is a flood. Naàáreʾ. It is possible, allowable. Hindí nalaúnan. It did not take long, It was not long. 20Taginit nà. It is summer already.
85. Very common in impersonal construction are expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they express existence or forthcomingness (or the opposite) of indefinite objects: Mày maŋa babáye. There are women. Máy-roo ŋ aswàŋ sa báyan. 25There was a vampire in the town. Walà ŋ papèl. There is no paper. Walà ŋ anu màn! There is nothing. Also: Not at all! You’re welcome! Malaki ŋ twàʾ naŋ iba ŋ táo. There was great rejoicing by the other people. Sa dalága ŋ itò y marámi ŋ maŋlilígaw. For this young woman there were many suitors.
3086. Less common in impersonal construction are expressions of occurrences involving indefinite or indifferent persons or things: Humúkay. One should dig. Nagumpisa nà naŋ pagsábuy. “They” have already begun to throw.
87. There is great freedom as to presence or absence of anaphorically 35determined elements (i. e., such as have been recently mentioned or, less commonly, are about to be mentioned), including the subject; when this is wanting, the subject-and-predicate structure is, of course, lost: Hiníla nya sa pasígan. Was-dragged by-him to-the shore, i. e. He dragged it or the tree (sc. itò, or: 40aŋ púnoʾ, from the preceding sentence) to the shore. Hindí makabùbúti sa kanilà. (It, the scheme mentioned) will do them no good.
Many constructions later to be noticed depend on this habit of omitting anaphorically determined elements, cf. e. g.: Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it) bore fruit. Pagdatìŋ niya ay sabíhin mo ŋ maghintày. At-the-coming 5of-him be-said (impersonal) by-you that (sc. he) should-wait, i. e. When he comes, tell him to wait.
b. The subject.
88. The subject of a sentence is always an object expression. The only exceptions are complex sentences with entire predications 10(§ 115) or quotations (§ 329) as subject.
89. The subject may have two positions:
(1) Non-enclitic: it precedes or follows the predicate; in the former case the predicate is introduced by the atonic particle ay, y (y often after syllabic vowel, n, or ʾ; see Phonetics): Sumùsúlat 15aŋ bátaʾ. The child is writing; or: Aŋ bátaʾ ay sumùsúlat. Aŋ báta y sumùsúlat. Siyà ay sumùsúlat. Sya y sumùsúlat. He, she is writing. Here siyà, syà is not enclitic.
(2) Enclitic: it follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate: Hindí sya sumùsúlat. Not he is-writing, i. e. He is not writing. 20Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. In these examples siyà is enclitic.
Not only enclitically used pronouns (§§ 63. 64), but even short phrases are thus used: Pinapútol nila si Hwàn naŋ káhoy. Was-ordered-to-cut by-them Juan (subject) some wood, i. e. They ordered 25Juan to cut wood. Here the position of si Hwàn after the first orthotonic word of the predicate (pinapútol) but before the rest of the predicate (naŋ káhoy) shows it to be (like nilà) an enclitic element. With the same subject not enclitically used the sentence would be: Pinapútol nila naŋ káhoy si Hwàn, and this, 30indeed, is the more usual locution.
90. On the use or non-use of an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) see § 87.
c. The predicate.
91. The predicate may be (1) a transient word with its 35modifiers, (2) a static word with its modifiers, or (3) an object expression.
(1) Transient predicate.
92. Transient words fall into four classes according to the four relations which a subject may bear to them when they are used as predicate. We may designate these classes by the following names:
1. active: the subject is viewed as an actor: Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He (subject) is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol 5naŋ káhoy. He (subject) cut some wood. Umalìs syà. He went away.
2. direct passive: the subject is viewed as an object fully affected or produced: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. Was-written by-him the letter (subject), i. e. The letter was written by him, He wrote 10the letter. Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut the wood.
3. instrumental passive: the subject is viewed as a means, an instrument, something given forth or parted from: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story (subject), i. e. 15He wrote the story. Ipinútol nya aŋ gúlok. Was-cut-with by-him the bolo (subject), i. e. He used the bolo for cutting, He cut with the bolo.
4. local passive: the subject is viewed as an object partly or less fully affected, as a place or sphere: Sinulátan nya akò. Was-written-to 20by-him I (subject), i. e. He wrote me. Pinutúlan nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut-from by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut a piece off the wood.
For a detailed description of these classes of transient words, see Morphology.
2593. In general the choice between these four constructions is made in accordance with the logical situation: the definite, known object underlying the predication as starting-point of discourse is chosen as subject: Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given-to (local passive) by-him I (enclitic subject) a book, books, 30i. e. He gave me a book, books. Ibinigay nyà sa ákin aŋ aklàt. Was-given (instrumental passive) by-him to me the book (subject), i. e. He gave me the book. In the first example the speaker is talking about himself, in the second about a certain book.
94. However, the active construction is avoided whenever 35any object other than the actor is available as subject. Especially are active constructions with an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) avoided wherever a passive construction is at hand. Thus, in the instance in § 93, even if “he”, the actor, were the real subject of discourse, one would rarely use the active construction: Sya y 40nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. He (subject) gave (active) me a book, books. Even elements which we should look upon as somewhat indefinite are preferred as subjects to an actor: Kinúha nya aŋ isa ŋ aklàt. Was-taken (direct passive) by-him a book (subject), i. e. He took a (certain) book (he knew, or I know which one or what kind).
The active construction is thus confined to instances in which 5the object-ideas other than the actor are entirely vague and undetermined or lacking: Umalìs syà. He went away. Sya y kumúha naŋ aklàt. He took a book, some books (no matter to him or to me which one or what kind). Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some 10wood. Kumáin sya naŋ kánin. He ate some boiled rice; but: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten (direct passive) by him the boiled rice (subject), i. e. He ate the boiled rice.
If, in spite of the presence of other definite objects, the actor is very decidedly emphasized, a different construction (§§ 104.107.) 15is used.
(2) Static predicate.
95. The predicate may consist of a static word with its modifiers: Aŋ bátà ay mabaìt. The child is good. Iyà y masamàʾ. That’s bad, wrong. Pulà aŋ panyo ŋ itò. This handkerchief is red.
2096. This type of predicate is regular in word-questions: the question word is used as predicate; it precedes the subject: Páno aŋ pagkágusto ninyò sa trabáho-ŋ-kanyunéro? How (predicate) your liking for (i. e. How did you like) the artillery-service? Papáno aŋ pagsasábi sa wíka ŋ Tagálog naŋ salità ŋ Inglès na 25“scissors”? How (predicate) the saying in the Tagalog language of the English word “scissors”? i. e. How does one say “scissors” in Tagalog? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, How serious was (predicate) their quarrel?
97. This is the construction of the interrogative pronouns in 30questions asking for the identity of an object,—unless, indeed, these belong rather under type (3). The interrogative pronouns are the following:
(a) síno who? (singular and plural), síno-síno (explicit plural, § 63, end) is used of persons only, and then only when the answer 35expected is a name or the equivalent; it asks for the identity of a person: Sínu ka? Who are (predicate) you (subject)? Sínu yàn?—Akò. Who’s that? i. e. Who’s there?—I. Sínu ya ŋ tumútuktók? Who’s that knocking? Síno aŋ nagbigày sa iyò? Who (predicate) the one-who-gave (sc. it, anaphoric) to you (subject)? 40i. e. Who gave it to you? Síno aŋ nagsábi sa iyò? Who told you? Who told you so? Síno sa kanila ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two committed the theft? The two are known by name or, at any rate, as personalities. Síno-síno sa maŋa bátaʾ aŋ iyo ŋ nàhúle sa paŋuumìt? Which ones of the children (predicate) did you catch pilfering? literally: the ones caught by you at pilfering, 5subject.
(b) anò what? what kind of? how?, explicit plural anò-anò, asks for the identity of a thing or for the description, character, condition of a person or of a thing: Ano yàn?—Itò y librò. What (predicate) is that you have there (subject)?—This is a book. An 10yòn?—Yo y súnog. What’s that over there?—It’s a fire. Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? What is your name? Ano aŋ sábi mo? What do you say? Ano aŋ íbig mo? What do you want? Ano-anò aŋ pinagsabè ni Hwàn sa iyò? What things did Juan tell you?, literally: What things (predicate) the things said by Juan to you? Anu kà? 15What sort of person are you? Anò aŋ lagày naŋ maŋa bátaʾ?... naŋ asáwa mo? ... naŋ mé báhay? What (or How) is the condition of (i. e. How are) the children? ... your husband or wife? ... your wife?
(c) alìn which? which one? which ones?, explicit plural alìn-alìn, 20is used of persons and things; it asks neither for identification (persons, síno; things, anò) nor for characterization (anò), but for indication, by pointing or by description of the place or some other unessential feature, of persons or things: Alìn aŋ gustu mò? Which one, Which ones do you want? Alìn sa kanila 25ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two (e. g., of these two strange men) committed the theft? Alin-alìn sa maŋa púnu-ŋ-káhoy aŋ iyo ŋ tinagàʾ? Which ones of the trees did you cut down?
98. Of the numerative pronouns (§ 66), boòʾ, ibà, and ilàn 30(in this use interrogative) are used as static predicates: Itò y buòʾ. This is entire, complete, unbroken. Hindí ko gusto iyàn; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. Not by-me wanted (static predicate) that (subject); different (predicate) that by-me wanted (subject), i. e. I don’t want that; what I want is different, I want something 35else. Ilàn aŋ maŋlilígaw? How many are the suitors?
99. Of the modifiers of indefinite quantity (§ 69) several are used as static predicates: Sya y walá na. He is or was gone already. Itò y walàʾ. This does not take place, does not appear, falls away. Malakì aŋ súnog. The fire was great. Marámi aŋ 40nagsàsábi nitò. Many are they who say this.
100. For the disjunctive forms of personal pronouns and of síno as static predicates, see § 169. For local expressions, see § 211. For entire predications as static predicates, § 112 f., quotations, § 114.
(3) Object expression as predicate.
101. If the predicate is an object expression, it may have 5three different forms: (A) definite, (B) circumlocutory definite, and (C) indefinite.
102. (A) A definite object predicate consists simply of a word or phrase in the object construction (§ 61 ff.); it has therefore the same structure as a subject. Usually this predicate precedes 10and is emphatic (emotionally dominant): Itò aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This is (predicate) my dwelling (subject), i. e. Why, it’s here I’m at home!
103. The definite object predicate is especially emphatic in sentences that have as subject a transient word (with or without 15modifiers) in object construction: Si Hwàn aŋ nagnákaw. It was Juan who did the stealing. Siya rìn aŋ kanya ŋ inìíbig. It was he whom she loved. Both nagnákaw and inìíbig are transient.
104. When an emphatic actor cannot be used as subject of a transient predicate (owing to the presence of other definite object 20ideas, § 94), it is often used as the predicate in this construction,—the transient part of the sentence being put into object construction and used as subject. Thus, if, in the sentence: Itò y ginawá ni Hwàn. This (subject) was-done (direct passive) by Juan, the idea of “Juan”, the actor, should become dominant, 25one would not use the active transient predicate (”Si Hwàn ay gumawá nitò”), for the idea of “this” is too definite to allow of the actor’s functioning as subject; one says instead: Si Hwàn aŋ gumawá nitò. It was Juan who did this, with “Juan” as definite object predicate and the rest of the sentence, objectivized, as subject. 30So: Siyà aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. It was he that gave me the (or a) book, books. (cf. § 93). Ikaw ŋàʾ aŋ nagsábi niyàn. It was you yourself who said that.
105. Less commonly the subject precedes the predicate. In this case the construction is quite normal and unemphatic; if 35there is a transient element it usually stands in the predicate: Itò y aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This (subject) is my dwelling. Si Hwàn ay aŋ nagnákaw. Juan is the one who did the stealing.
106. (B) In the circumlocutory definite object predicate the central element is the pronoun siyà (in this use never enclitic), 40which is followed by modifiers which express the real content of the predicate. In this use siyà may apply to inanimate objects and to two or more objects (§ 63). The subject, which has always a moderate degree of emphasis, usually precedes: Itò ay sya kò ŋ tìráhan. This is what is my home, i. e. This is where I live. In most cases the real content of the predicate is a transient 5word (with or without modifiers): Si Pédro ay sya ŋ tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one (siyà) who is knocking. (Less emphatic than the violently transposed Si Pédro aŋ tumútuktòk. It’s Pedro who is knocking, of type A). Aŋ pagkátahol naŋ áso ay syà ŋ ikinágisiŋ naŋ bátaʾ. The barking of the dog is what woke up the 10child. Aŋ maŋa paŋparikìt ay sya kò ŋ pinamutúlan. The kindlings are what I have cut up. Occasionally the predicate precedes: Baká sya ŋ ikapútol naŋ piŋgà aŋ kabigatàn naŋ buháŋin. Perhaps that which may break the carrying-pole (predicate) the weight of the sand (subject), i. e. See that the weight of the sand 15doesn’t break the carrying-pole.
107. This construction, like that of type (A), is often used when a transient predicate is not permissible with an actor-subject; here, however, the sentence is not, as in (A), reversed, but the actor is used as subject and the rest of the sentence as true 20content of the circumlocutory predicate: Si Hwàn ay syà ŋ gumawá nito. Juan is the one who did this. Si Pédro ay syà ŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. Pedro is the person who gave me the book.
108. A predicate of this type may, in its entirety and as a 25unit, be objectivized with aŋ and used as subject of a sentence of type (A): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ ay sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. The doctor alone will be the one to oppose him (literally: he by-him who will-be-opposed, direct passive): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ aŋ sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. It is the doctor alone who will be the one to 30oppose him. Aŋ bintána ŋ iyàn aŋ syà ŋ kahùhulúgan naŋ bátaʾ! It’s that window that will be the place where the child will fall out!
109. (C) The indefinite object predicate has the structure of an object expression, but lacks aŋ (§ 68). In meaning it corresponds, 35roughly, to an English noun-predicate without the: Itò y librò. This (subject) is a book (predicate). Yo y súnog. That’s a fire. Itò y mabúti ŋ librò. This is a good book. Si Hwàn ay isa ŋ magnanákaw. Juan is a thief. Masípag na táo itò. Industrious people (predicate) these (subject), i. e. These are industrious 40people.
110. As indefinite object predicates occur especially the expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they have possessive value: Sya y máy famílya. He has a family. May ápat na pu ŋ paà aŋ hábaʾ. Having forty feet (predicate) the length (subject), i. e. The length is about forty feet. Sya y máy-roo ŋ aklàt. He has a book, books. Sya y wala ŋ aklàt. He has no book, 5no books. Sya y marámi ŋ salapèʾ. He has much money. Hindí maláo ŋ panahòn aŋ kanya ŋ paghihimatày. Her fainting-spell did not last long. Itò y malakì ŋ kagamitàn. This has great use, is much used.
It is to be noted that all the modifiers of indefinite quantity, 10except máy, which is pretonic, are orthotonic and therefore followed by an enclitic subject (§ 89): Máy-roon sya ŋ aklàt. He has no book. But: May dalawà sya ŋ anàk. He has two children.
d. Subordinate predications.
111. An entire predication may be used as subject, predicate, 15or attribute in a longer sentence. The use of such subordinate predications is, however, limited (as opposed, e. g., to English usage) by the habit of freely using transient words (with their modifiers) as attributes: aŋ súpot naŋ kwaltà na kanila ŋ ibinigày pagdáka sa kanila ŋ magúlaŋ the bag of money by-them given 20at once to their parents, i. e. ... which they gave.... It is limited, further, by the freedom of omitting anaphoric elements (§ 87): Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it, subject) bore fruit.
112. Predications as predicates occur very frequently. Aŋ 25ginawá nya ay umalìs sya. That done by-him (subject) was went-away he (predication, as predicate), i. e. What he did was, he went away. Aŋ mabúti ay itápun nilà aŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The best thing (to do) was that they should abandon the children. Aŋ ísip ko y balat lámaŋ naŋ itlòg itò. My thought was (i. e. I 30thought) this was only an egg-shell.
113. Especially common is a whole predication as a predicate describing or characterizing the subject: Aŋ kúba ay mahínaʾ aŋ katawàn. The hunchback was: weak was his body, i. e. was weak of body. Aŋ ikapitu ŋ bátaʾ ay hindí kináin aŋ kanya 35ŋ tinápay. The seventh child was: not was-eaten his bread, i. e. did not eat his bread. Aŋ isa nyà ŋ anàk ay pitò nà ŋ taòn aŋ gúlaŋ. His one child was now seven years of age. This construction, together with the use of impersonal expressions (§ 84) makes possible such a sentence as: Aŋ maŋa karitòn ... ay gabì kuŋ 40ipalákad. The wagons ... were: it-was-night when (sc. they, anaphoric subject) were-made-to-go, i. e. The wagons were driven at night.
114. Direct quotations as predicates are frequent: “Isà!” aŋ sábi naŋ bulàg. “One!” was what the blindman said. “Túnay bagà ŋ akò y inìíbig mo?” aŋ tanòŋ naŋ dalága ni Andrès sa kanyà. “Is it really true that you love me?” was the question 5of Andrés’ young lady to him.
115. A predication as subject is rare: Mabúti táyo y dumoòn sa isa ŋ lugàr.... It is best (predicate) that we go to a place.... Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ maŋa táo y naŋhùhúle naŋ buhày na uŋgòʾ. It is not rare that people go catching live monkeys. 10It will be noted that these predications are not objectivized, cf. § 88.
116. Occasionally, however, the predication used as subject is objectivized: Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ magkalunòd aŋ maŋa táo. It is not rare that people get drowned, or The occurrence that people 15get drowned is not rare. Súkat nà aŋ ikàw ay magpasalámat. It is fitting now that you be thankful.
117. For predications as attributes see the section on attribution.
e. Omission of predicate.
20118. The use of a predicate, or of the central element of a predicate is (like that of any other element, § 87) optional when, if used, it would be anaphoric: (Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: “Matàr!” at sa hulè) si Andrès aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” (Then Juan answered “Matar!” and last) Andrés his “Si!” The form of 25the sentence with the predicate (which is anaphoric from the preceding sumagòt answered) would be: ... si Andrès ay isinagòt aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” ... Andrés was: was-answered his “Si!”, i. e. Andrés answered his “Si!”,—a sentence of the kind described in § 113.