In warfare he sought glory rather from an impulse of
duty than from one of gain, and was determined to preserve
the borders of the empire intact rather than to
extend them to greater distances. In the matter of
men he appointed to the administration of public
affairs, so far as possible, those who were particularly
scrupulous about right conduct, and he rewarded good
officials with the honors that were in his power to grant,
whereas he banished the worthless (though without
any harshness) from the conduct of public affairs.
7
He was admired not alone by those of his own race,
but even by foreigners, as was shown by some of the
neighboring barbarians laying down their arms and
permitting the prince to decide their quarrels by his
vote. And whereas he had in the course of his life as
a private citizen amassed a vast amount of money,
when he entered upon office he expended his own
abundance upon gifts for the soldiers and for his
friends. To the public treasury he left a great deal of
property of all kinds.
DURATION OF TIME
M. Ael. Aurel. Verus Caes. (III), L. Ael. Aurel. Commodus
(II).
(A.D. 161 = a.u. 914 = First of Marcus, from March
7th).
Iunius Rusticus, Vettius Aquilinus.
(A.D. 162 = a.u. 915
= Second of Marcus).
I. Aelianus, Pastor.
(A.D. 163 = a.u. 916 = Third of
Marcus).
M. Pompeius Macrinus, P. Iuventius Celsus.
(A.D. 164 =
a.u. 917 = Fourth of Marcus).
L. Arrius Pudens, M. Gavius Orfitus.
(A.D. 165 = a.u. 918
= Fifth of Marcus).
Q. Servilius Pudens, L. Fufidius Pollio.
(A.D. 166 = a.u.
919 = Sixth of Marcus).
L. Aurelius Verus Aug. (III), Quadratus.
(A.D. 167 = a.u.
920 = Seventh of Marcus).
T. Iunius Montanus, L. Vettius Paulus.
(A.D. 168 = a.u.
921 = Eighth of Marcus).
Q. Sosius Priscus, P. Caelius Apollinaris.
(A.D. 169 = a.u.
922 = Ninth of Marcus).
M. Cornelius Cethegus, C. Erucius Clarus.
(A.D. 170 = a.u.
923 = Tenth of Marcus).
L. Septimius Severus (II), L. Alfidius Herennianus.
(A.D.
171 = a.u. 924 = Eleventh of Marcus).
Maximus, Orfitus.
(A.D. 172 = a.u. 925 = Twelfth of
Marcus).
M. Aurelius Severus (II), T. Claudius Pompeianus.
(A.D.
173 = a.u. 926 = Thirteenth of Marcus).
Gallus, Flaccus.
(A.D. 174 = a.u. 927 = Fourteenth of
Marcus).
Piso, Iulianus.
(A.D. 175 = a.u. 928 = Fifteenth of
Marcus).
Pollio (II), Aper (II).
(A.D. 176 = a.u. 929 = Sixteenth
of Marcus).
L. Aurel. Commodus Aug., Quintilius.
(A.D. 177 = a.u.
930 = Seventeenth of Marcus).
Rufus, Orfitus. (A.D. 178 = a.u. 931 = Eighteenth of
Marcus).
Commodus Aug. (II), T. Annius Aurel. Verus (II).
(A.D.
179 = a.u. 932 = Nineteenth of Marcus).
L. Fulvius Bruttius Praesens (II), Sextus Quintilius Condianus.
(A.D. 180 = a.u. 933 = Twentieth of Marcus, to March
17th).
A.D. 161 (a.u. 914)
1
Marcus Antoninus, the philosopher, upon obtaining
the sovereignty at the death of Antoninus, who adopted
him, had immediately taken to share the authority with
him the son of Lucius Commodus, Lucius Verus. He
was personally weak in body and he devoted the
greater part of his time to letters. It is told that even
when he was emperor he showed no shame (or hesitation)
at going to a teacher for instruction, but became
a pupil of Sextus, the Boeotian philosopher,
[
]
and did
not hesitate to go to hear the lectures of Hermogenes
on rhetoric. He was most inclined to the Stoic school.
Lucius, on the other hand, was strong and rather
young, and better suited for military enterprises.
Therefore, Marcus made him his son-in-law by marrying
him to his daughter Lucilla, and sent him to the
Parthian war.
2
For Vologaesus had begun war by assailing on all
sides the Roman camp under Severianus, situated in
Elegeia, a place in Armenia; and he had shot down and
destroyed the whole force, leaders and all. He was
now proceeding with numbers that inspired terror
against the cities of Syria.
A.D. 162 (a.u. 915)
Lucius, accordingly, on
coming to Antioch collected a great many soldiers, and
with the best commanders under his supervision took
up a position in the city, spending his time in ordering
all arrangements and in gathering the contingent for
the war. He entrusted the armies themselves to Cassius.
The latter made a noble stand against the attack
A.D. 165 (a.u. 918)
of Vologaesus, and finally the chieftain was deserted
by his allies and began to retire; then Cassius pursued
him as far as Seleucia and destroyed it and razed to
the ground the palace of Vologaesus at Ctesiphon. In
the course of his return he lost a great many soldiers
through famine and disease, yet he started off to Syria
with the men that were left. Lucius attained glory by
these exploits and felt a just pride in them, yet his extreme
good fortune did him no good.
A.D. 169 (a.u. 922)
For he is said
to have subsequently plotted against his father-in-law
Marcus and to have perished by poison before he could
accomplish anything.
* * * * *
Fragments of Dio from Suidas (thought by de Valois
to belong to Book LXXI).
[Martius Verus sends out Thucydides to conduct
Sohaemus into Armenia; and he, in spite of lack of
arms, applied himself sturdily to this distant task with
the inherent good sense that he showed in all business
falling to his lot. Marcus had the gift not only of
overpowering his antagonists or anticipating them by
swiftness or outwitting them by deceit (on which qualities
generals most rely), but also of persuading them
by trustworthy promises and conciliating them by generous
gifts and luring them on by tempting hopes. He
was suave in all that he did or said, and soothed the
vexed and angry feelings of each adversary while
greatly raising his hopes. He knew well the right time
for flattery and presents and entertainment at table.
And since in addition to these talents he showed persistency
in endeavor and activity together with speed
against his foes, he made it plain to the barbarians that
his friendship was better worth gaining than his
enmity. So when he arrived at the New city, which a
garrison of Romans placed there by Priscus was occupying,
and found them attempting mutiny, he took care,
both by word and by deed, to bring them to a better
temper, and he made the city the foremost of Armenia.]
[* *
Bridging
.--By the Romans the streams and
rivers are bridged with the greatest ease, since the soldiers
are always practicing at it, and it is carried on
like any other warlike exercise on the Ister and the
Rhine and the Euphrates. The manner of doing it
(which I think not everybody knows) is as follows. The
boats, by means of which the river is bridged, are flat.
They are anchored up stream a little above the spot
where the bridge is to be constructed. When the signal
is given, they first let one ship drift down stream close
to the bank that they are holding. When it has come
opposite the spot to be bridged, they throw into the
water a basket filled with stones and fastened with a
cord, which serves as an anchor. Made fast in this
way the ship is joined to the bank by planks and
bridgework, which the vessel carries in large quantities,
and immediately a floor is laid to the farther edge.
Then they release another ship at a little distance from
this one and another one after that until they run the
bridge to the opposite bank. The boat which is near
the hostile side carries also towers upon it and a gate
and archers and catapults.
As many weapons were hurled at the men engaged in
bridging, Cassius ordered weapons and catapults to be
discharged. And when the front rank of the barbarians
fell, the rest gave way.]
A.D. 172 (a.u. 925)
3
Cassius, however, was bidden by Marcus to have the
superintendence of all Asia. The emperor himself
fought for a long time, in fact almost his whole life, one
might say, with the barbarians in the Ister region, the
Iazyges and the Marcomani, first one and then the
other, and he used Pannonia as his starting point.
The Langobardi and the Obii
[
]
to the number of six thousand
crossed the Ister, but the cavalry under Vindex
[
]
marched out and
the infantry commanded by Candidus got the start of them, so that
an utter rout of the barbarians was instituted. The barbarians, thrown
into consternation by such an outcome of their very first undertaking,
despatched as envoys to the headquarters of Iallius Bassus
[
]
(administrator
of Pannonia) Bellomarius
[
]
, king of the Marcomani, and ten
more, for they selected one man per nation. The envoys took oaths to
cement the peace and departed homewards.
Many of the Celtae, too, across the Rhine, advanced
to the confines of Italy and inflicted much serious harm
upon the Romans. They, in turn, were followed up by
Marcus, who opposed to them the lieutenants Pompeianus
and Pertinax. Pertinax, who later became
emperor, greatly distinguished himself. Among the
corpses of the barbarians were found also the bodies
of women in armor.
A.D. 168(?)
Yet, when a most violent struggle and brilliant victory
had taken place, the emperor nevertheless refused
the petition of the soldiers for money, making this
statement: "Whatever excess they obtain above the
customary amount will be wrung from the blood of their
parents and their kinsmen. For respecting the fate of
the empire Heaven alone can decide."--And he ruled
them so temperately and firmly that even in the course
of so many and great wars he was impelled neither by
flattery nor by fear to do aught that was unfitting.
A.D. 171 (a.u. 924)
When in one battle the Marcomani were successful
and killed Marcus Vindex, the prefect, he erected three
statues in his memory.
A.D. 172 (a.u. 925)
After conquering them Marcus
received the title of Germanicus. We give the
name "Germans" to those who dwell in the northern
regions.
4
The so-called Bucoli began a disturbance in Egypt,
and under the leadership of Isidorus, a priest,
[
]
caused
the rest of the Egyptians to revolt. They had first,
arrayed in women's garments, deceived the Roman
centurion, making him think that they were Bucoli
women and wanted to give him gold pieces in exchange
for their husbands, and then striking him down when
he approached them. His companion they sacrificed,
and after taking a common oath over his entrails they
devoured them. Isidorus surpassed in bribery all his
contemporaries. Next, having conquered the Romans
in Egypt in regular battle they came very near capturing
Alexandria, and would have done so, had not
Cassius been sent against them from Syria as directing
general. He succeeded in spoiling the concord that
existed among them and sundering them one from
another, for on account of their numbers and desperation
he had not ventured to attack them united. So
when they fell into factional disputes he easily subdued
them.
5
Now it was in Marcus's war against the Germans (if
mention ought to be made of these matters), that a captive
lad on being asked some questions by him rejoined:
"I can not answer you because of the cold. So
if you want to find out anything, command that a coat
be given me, if you have one."--And a soldier one
night, who was doing guard duty on the Ister, hearing
a shout of his fellow-soldiers in captivity on the other
side, at once swam the stream just as he was, released
them, and brought them back.
One prefect of Marcus's was Bassaeus Rufus, a good
man on the whole, but uneducated and boorish, having
been brought up in poverty in his early youth.
[Wherefore he had been disinclined to go on the campaign,
and what Marcus said was incomprehensible to
him.]
Once some one had interrupted him in the midst
of trimming a vine that wound about a tree, and when
he did not come down at the first bidding, the person
rebuked him, and said: "Come down there, prefect."
This he said thinking to humiliate him for his previous
haughtiness; yet later Fortune gave him this title to
wear.
6
The emperor, as often as he had leisure from war,
held court and used to order that a most liberal supply
of water be measured out for the speakers.
[
]
He made
inquiries and answers of greater length, so that exact
justice was ensured by every possible expedient.
When thus engaged he would often hold court to try
the same case for eleven or even twelve days and sometimes
A.D. 172 (a.u. 926)
at night. He was industrious and applied himself
diligently to all the duties of his office; and there
was nothing which he said or wrote or did that he regarded
a minor matter, but sometimes he would consume
whole days on the finest point, putting into practice
his belief that the emperor should do nothing hurriedly.
For he thought that if he should slight even
the smallest detail, it would bring him reproach that
would overshadow all his other achievements. Yet he
was so frail in body that at first he could not endure
the cold, but when the soldiers had already come together
in obedience to orders he would retire before
speaking a word to them; and he took but very little
food always, and that at night. It was never his custom
to eat during the daytime unless it were some of the
drug called theriac.
[
]
This drug he took not so much
because he feared anything as because his stomach
and chest were in bad condition. And it is related that
this practice enabled him to endure the disease as well
as other hardships.
A.D. 172(?) 173(?)
7
The Iazyges were conquered by the Romans on land
at this time and subsequently on the river. By this I
mean not that any naval battle took place, but that the
Romans followed them as they fled over the frozen
Ister and fought there as on dry land. The Iazyges,
perceiving that they were being pursued, awaited the
foe's onset, expecting easily to overcome them, since
their opponents were not accustomed to ice. Accordingly,
some of the barbarians dashed straight at them,
while others rode around to attack the flanks, for their
horses were trained to run safely even over a surface
of this kind. The Romans, seeing this, were not
alarmed, but made a close formation, placing themselves
so as to face all of them at once. The majority
laid down their shields and resting one foot upon them,
so that they might slip less, received the enemy's assault.
Some seized bridles, others shields and spear-shafts,
and drew them towards them. Then, becoming
involved in close conflict, they knocked down both men
and horses, for on account of their momentum the
enemy could not help slipping. The Romans also
slipped down: but in case one of them fell on his back
he dragged his adversary down on top of him and then
by winding his legs about him as in a wrestling match
would get him underneath; and if one fell on his face,
he made his opponent fall before he did, also on his
face. The barbarians, being unused to a contest of
this sort, and having lighter equipment, were unable to
resist, so that but few escaped out of a large force.
A.D. 174 (a.u. 927)
8
So Marcus made the Marcomani and Iazyges subservient
by a series of great struggles and dangers. A
great war against the so-called Quadi also fell to his lot
and it was his good fortune to win an unexpected victory,
or rather it was given him from Heaven. At a
time when the Romans had run into danger in the battle
the Heavenly Power most unexpectedly saved them.
The Quadi had surrounded them at an opportune spot
and the Romans were fighting valiantly with their
shields locked together: and the barbarians ceased
fighting, expecting to capture their enemies easily by
heat and thirst. So they posted guards all about and
hemmed them in to prevent their getting water anywhere,
for the barbarians were far superior in numbers.
The Romans fell into dire distress from their
fatigue and wounds and the sun's heat and their thirst,
and for these reasons could neither fight nor march in
any direction but were standing and being scorched in
line of battle and at their several posts, when suddenly
numbers of clouds rushed together and a great rain,
certainly of divine origin, came pouring down. Indeed,
there is a story that Arnouphis, an Egyptian wizard,
who was a companion of Marcus, invoked by means of
enchantments various deities and in particular Mercury,
god of the air, and by this means attracted the
rain.
9
This is what Dio says about it, but he seems to be
telling an untruth, whether voluntarily or involuntarily;
I am more inclined to think it is voluntarily. It
surely must be so, for he was not ignorant of the fact
that one company of the soldiers had the special name
of "The Thunderbolt" (he mentions it in the list along
with the rest),
[
]
and this was due to no other cause (nor
is any other reported) save that event which gave rise
to the title in this very war,--an event which enabled
the Romans to survive on this occasion and brought destruction
upon the barbarians. It was not Arnouphis,
the wizard, for Marcus is not accounted to have taken
pleasure in the company of wizards and charms. But
what I have reference to is as follows: Marcus had a
company (and the Roman name for company is "legion")
of soldiers from Melitene. They were all worshipers
of Christ. Now it is stated that in that battle,
when Marcus was in a quandary over having been surrounded
and feared the loss of his whole army, the
prefect approached him and said that those called
Christians can accomplish anything whatever by their
prayers, and that among them there chanced to be a
whole company of this sect. Marcus, on hearing this,
made an appeal to them to pray to their God. And
when they had prayed, the God immediately gave
ear, hurling a thunderbolt upon the enemy and encouraging
the Romans with rain. Marcus was astounded
at what happened and honored the Christians by an
official decree, while the legion he named "The Thunderbolt."
It is said also that there is a letter of Marcus
extant on this matter. But the Greeks, though they
know that the company was called "Thunderbolt"
and bear witness to the fact themselves, make no statement
whatever about the reason for the appellation.
10
Dio goes on to say that when the rain poured down
at first all bent their faces upwards and received it in
their mouths. Then some held their shields and
their helmets as pails, and they themselves took fullmouthed
draughts of it and gave their horses to drink.
The barbarians making a charge upon them, they drank
and fought at the same time; and some who were
wounded gulped down together the water and the blood
that flowed into their helmets. The most of them had
given so much attention to drinking that they would
have suffered some great damage from the enemy's
onset had not a violent hail and numbers of thunderbolts
fallen upon the latter's ranks. In the same spot
one might see water and fire descending from Heaven
at the same time: the one side was being drenched and
drinking, the other was being burned with fire and
dying. The fire did not touch the Romans, but if it fell
anywhere among them it was straightway extinguished.
On the other hand, the shower did the barbarians no
good, but like oil served rather to feed the flames that
fed on them, and they searched for water while in the
midst of rain. Some wounded themselves in the attempt
to put out the fire with blood, and others ran
over to the side of the Romans, convinced that they
alone had the saving water. Marcus finally took pity
on them. He was for the seventh time saluted as
imperator by the soldiers. And although he was not
wont to accept any such honor before the senate voted
it,
[
]
nevertheless this time he took it under the assumption
that it was bestowed from Heaven, and he sent a
despatch to that effect to the senate.--Moreover Faustina
was named "Mother of the Legions."
11
[Marcus
[Antoninus]
remained in Pannonia in order
to transact business with the embassies of the barbarians.
Many came to him also at this time. Some
promised an alliance: they were led by Battarius, a
child twelve years old, and they received money and
succeeded in restraining Tarbus, a neighboring potentate,
who had come into Dacia, was demanding money,
and threatening to make war if he should not get it.
Others, like the Quadi, were asking for peace, and they
obtained it, the emperor's purpose being to have them
detached from the Marcomani. Another reason was
that they gave horses and cattle, surrendered all the
deserters and the captives at first to the number of
thirteen thousand, though later they promised to restore
the remainder as well. However, the right of
free intercourse even at markets was not granted them,
the intention being to prevent the Iazyges and the Marcomani,
whom they had sworn not to receive nor let
pass through their country, from either mingling with
them or presenting themselves also in the guise of
Quadi,--a plan which would enable them to reconnoitre
the Roman position and to purchase provisions. Besides
these who came to Marcus, many others despatched
envoys, some by tribes and some by nations,
offering to surrender themselves. Some of them were
sent on campaigns to other parts of the world, and the
captives and deserters who were fit for it were similarly
treated. Others received land, in Dacia or in
Pannonia or in Moesia and Germany or in Italy itself.
A few of them who settled at Ravenna made an uprising
and even dared to take possession of the city:
and for this reason he did not again bring any barbarian
into Italy, but made even those who had previously
come there find homes outside.]
Detachments of both Astingi and Lacringi had come to lend assistance
to Marcus.
12
[The Astingi, whose leaders were Raus and Raptus,
came into Dacia to settle, in the hope of receiving both
money and land in return for terms of alliance. As
they did not obtain this, they put their wives and children
in the keeping of Clemens,
[
]
with the apparent intention
of acquiring the land of the Costobocci by force
of arms; and upon conquering them they injured Dacia
no less. The Lacringi, fearing that Clemens out of
dread might lead these newcomers into the land which
they were inhabiting, attacked them off their guard and
won a decisive victory. As a result, the Astingi committed
no further deeds displaying hostility to the
Romans, but by making urgent supplication to Marcus
received money from him and asked that land might be
given them if they should harm in some way his temporary
enemies. Now these performed some of their
promises. The Cotini made similar propositions, but
upon getting control of Tarrutenius Paternus, secretary
of the emperor's Latin letters, under the pretext
of requiring his aid for a campaign against the Marcomani,
they not only failed to take this course but did
him frightful injury and thereby ensured their own
destruction later.]
13
[Envoys were also sent to Marcus by the Iazyges,
requesting peace, but they did not obtain any. For
Marcus, knowing their race to be untrustworthy, and,
furthermore, because he had been deceived by the
Quadi, wished to annihilate them absolutely.
[
]
The
Quadi had not only made alliances at this time with
the Iazyges, but previously, too, were wont to receive
in their own land Marcomanian fugitives who might be
hard pressed, while that tribe was at war with the
Romans. Nor did they do aught else that they had
agreed, for they did not restore all the captives, but
only a few, and these were such as they could not sell
nor use for any work as helpers. And whenever they
did give back any of those in good condition, they
would keep their relatives at home in order that the
men given up might desert again to join their friends.
They also expelled their king, Furtius, and on their
own responsibility made Ariogaesus king instead.
Consequently the emperor did not confirm him, since
he had not been legally installed, nor renew the treaty
of peace, though they promised to return fifty thousand
captives if he would.]
14
[Against Ariogaesus Marcus was so bitter that he
issued a proclamation to the effect that any one who
would bring him alive should receive a thousand gold
pieces, and any one who killed him and exhibited his
head, five hundred. Yet in other cases this emperor
was always accustomed to treat even his most stubborn
foes humanely; for instance, he did not kill, but merely
sent to Britain Tiridates, a satrap who roused a tumult
in Armenia and the person who slew the king of the
Heniochi and then held the sword in Verus's
[
]
face,
when the latter rebuked him for it. This, then, shows
the extent of his irritation against Ariogaesus at the
time. However, when the man was later captured he
did him no harm, but sent him away to Alexandria.]
A.D. 174(?) 175(?)
When Pertinax in consideration of his brave exploits
obtained the consulship, there were nevertheless some
who showed displeasure at the fact that he was of
obscure family, and quoted the line from tragedy:
"Such things the wretched war brings in its train."
[
99]
They did not know that he should yet be sovereign.
A.D. 176(?)
15
[At the request of the Marcomani, as expressed by
their envoys and in view of the fact that they had
followed all the injunctions laid upon them, even if
sullenly and hesitatingly, he released to them one half of
the adjoining territory, so that they could settle for a
distance of about thirty-eight stades
[
]
from the Ister,
and established the places and the days for their
meeting together (these had not been previously
determined), and he exchanged hostages with them.]
A.D. 175 (a.u. 928)
16
[The Iazyges, also, when they had experienced
reverses, came to an agreement, Zanticus himself appearing
as suppliant before Antoninus. Previously they
had imprisoned Banadaspus, their second king, for
making proposals to him. Now, however, all the foremost
men came in company with Zanticus and made the
same compact as that accepted by the Quadi and the
Marcomani, except in so far as they were required
[
]
to
dwell twice as far away from the Ister as those tribes.
It was his wish to root them out utterly. That they
were still strong at this time and could have done the
Romans great harm is evident from the fact that they
gave back one hundred thousand captives out of a body
in which many had been sold, many were dead, and
many had run away and been recaptured. They supplied
Antoninus at once with a cavalry force of eight
thousand allies, fifty-five hundred of whom he sent to
Britain.]
17
[The revolt of Cassius and Syria forced Marcus
Antoninus, even contrary to his wishes, to come to
terms with the Iazyges. He was so upset at the news
that he did not even communicate to the senate the
basis of the reconciliation made with them, as he was
wont to do in all other cases.]
18
[The Iazyges sent an embassy and asked to be released
from some of the agreements they had made,
and a certain leniency was shown them, to prevent
their being entirely alienated. Yet neither they nor
the Buri were willing to join the Roman alliance until
they received pledges from Marcus that he would without
fail prosecute the war to the uttermost. They
were afraid that he might make a treaty with the
Quadi, as before, and leave enemies dwelling at their
doors.]
19
[Marcus gave audience to such persons as came in the
capacity of envoys from outside nations, but all were
not received on the same footing. This varied according
as the individual states were worthy to receive citizenship,
or freedom from taxes, or perpetual or temporary
exemption from tribute, or to enjoy permanent support.
And when the Iazyges proved themselves most
useful to him, he released them from many of the restrictions
imposed upon them,--indeed, from all, save
from the arrangements made in regard to their gatherings
and mutual intercourse, and the provisions that
they should
not
use boats of their own and
should
keep
away from the islands in the Ister. And he permitted
them to go through Dacia and have dealings with the
Rhoxolani as often as the governor of Dacia would give
them permission.]
20