The material presented in this paper was obtained, for the most part, during a stay of seven months among the tribes of Davao District in Southern Mindanao of the Philippine Islands. Previous to this I had spent a like period studying the Bukidnon, of the North-Central part of the Island, and while thus engaged, had penetrated to within about fifty miles of the Gulf of Davao. In order to trace migrations, relationships, and trade routes, it was determined to continue the work from the Gulf coast toward the interior. In pursuance of this plan I went to Davao in July, nineteen hundred and ten.

All information to be secured from publications, settlers, or natives was to the effect that there were at least fourteen distinct tribes to be met with in the Gulf region. The preliminary reconnaissance of the field made it plain that the earlier classifications were greatly at fault. Several divisions recognized as tribes were found to be only dialect groups, while others differing in no essential respects from one another secured names from the districts in which they resided. It was also found that in recent years there had been a considerable movement of the hill people toward the coast, and that in some places they had penetrated and established themselves in the territory formerly held by other tribes.

The capture of slaves, intermarriage, and trade between the groups have been powerful influences in obliterating tribal lines, thus adding further confusion to the classification of the people.

The field offered so much of interest that I determined to make detailed studies of the various tribes encountered. The work progressed satisfactorily for seven months, when a severe illness caused me to leave the tropics for a time, at least. As a result the work with the Gulf tribes is still far from complete. The tribes living on or near the upper waters of the Agusan river and north of Compostela were not visited, and, hence, will not be mentioned here, while certain other divisions received only scant attention. No attempt is here made to treat of the Christianized or Mohammedanized people, who inhabit a considerable part of the coast and the Samal Islands, further than to indicate their influence on the wild tribes. Both have settled in Davao District in historic times, and have taken many native converts into their villages. From these settlements new ideas, types of garments, and industries have spread toward the interior, while the extensive slave trade carried on by the Moro has had a marked effect on all the tribes with whom they have come in contact.

In the preparation of this paper I have, so far as possible, drawn on the knowledge of others to fill in the gaps in my own notes. In spite of this the information on certain groups is still so scanty that this can be, at best, only a sketch. It is offered at this time in the hope that it may serve as a help to other anthropologists who may plan to visit this most interesting field.

I wish here to extend my thanks to the various civil and military authorities who gave me valuable assistance; also to Captain James Burchfield, H. S. Wilson, James Irwin, Otto Hanson, William Gohn, Henry Hubbell, and Juan de la Cruz, planters, whose wide knowledge of, and acquaintance with the interior tribes made possible my work in many localities.

It is a pleasure and a duty to acknowledge the assistance rendered by my wife, who accompanied me throughout my Philippine work. Her presence made it possible to secure the complete confidence of the hill people, and thus to gain an insight into their home life which otherwise would have been impossible. A large part of the material here presented, particularly that relating to the women, was gathered by her and many of the photographs are from her camera.

The dialects spoken by the tribes of central and southern Mindanao are to be dealt with in a separate publication, so that at this time I shall merely give a brief description of the characters appearing in the native names used in this paper. The consonants are pronounced as in English, except r which is as in Spanish. c is used as ch in church, ñ, which occurs frequently, is a palatal nasal. There is no clear articulation and the stop is not present, but the back of the tongue is well up on the soft palate.

The vowels are used as follows:
macron-a like a in father
macron-e like a in fate
macron-i like i in ravine
macron-o like o in note
macron-u like u in flute
a, e, i, o, u, short of the above.

[Transcriber's note: The macron-over-vowel orthographic symbols have regretfully not been reproducible in this document.]

E is a sound between the obscure vowel e, as e in sun, and the ur in burrow.

The dipthongs[sic] are ai like ai in aisle, au like ou in mouse, or final Spanish ao as in carabao, ei like ei in eight, oi as in boy, also Eu, eu, etc.

FAY-COOPER COLE,
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology.
CHICAGO, September, 1913.

SYNONYMS:

  (a) GUIANGA, GUANGA, GULANGA
  (b) OBO
  (c) TIGDAPAYA
  (d) ETO

The west coast of Davao Gulf between Daliao and Digos is dotted with small villages, the inhabitants of which are largely Bagobo who have been converted to the Christian faith and have been induced to give up their mountain homes and settle in towns. Back of this coast line rise densely timbered mountain peaks, lateral spurs from which often terminate in abrupt cliffs overlooking the sea. From other peaks extensive grass covered plains slope gently down nearly to the water's edge. Deep river canons cut between these mountains and across the plains, giving evidence of active erosion for a long period of time. If these mountain chains and river courses are followed back it is found that they all radiate from one stupendous mass, the center of which is Mt. Apo, the highest mountain in the Philippines and reputed to be an active volcano. Near to its summit is a deep fissure from which, on clear mornings, columns of smoke or steam can be seen ascending, while the first rays of the rising sun turn into gold, or sheets of white, the fields of sulphur which surround the cone.

Along the lower eastern and southern slopes of this mountain and its tributary peaks live the wilder branch of this tribe, whose traditions, religious observances, and daily life are closely related to the manifestations of latent energy in the old volcano.

The exact number who fall under this classification is not known, Governor Bolton, who was intimately acquainted with the wild tribes of the District, estimated their number at sixty-five hundred, but this count did not include the sub-division here given as Obo. One enumeration, made by a Jesuit missionary, places the population at fifteen thousand, while the Government report of 1900 gives them eighteen thousand four hundred. The latter estimates are certainly excessive. It is probable that they were determined by compiling the population of villages reported to exist in the interior.

The wilder members of this tribe are, to a certain extent, migratory, moving their villages from one location to another according to the demands of their mode of agriculture. Their rice fields are made in mountain-side clearings, and as the ever present cogon grass[1] begins to invade the open land they substitute sweet potatoes or hemp. In time even these lusty plants give way to the rank grass, and the people find it easier to make new clearings in the forest than to combat the pest with the primitive tools at their command. This results in some new fields each year, and when these are at too great a distance from the dwellings the old settlements are abandoned and new ones formed at more convenient locations.

[1] Imperata koenigii.

It is probable that the total number belonging to this tribe does not exceed ten thousand persons.

The influence of the neighboring tribes and of the white man on the Bagobo has been considerable. The desire for women, slaves, and loot, as well as the eagerness of individual warriors for distinction, has caused many hostile raids to be made against neighboring tribes. Similar motives have led others to attack them and thus there has been, through a long period, a certain exchange of blood, customs, and artifacts. Peaceful exchange of commodities has also been carried on for many years along the borders of their territory. With the advent of the Moro along the sea coast a brisk trade was opened up and new industries introduced. There seems to have been little, if any, intermarriage between these people, but their relations were sufficiently close for the Moro to exert a marked influence on the religious and civil life of the wilder tribe, and to cause them to incorporate into their language many new words and terms.

The friendly relations with the Moro seem to have been broken off upon the arrival and settlement of the Spaniards in Davao. The newcomers were then at war with the followers of Mohammed and soon succeeded in enlisting the Bagobo rulers in their cause. A Chinese plate decorated with the picture of a large blue fish was offered for each Moro head the tribesmen presented to the Spanish commander. The desire for these trophies was sufficient soon to start a brisk trade in heads, to judge from the number of these plates still to be seen among the prized objects of the petty rulers.

After the overthrow of Moro power on the coast, Jesuit missionaries began their labors among the Bagobo, and later established their followers in several villages. In 1886 Father Gisbert reported eight hundred converts living in five coast towns. Following the conflict between Spain and the United States, and during the subsequent insurrection, these villages were left without protection or guidance. As a result, large numbers of the inhabitants retired to the hills where they were again merged with their wilder brothers. Naturally, they carried with them new ideas as well as material objects. With the re-establishment of order under American rule many returned to the deserted villages while others were induced by Governor Bolton to form compact settlements midway between the coast and the mountain fastnesses. The influence of the Government has become stronger each year, and following the human sacrifice at Talun in 1907, that powerful village and several of the neighboring settlements were compelled to move down near to the sea where they could be more easily controlled.

Schools have been opened in some localities and these, together with the activities of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, are causing a rapid change in the life and beliefs of the tribe.

The presence of American hemp planters, with the consequent demand for laborers, is also proving an immense factor in wiping out old tribal lines and in introducing new ideas.

Beyond a few letters written by the missionaries[2] we find scant reference to this tribe in history, but their own traditions and genealogies are well known even by the younger generation.

[2] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands.

According to the tribal historians the human race sprang from a man, Toglái, and his wife, Toglibon, who lived on Mt. Apo.[3] "They were there from the beginning, at a point near to the present settlement of Cibolan. Many fruits grew on the mountains and the forests abounded in game so that it was easy for them to secure food. There were born to them children, who, when they grew up, married. One day Toglái and Toglibon told their oldest boy and girl that they should go far away across the ocean, for there was a good place for them. So the two departed and were seen no more until their descendants, the white people, came back to Davao. The other children remained with their parents and were happy and prosperous until Toglái and Toglibon died and went to the sky, where they became spirits. Soon after their death the country suffered a great drought. This finally became so severe that the water in the rivers dried up and there was no more food in the land. At last the children were forced to leave their home and seek out new habitations in other parts. They traveled in pairs, in different directions, until they came to favorable locations where they settled down. From them have sprung all the tribes known to the Bagobo. One pair was too weak to make the journey from the drought-cursed land, and staid at Cibolan. One day the man crawled out into the ruined fields to see if he could not find some one thing alive, and when he arrived there he saw, to his amazement, a single stalk of sugar cane growing lustily. He cut it with his knife, and water began to come out until there was enough for the couple to drink. The flow did not cease until the rains came again to refresh the land. From these two the tribe has again grown until it numbers its members in the thousands. The people have remained true to their belief in the spirits, and each year has found them stronger in numbers, and richer in houses, land, and slaves."

[3] See fuller account by author, in Philippine Journal of Science. June 1911, Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 128-9.

The genealogy of the Bagobo rulers is traced back through ten generations. The first ruler of whom there is record was Salingolop, during whose reign, it seems, the Spaniards first came to the Philippines. According to the tale[4] "Salingolop was a man of great and prodigious force, and as tall as the Lauan, which is the tallest tree in these forests. He had three sons called Bato, Sipongos, and Calisquisan, and a daughter named Panugutan. When the Spaniards arrived at Manila, and found that there existed a man so tall and powerful, they sent a battalion of soldiers. They disembarked on the shore of Bimigao near Daron, and ascended the mountain where Salingolop lived. He was not found, because at the time he was on the other side of the mountain hunting wild boars, and the soldiers returned to the shore, taking Panugutan as a hostage. Salingolop, having found out what had happened descended the mountain alone to fight the soldiers which were there. These fired on him, but in vain, because the balls could make no impression. On seeing this, they dropped their rifles and with bars of iron they struck him on the legs, trying to overthrow him. As he fell on the side towards the sea, the noise of the waves, it is said, reached to the Cape of San Augustin. They cut off his head and, as he lay dead, they cut off his legs that he might not arise again. The Spaniards returned to Manila, taking with them Panugutan; she married in Manila a Spaniard, by whom she had two children, who later returned to these parts and were well received, being considered not only as friends but as brothers of the Bagobo."

[4] Recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J.

Salingolop was succeeded by his son Bato who, in turn, was followed by Boas, Basian, Lumbay, Banga, Maliadi, and Taopan. Until we come to this last mentioned ruler we learn little more of importance, but at the beginning of his rule, we learn that the Bagobo had become a powerful people. Under his leadership they made frequent forays into neighboring districts and returned with many slaves and rich loot. The datu[5] was noted as a brave warrior, but in addition to this he was a wise and just ruler, greatly beloved by all his people. When he died more than one thousand of his subjects attended the funeral which lasted ten days. On the last day the house was decked, inside and out, with red and yellow flowers; many valuable gifts were placed beside the corpse, and the place was then abandoned.

[5] The Moro name for chief or ruler. The Bagobo name is lagaimóda or matanem, but the Moro term is in general use.

He was succeeded by his son Pangilan, whose administration, like that of his father, was firm and just. Upon his death he bequeathed the leadership of a united people to his son Manib. The new datu did not prove to be a great warrior and his decisions in matters of dispute were not always just, so that bad blood arose between the people of Cibolan and Talun. He was unable to quell the disturbances, and finally open warfare broke out, petty chiefs of other districts throwing off his control and ruling as datu. This was the condition which confronted the present ruler, Tongkaling, when he found himself ruler of Cibolan.

The claims of leadership over all the Bagobo had never been relinquished, but the actual power of the datu outside his own district amounted to little. Tongkaling soon established his right to the name of a great warrior, and his people so prospered under his rule that upon the advent of the Americans he was much the most powerful among the several chiefs. Under the administration of Governor Bolton, Tongkaling was officially recognized as head of the Bagobo, and with this added prestige, he has finally succeeded in gaining recognition from all the chiefs except those about Santa Cruz, but his actual control over them is still very slight. He has been a consistent friend of the Americans, but has jealously guarded his people against outside influences, so that they are much less affected than those of other districts. For this reason we shall, in this paper, use Cibolan as a type settlement, but where radical differences occur in other districts they will be noted.

[6] This subject will be treated fully in a separate publication.

An idea of the general appearance of the Bagobo can best be obtained by a study of the accompanying photographs. Plates II-VIII.

Measurements were made on thirty-three men and fifteen women. The maximum height of the males was found to be 164.8 cm.; minimum 149.8 cm.; with an average of 158.6 cm. For the women the maximum was 152.8 cm.; minimum 141 cm.; average 147.3 cm.

The cephalic indices of the same individuals showed 84.5 as the maximum, 74.3 minimum, and 78.8 the average for the males. The maximum for the females was 83.1, minimum 76.2, average 80.7. The average length-height index, taken from the tragus to the vertex, of the same persons, was 69.8—maximum 75.6, minimum 65.1 for the men; and for the women 73.1—maximum 76.6, minimum 70.2.

The face is long, moderately broad, and the zygomatic arches are seldom prominent. The forehead is high and full with supra-orbital ridge slightly developed. The crown and back of the head are rather strongly arched. The people are seldom prognathous, yet individuals are met with who are markedly so (Plate V).

The lips are full and bowed; the chin is round and well formed. The root of the nose is depressed; the ridge broad and generally inclined to be concave, although straight noses are not uncommon. The nasal wings are moderately broad and arched or swelled. The eye slits are oblique and moderately open, showing dark or brown-black eyes. The hair is brown-black and generally slightly wavy or loosely curled, while in some cases it is found curled in locks. Women comb their hair straight back and plaster it with cocoanut oil, but even this does not prevent stray locks from creeping out. Both face and body hairs are scanty and are generally removed, yet occasionally a man is seen who has cultivated a few hairs into a fair semblance of a beard.

The Bagobo, while well nourished, are inclined to be of slight build, with very narrow waists. In color they are a light reddish brown with a slight olive tinge which is more pronounced in the women than in the men.

In a brief summary, we can say that they are a short, slightly built, metsati-cephalic people, with wavy hair, long faces, and broad, full noses and lips. Individuals are met with who exhibit many of the physical characteristics of the Negrito;[7] while still others, both in color and facial lines, are comparable to the Chinese.

[7] Pygmy blacks of the Philippines.

No wild tribe in the Islands gives more attention to dress than does the Bagobo. By an intricate process hemp is colored and woven into excellent garments, which, in turn, are decorated with embroidery, applique, or designs in shell disks and beads. The men wear their hair long and after twisting it around the head hold it in place with kerchiefs, the edges of which are decorated with beads and tassels.

A close fitting undershirt is often worn, and above this is an elaborately beaded or embroidered coat which generally opens in front. The hemp cloth trousers scarcely reach to the knee, and the bottom of each leg is decorated with a beaded or embroidered band. Two belts are worn, one to hold the trousers, the other to support the fighting or working knives which each man carries. In lieu of pockets he has on his back an elaborately beaded hemp cloth bag bordered with tassels and bells of native casting. Highly prized shell bracelets, worn as cuffs by some men, are made of a large, conical sea-shell (Fig. 1) the base and interior spirals of which have been cut away. Necklaces made of rattan strips decorated or overlaid with alternating layers of fern and orchid cuticle (Fig. 2) are frequently seen, while many strands of beads and carved seeds surround the necks of both men and women. Both sexes also wear, above the calf of the leg, plaited or beaded leglets to some of which magical properties are ascribed.

The woman wears a jacket which is close fitting about the neck and reaches to the skirt, so that no portion of the upper part of the body is exposed. The cloth now used in this garment is generally secured in trade, and in recent years decoration in applique has begun to succeed the excellent embroidery seen on older garments. Frequently the two types of decoration are seen on the same jacket, and to these are added complicated designs in shell or metal disks, or beads. The narrow tube skirt is of hemp cloth and is made like a sack with both ends open. At the waist it is held in place by means of a cloth or beaded belt.

In addition to the many strands of beads which encircle the neck and fall over the chest, a broad bead band is often worn over one shoulder, passing under the opposite arm near the waist. Scarfs of colored cloth are also worn in this manner when the ladies are on dress parade. Leglets and brass anklets, made like tubes so as to enclose metal balls (Fig. 3) or with bells and rattles attached, are commonly worn. The women are fond of loading their arms with ornaments of shell or brass (Fig. 4) and one forearm is covered with separate rings of incised brass wire which increase in size from the centre towards the ends, forming an ornament in the shape of an hour-glass. Their hair is generally cut so as to leave a narrow band in front; this is brushed back, but often falls forward on the face or in front of the ears. Back of this the hair is kept well oiled and is combed straight to the back of the head, where it is tied in a knot. Into this knot is pushed a wooden comb decorated with incised lines filled with lime, or inlaid with beads. On festive occasions more elaborate combs, with plumes or other decorations attached, are worn. Aside from these ornaments the head is uncovered.

Men and women are seen who have their eyebrows shaved to thin lines. This is a matter of individual taste and is done only for beauty.

Neither sex makes use of tattooing, nor do they mutilate the lips or nose, but what they lack in these respects they make up for in ear ornaments.

When a child is very young a small hole is pierced in the ear lobes, and into this opening a piece of twisted banana or hemp leaf is placed. (Fig. 5a). This leaf acts as a spring, continually enlarging the opening until the ear plugs can be inserted. Another method, sometimes employed, is to fill the opening with small round sticks (Fig. 5b), adding more from time to time, until the desired result is obtained. The plugs worn by the women are of wood, the fronts of which are inlaid with silver or brass in artistic designs, and are connected by strands of beads passing under the chin (Fig. 6). Large wooden ornaments are also worn by the men, but more prized are large ivory ear plugs made like enormous collar buttons (Plates II-IV). These are very rare, since the ivory for their manufacture must be secured from Borneo, and by the time it has passed through the hands of many traders it has assumed a value which limits the possession of articles made from it to a few wealthy men. A further method of ear adornment, frequently seen among the women, consists of beads sewed into a number of holes which have been pierced through the helices of the ears.

Both men and women file and blacken the teeth. When a boy or girl has reached the age of puberty, it is time that this beautifying should be done. There is, however, no prohibition to having it performed earlier if desired. The candidate places his head against the operator and grips a stick of wood between his teeth while each tooth is filed so as to leave only the stump, or is cut or broken to a point (Plate XIIa and b). When this has been successfully accomplished, what is left of the teeth is blackened.

The color is obtained in two ways. The more common method is to place a piece of metal on one end of a bamboo[8] tube, the other extremity of which rests on glowing coals. The smoke from the charring bamboo is conducted through the tube to the cold metal on which it leaves a deposit or "sweat." This deposit is rubbed on the teeth, at intervals, for several days until they become a shiny black. A second method is to use a powder known as tapEl which is secured from the lamod tree. The writer did not see this tree but, from the description given of it, believes it to be the tamarindus. This powder is put on leaves and is chewed. During the period of treatment the patient is under certain restrictions. He may neither drink water, cook or eat anything sour, nor may he attend a funeral. Should he do so his teeth will have a poor color or be "sick." When the teeth have been properly beautified the young man or woman is considered ready to enter society.

[8] A variety known as balakáyo is used for this purpose.

Boys run about quite nude until they are three or four years of age. Until about the same age the girls' sole garment is a little pubic shield, cut from a coconut shell and decorated with incised lines filled with lime (Fig. 7). Not infrequently bells are attached to the sides of this "garment." When children do begin to wear clothing their dress differs in no respects from that of their elders.