160. Only object expressions are used as disjunctive attributes, 15and all object expressions have a special form for this use.

161. Those beginning with aŋ substitute for this particle the atonic particle naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ laruwàn naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the toy of the boy Juan; little Juan’s toy, toys.

20162. Those beginning with si (§§ 59. 126) substitute for this the atonic particle ni; those beginning with sinà (or silà, § 60) substitute nilà (or ninà), pretonic: aŋ amà ni Hwàn Juan’s father, aŋ báhay nila Hwàn the house of Juan and his family.

163. The personal pronouns as disjunctive attributes take 25the following forms: kò my, nità of us two, nátin our (inclusive), námin our (exclusive); mò thy, niniyò, ninyò your; niyà, nyà his, her, nilà their.

The monosyllabic forms kò and mò are always enclitic, the others usually: Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don’t know, literally: Not 30by-me (it) is-known. aŋ báhay nya his, her house, aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ hindí karanyúwa ŋ talíno nyà his unusual talents (niyà not enclitic).

164. When these enclitics meet an enclitic subject, they precede, unless by the general rule (§ 47) the monosyllabic subject 35kà precedes a disyllabic disjunctive (including niyà, nyà): Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where by-you he was-seen? i. e. Where did you see him? Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given by-him I a book, i. e. He gave me a book. Baká mo iyàn màbúlag. Perhaps by-you it might-be-blinded, i. e. See that you don’t blind it. Hindí ka 40námin dinatnàn. Not you by-us were found-there, i. e. We did not find you in.

165. The personal pronouns have another form, which is used as a conjunctive attribute of quality (cf. § 124, end) and always precedes that modified: its meaning, however, is the same as that of the disjunctive forms just given. These prepositive forms are: 5ákin my, kanità thy and my, átin our (inclusive), ámin our (exclusive); iyò thy, iniyò, inyò your; kaniyà, kanyà his, her, kanilà their, kaní-kanilà their respective, several, various.

Examples: Anò aŋ iyo ŋ ŋálan? What is your name? or: Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, or: aŋ ama kò, aŋ 10kanya ŋ báhay his, her house, aŋ kanyà ŋ mahahába ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ kanità ŋ kwaltà our money (i. e. thine and mine), aŋ kaní-kanilà ŋ báhay their several houses.

Only a demonstrative pronoun modifier precedes these prepositive forms: iyà ŋ iyo ŋ sambalílo ŋ lúmaʾ that old hat of 15yours. Exceptions are rare: aŋ karanyúwa ŋ kanila ŋ kantahìn their usual song; what they usually sing.

166. The demonstrative pronouns, whether standing alone (§ 64) or as modifiers at the beginning of an object expression (§ 130), have the following disjunctive forms: nirè of this (right 20here), nitò of this, niyàn, nyàn of that, niyòn, nyòn, noòn of that (over there). Aŋ kúlay nirì ŋ korbáta ŋ irè ay nàpàpagítan sa itèm at sa pulà. The color of this necktie (I have on) is between black and red. aŋ dúlo nitò the end of this, aŋ anàk niyòn that one’s child (e. g. with pointing gesture), aŋ báhay niyo ŋ táo ŋ 25yaòn the house of that man over there, aŋ anàk noo ŋ táo ŋ iyòn the child of that man over there. The form noòn is used chiefly when the disjunctive attribute expresses time (§ 192).

167. The interrogative pronoun síno, whether used alone or standing first in an object expression as attribute (§ 131), has 30the disjunctive form níno whose? This form, however, is little used, for, while the interrogative pronoun is usually emphatic and tends to come first (§ 96), a disjunctive attribute follows that modified (§ 171). Hence the form níno is used only under peculiar conditions of emphasis: Aŋ sambalílo níno? Whose hat (did you 35say)? Ibinigày sa iyò níno? Given to you by whom? Sinábi sa iyo níno? Told to you by whom?

168. Instead of níno a prepositive form, kaníno, explicit plural kaní-kaníno, is ordinarily used; like the prepositive forms of the personal pronouns it stands in conjunctive attribution and 40precedes that modified. Before it the use of aŋ is optional (§§ 65.131); when aŋ is used the expression is more definite: Kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of a given hat is inquired after) Aŋ kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of each hat is known; the question asks merely which of them is involved) Kaníno ŋ aklàt iyàn? Whose book have you there?

169. The prepositive forms of the personal pronouns and of 5síno are used also as static predicates expressing possession: Aŋ librò ŋ binàbása mo kahápon ay ákin. The book you were reading last night is mine. Kaníno aŋ aklàt na iyàn? Whose is that book? Kaní-kaníno aŋ maŋa báhay na itò? Whose are these houses? The personal pronouns may be followed by saríle own (cf. § 137): Aŋ 10laruwà ŋ itò y áki ŋ saríle. This toy is my own.

170. All other expressions which lack aŋ,—that is, the remaining interrogative pronouns, the numerative pronouns, the cardinal numerals, and object expressions in which these as modifiers stand first (§ 131 ff.),—prefix naŋ, atonic, when used as disjunctive 15attributes: Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Takìp naŋ alì ŋ kahòn itò? Of which box is this the cover? aŋ panukálà naŋ karamíhan the opinion of the majority; Nakàkíta akò naŋ isa ŋ táo. I saw a man.

171. All disjunctive attributes are closely joined and follow 20that which they modify. The only exceptions are the enclitic pronoun forms and expressions of time (§ 192). A disjunctive attribute precedes a subject: Binigyàn nya naŋ aklàt si Hwàn. He gave Juan some books. When the subject is enclitic, it of course precedes: Binigyàn nya si Hwàn naŋ aklàt. Real exceptions, in 25which a non-enclitic subject precedes a disjunctive attribute, are not common: Ipinakìkipagpútol ni Hwàn si Pédro naŋ labòŋ. Juan is asking someone to cut some bamboo-shoots for Pedro.

172. In meaning disjunctive attribution includes almost all cases in which an object element is viewed as the attribute of another 30element in the sentence. The only exception is the sphere of relations expressed by local attribution (§ 195 ff.). The meanings may, very roughly, be divided into seven groups: (1) possessive-partitive, (2) agent, (3) direct object, (4) instrumental object, (5) local object, (6) manner, (7) time.

35173. (1) Possessive-partitive modifier: aŋ kanya ŋ báhay, aŋ báhay nya his house, aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ púno naŋ káhoy the tree (literally head of wood), aŋ púno naŋ ságiŋ the banana-tree, Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Nasúnog aŋ kalahátì naŋ púnoʾ. Half of the tree got burned up. 40Aŋ báyad sa útaŋ ni Pédro ay lábis naŋ dalawà ŋ píso. The payment made to settle Pedro’s debt is too great by two pesos. aŋ óras naŋ alaskwátro the hour of four o’clock, Isà ŋ sundálo ŋ marúnuŋ naŋ Latìn. A soldier who knew Latin, literally: having-knowledge of Latin. aŋ sáko naŋ pálay a rice-sack (cf. § 127), aŋ larú naŋ baráha a game of cards, cf. aŋ larò ŋ taguàn (§ 127) a game consisting of hiding, hide-and-seek, aŋ katapusàn naŋ gabì 5the end of the night; cf. aŋ katapusà ŋ gabì the night which was the end, the last night, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì naŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments of the conversation; cf. aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì ŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments (which consisted) of conversation. Note: aŋ báyan naŋ Balíwag the town of Baliwag, aŋ provìnsya naŋ Pampànga 10the province of Pampanga.

174. The pronoun lahàt as an object expression is followed by this kind of attribute: lahàt naŋ táo all (of) the people.

175. As an object expression saríle self is modified by disjunctive pronouns: aŋ kanyà ŋ saríle his self. Similarly saríle as 15conjunctive attribute, in the sense of own: Walá sya ŋ baìt sa kanya ŋ saríli. He does not do even himself any good. aŋ saríle nila ŋ bànda naŋ músika their own band of music; Aŋ kanya ŋ saríli ŋ barìl aŋ kanya ŋ ginámit. It was his own gun he used, What he used was his own gun. Cf. §§ 137 and 169, end.

20176. The modifier may be an entire predication: sa lugàr naŋ magkasirá silà in place of the (occurrence that) they should become enemies, i. e. instead of their becoming enemies.

177. Here belongs further the disjunctive attribute with words expressing association, companionship, or equality: Si 25Hwána ay siyà ŋ kabùlúŋan ni Maryà. Juana is the one with whom Maria is whispering. Aŋ mésa ŋ itò ay kasiŋkúlay naŋ kahòn. This table is of the same color as the chest. Si Hwàn ay kapantày ni Pédro. Juan is of the same height as Pedro. Kalákip naŋ súlat ko ŋ itò ay limà ŋ píso. Enclosed with this my letter are 30five pesos. gáya ko like me.

178. Similar is the use of a disjunctive modifier expressing one of the objects, with expressions involving dual or plural ideas: silà ni Maryà they with Maria, i. e. Maria and he (88,₄₂), silà ŋ dalawà ni Maryà (92,₁₇).

35179. Here belongs the disjunctive attribute in exclamatory sentences expressing the high degree of a quality; these are formed with anò (§ 131) and with words with prefix ka- (§ 76): Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are! Anu ŋ luwàt naŋ hindí nya pagdatìŋ! What duration of his not arriving! 40i. e. How long he is getting here! Kapulà naŋ panyo ŋ iyòn! What-great-redness of that handkerchief! i. e. How red that handkerchief is! Karúnoŋ naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn! How much little Juan knows! Kaytipìd na bátaʾ ni Hwàn! How-saving a child of Juan! i. e. What an economical boy Juan is!

180. In the preceding and related constructions the attribute may be an entire predication: Kamuntí naŋ màtamaàn aŋ bátaʾ! 5What-little-lack of the (occurrence that) the child should-be-hit! i. e. How near the child came to being hit! Muntí naŋ máliguwak aŋ dala nyà ŋ pulòt. Little-wanting of-the (occurrence that) should-be-spilled the borne by-him honey, i. e. The honey he was carrying came near being spilled.

10181. (2) A disjunctive attribute expressing the agent corresponds in sense to the subject of an active transient predicate. When it modifies a transient word, the corresponding active can be formed: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. He wrote the letter; literally: Was-written by-him (agent) the letter. Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. 15He wrote down the story. Sinulátan nya akò. He wrote to me. The corresponding active is: Syà y sumúlat.... He wrote.... Cf. § 92. So further: Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him; active: Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Kinúha nya aŋ librò. The book was taken by him; active: Syà 20y kumúha naŋ librò. He took some book. Áki ŋ binitíwan aŋ bóte. By-me was-let-go-of the bottle, i. e. I let go of the bottle; active: Bumitìw akò.... Aŋ hiniràm nya ŋ kampìt ay iyo ŋ kúnin. The borrowed by-him (agent) kitchen-knife by-you (agent) is to be taken, i. e. Take the kitchen-knife he borrowed.

25When the word modified is not transient no clear line can be drawn between disjunctive attributes of agent and of possessor: aŋ kanyà ŋ pagdatìŋ his arrival, his arriving, or: the arriving by him, aŋ gámit nya ŋ librò the book used by him, aŋ paupó ni Hwà ŋ sùgálan the gambling-party invited by Juan, aŋ 30dala nyà ŋ pulòt the honey he is or was carrying, Aŋ larò ŋ taguàn ay gustò naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The game of hide-and-seek is liked by children. Hindí ko gustò aŋ librò ŋ itò; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. I don’t want this book; it is a different one I want.

182. When disjunctive agent is the speaker (kò by me 35or its substitute áki ŋ) and the subject is the person addressed (ikàw, kà thou), the pronoun kità usually takes the place of both. This is the commoner value of kità (cf. § 63): Sùsuŋaŋáin kità. I’ll smash your face; the subject of this direct passive expression is the person addressed, the agent the speaker: Ikàw ay áki ŋ 40sùsuŋaŋáin would be an unidiomatic equivalent. Ipaglálaba kità naŋ damìt. I shall wash your clothes for you. The predicate is instrumental passive, with you, the person for whom, as subject. Hàhatdan kità naŋ gátas. I shall deliver milk to you; local passive.

Occasionally the agent is redundantly added: Kità ay áki ŋ parùrusáhan. I shall punish you.

5183. A disjunctive agent is used with the words expressing recent completion of an act with prefix ka- and reduplication: (§ 77): Karáratiŋ ko pa lámaŋ! I have only just arrived. Kakàkáin ko pa lámaŋ! I have only just finished eating.

184. (3) A disjunctive attribute expressing the direct object 10corresponds to the subject of a direct passive transient predicate: Sya y kumáin naŋ kánin. He ate some boiled rice. Passive: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten by-him the boiled rice, i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

It will be seen that when the direct object is definite it is 15more likely to serve as subject of a passive predicate (§ 94); hence the disjunctive attribute expressing a direct object has often an indefinite partitive value. Syà y sumúlat naŋ líham. He wrote some letters. Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Bigyàn mo akò niyà ŋ túbig. Give me some of that water. Katátagpi 20ko niyòn! I have just finished mending that! Sya y naghintày naŋ sàsabíhin naŋ sundálo. He awaited that which was going to be said by the soldier.

185. (4) A disjunctive attribute expressing the instrument corresponds to the subject of an instrumental passive transient 25predicate: Syà y sumúlat naŋ kwènto. He wrote down a story, stories. Passive: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story, i. e. He wrote down the story.

The indefinite value of the disjunctive attribute is here due to the same relation as in the preceding type. Pinútol nya naŋ 30gúlok aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him with a bolo; instrumental passive: Ipinútol nya naŋ káhoy aŋ gúlok. Was-used-for-cutting by-him of wood the bolo, i. e. He cut wood with the bolo. Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. He gave me a book.

186. So a direct quotation or an entire predication: Aŋ 35bulàg ay sumigàw naŋ “Tatlò!” The blindman shouted “Three!”; passive: Isinigàw naŋ bulàg aŋ “Tatlò!” Aŋ báwat isa sa kanilà ay sumagòt naŋ súŋay aŋ kanila ŋ nàkìkíta. Each one answered that horns were what they saw.

187. (5) Disjunctive attributes of place correspond to the 40subject of a local passive transient predication: Syà y pumanhìk naŋ báhay. He entered a house; passive: Pinanhikàn nya aŋ báhay. He entered the house. Aŋ pagòŋ ay nagumpisà naŋ pagsisigàw. The turtle began (a) shouting; passive: Inumpisahàn naŋ pagòŋ aŋ pagsisigàw.

These attributes are in meaning rather close to local attributes (§ 203); as opposed to the latter they are, however, the 5real correspondents of the subject of a local passive transient predication, expressing a real participation of the object in the action or occurrence,—whereas the local attributes express the place of the action as something more or less unaffected and independent.

10188. (6) Disjunctive attributes of manner do not correspond to any kind of subject. When they are used with a transient word the sentence may, however, be reversed so as to make of the attribute a transient predicate of a sentence in which the action (as subject) is spoken of as being “made such and such”. 15Tumakbò sya naŋ matúlin. He ran fast. The words naŋ matúlin are the disjunctive form of an object expression, aŋ matúlin, which would resemble German das schnelle. Our sentence corresponds to: Tinulínan nya aŋ pagtakbò. Was-made-fast by-him his running, He ran fast. Syà y tumáwa naŋ malakàs. He 20laughed aloud, cf. Inilakas nyà aŋ pagtáwa. He made his laughing loud. ... mànákaw naŋ hindí nito nàlàláman should be stolen in the manner of not by-him known, i. e. should be stolen without his knowing it. mataàs naŋ kauntèʾ higher by a little, a little higher.

25189. Expressions of indefinite quantity are used in this way: Silà y nagtakbúhan naŋ wala ŋ hintòʾ. They ran without stopping. This construction is in rivalry with that of conjunctive attribution (§ 146).

190. The demonstrative pronouns and the interrogative pronoun 30anò are not used as attributes of manner; for this value they have separate derivatives: ganitò, ganiyàn, gayòn or ganoòn, and gaáno or gáno. These forms, moreover, occur also as static predicates and as conjunctive attributes of quality: aŋ báwat sumagòt naŋ ganitò every one who answered in this way; this could be 35viewed also as an instrumental object. Ganitò aŋ kalàgáyan nilà. Their condition was like this. aŋ ganitò ŋ maŋa paglalaròʾ such games as this; Ganyàn ba lámaŋ aŋ kínis mo? Is your skill merely like that? Nakàsúlat akò kay Hwàn naŋ gayòn dahilàn sa malakì ko ŋ pagkagálit. I came to write like that (or such things, cf. 40instrumental object) to Juan through my great anger. Ganoòn aŋ áki ŋ pagkárinìg. That was the way (i. e. the form in which) I heard the thing. Aŋ gayù ŋ pananalitàʾ that manner of speaking, that expression. gánu ŋ pagpílit? how much effort? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, how serious is their quarrel? (Cf. § 96).

191. A special case of the disjunctive attribute of manner is the repetition of a word as its own disjunctive modifier, expressing 5continuity or insistence of action: Humábà naŋ humábaʾ. It grew longer and longer. Aŋ kanila ŋ báon ay umuntí naŋ umuntìʾ. Their provisions grew less and less. Si Hwàn ay táwa naŋ táwa. Juan laughs and laughs. Bilì naŋ bilì si Hwàn naŋ pálay. Juan keeps buying rice.

10192. (7) Disjunctive attributes of time express the time when of an occurrence in the past. They differ from other disjunctive attributes in being often loosely joined, in which case they may precede. Pumaroòn sila naŋ hápon. They went there in the afternoon. So: naŋ umága in the morning, noò ŋ tagáraw 15(naŋ taò ŋ míle-nobisyèntos-dòs) in the summer (of the year 1902). Naŋ umulàn ay ginámit ko aŋ kapóte. When it rained I used my rain-coat. Nàlákad sina Pédro naŋ hindì óras. Pedro and his party had to start at a time not planned; literally: when not time.

20193. Complete predications as disjunctive attributes of time are common. It is as though the whole predication were objectivized: Naŋ dumatìŋ ako doòn ay sya y walá na. When I arrived there he was already gone. Noo ŋ sya y bágo ŋ táo pa lámaŋ.... When he was still but a young man....

25194. Anaphorically determined disjunctive attributes are often omitted. Íbig nya ŋ kánin aŋ súhaʾ. Desired by-him that be-eaten (by-him) the grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the grape-fruit. Naŋhiŋí sya sa kanya ŋ maŋa kapatìd. He asked his brothers and sisters (for some). Hindí nila sya binigyàn. He was 30not given (any) by them, They did not give him any.