Horace speaks as if they had no fire: but according to Pliny they boasted of having a sacred and spontaneous appearance of it in their temple. ^[615]Reperitur apud auctores in Salentino oppido Egnatiâ, imposito ligno in saxum quoddam ibi sacram protinus flammam existere. From hence, undoubtedly, came also the name of Salentum, which is a compound of Sal-En, Solis fons; and arose from this sacred fire to which the Salentini pretended. They were Amonians, who settled here, and who came last from Crete ^[616]Τους δε Σαλεντινους Κρητων αποικους φασι. Innumerable instances of this sort might be brought from Sicily: for this island abounded with places, which were of Amonian original. Thucydides and other Greek writers, call them Phenicians^[617]: Ωκουν δε και Φοινικες περι πασαν μεν Σικελιαν. But they were a different people from those, which he supposes. Besides, the term Phenician was not a name, but a title: which was assumed by people of different parts; as I shall shew. The district, upon which the Grecians conferred it, could not have supplied people sufficient to occupy the many regions, which the Phenicians were supposed to have possessed. It was an appellation, by which no part of Canaan was called by the antient and true inhabitants: nor was it ever admitted, and in use, till the Grecians got possession of the coast. It was even then limited to a small tract; to the coast of Tyre and Sidon.

If so many instances may be obtained from the west, many more will be found, as we proceed towards the east; from whence these terms were originally derived. Almost all the places in Greece were of oriental etymology; or at least from Egypt. I should suppose that the name of Methane in the Peloponnesus had some relation to a fountain, being compounded of Meth-an, the fountain of the Egyptian Deity, Meth, whom the Greeks called Μητις, Meetis.

We learn from ^[619]Pausanias, that there was in this place a temple and a statue of Isis, and a statue also of Hermes in the forum; and that it was situated near some hot springs. We may from hence form a judgment, why this name was given, and from what country it was imported. We find this term sometimes compounded Meth-On, of which name there was a town in ^[620]Messenia. Instances to our purpose from Greece will accrue continually in the course of our work.

One reason for holding waters so sacred arose from a notion, that they were gifted with supernatural powers. Jamblichus takes notice of many ways, by which the gift of divination was to be obtained. ^[621]Some, says he, procure a prophetic spirit by drinking the sacred water, as is the practice of Apollo's priest at Colophon. Some by sitting over the mouth of the cavern, as the women do, who give out oracles at Delphi. Others are inspired by the vapour, which arises from the waters; as is the case of those who are priestesses at Branchidæ. He adds,^[622] in respect to the oracle at Colophon, that the prophetic spirit was supposed to proceed from the water. The fountain, from whence it flowed, was in an apartment under ground; and the priest went thither to partake of the emanation. From this history of the place we may learn the purport of the name, by which this oracular place was called. Colophon is Col-Oph On, tumulus Dei Solis Pythonis, and corresponds with the character given. The river, into which this fountain ran, was sacred, and named Halesus; it was also called ^[623]Anelon: An-El-On, Fons Dei Solis. Halesus is composed of well-known titles of the same God.

Delos was famed for its oracle; and for a fountain sacred to the prophetic Deity. It was called ^[624]Inopus. This is a plain compound of Ain-Opus, Fons Pythonis. Places named Asopus, Elopus, and like, are of the same analogy. The God of light, Orus, was often styled Az-El; whence we meet with many places named Azelis, Azilis, Azila, and by apocope, Zelis, Zela, and Zeleia. In Lycia was the city Phaselis, situated upon the mountain ^[625]Chimæra; which mountain had the same name, and was sacred to the God of fire. Phaselis is a compound of Phi, which, in the Amonian language, is a mouth or opening; and of Azel above mentioned. Ph'Aselis signifies Os Vulcani, sive apertura ignis; in other words a chasm of fire. The reason why this name was imposed may be seen in the history of the place^[626]. Flagrat in Phaselitide Mons Chimæra, et quidem immortali diebus, et noctibus flammâ. Chimæra is a compound of Cham-Ur, the name of the Deity, whose altar stood towards the top of the ^[627]mountain. At no great distance stood Mount Argaius, which was a part of the great ridge, called Taurus. This Argaius may be either derived from Har, a mountain; or from Aur, fire. We may suppose Argaius to signify Mons cavus: or rather ignis cavitas, sive Vulcani domus, a name given from its being hollow, and at the same time a reservoir of fiery matter. The history of the mountain may be seen in Strabo; who says, that it was immensely high, and ever covered with snow; it stood in the vicinity of Comana, Castabala, Cæsarea, and Tyana: and all the country about it abounded with fiery ^[628]eruptions. But the most satisfactory idea of this mountain may be obtained from coins, which were struck in its vicinity; and particularly ^[629]describe it, both as an hollow and an inflamed mountain.

In Thrace was a region called Pæonia, which seems to have had its name from P'Eon, the God of light^[630]. The natives of these parts were styled both Peonians and Pierians; which names equally relate to the Sun. Agreeably to this Maximus Tyrius tells us, that they particularly worshipped that luminary: and adds, that they had no image; but instead of it used to suspend upon an high pole a disk of metal, probably of fine gold, as they were rich in that mineral: and before this they performed their ^[631]adoration.

There is an apparent analogy between the names of places farther east; whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are an assemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura, Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is a compound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have been devoted to the Sun:

Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades, the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region—Ἱερον εξ αιωνος τῳ Ἡλιῳ ^[633]Χωριον. This city was also, from its worship, styled ^[634]Ur, Urhoe, and Urchoë; which last was probably the name of the ^[635]temple.

There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoë, Arsiana. These were all the same name, only varied in different countries; and they were consequently of the same purport. Arsinoë is a compound of arez-ain, Solis fons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain. One of this name was in Syria; ^[636]Αρσινοη πολις εν Συριᾳ, επι βουνῳ κειμενη. απο δε του βουνου κρηνας ερευγεται πλειονας—αφ' ὡν ἡ πολις ωνομασται. Arsinoë is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, out of which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name. Arsine and Arsiana in Babylonia had ^[637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was a nitrous lake: ^[638]Αρσηνη λιμην—νιτριτις. Near Arsinoë, upon the Red Sea, were hot streams of bitter ^[639]waters; and Arsinoë near ^[640]Ephesus had waters equally bitter.

There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: in the history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire. The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He was worshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nation were called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the ^[641]literati; but ^[642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of the Chaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country was replete with bitumen and fire. There was a region ^[643]Hyrcania, inhabited by the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. The people were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sons of fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in ^[644]Lydia. There were certainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus ^[645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of that parched and burning region called κατακεκαυμενη, so named from the fires with which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and Fossa Charonea; all famed for fire.

It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynian forest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it was denominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in the east. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of δρυμος Ορκυνιος, or the forest of ^[646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same name as that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrene signified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. There was a Pyrene among the Alpes ^[647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a city of the same ^[648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominated from the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regio Hercynia, where the Hercynian forest^[649] commenced, and from which it received its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says, that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once^[650] burning: and, conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of the great ^[651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have been called Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deity of fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt but Hercynia, which Ptolemy expresses Ορκυνια was so named from Or-cun, the God of that element.

We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some of that family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performances was by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passage therefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work of Hercules: by others of Cottus, and ^[652]Cottius. From hence this particular branch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country was called Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital ^[653]cities. Some of that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidonius to have taken up their residence in these parts. ^[654]Τους Ὑπερβορεους—οικειν περι τας Αλπεις της Ιταλιας. Here inhabited the Taurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the country the land of ^[655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafter to be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian; as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts of Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, and of her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi. ^[656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrino sacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnæ figuratum docet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome: and is marked in the ^[657]calendar for the month of March. From whence the mystery was derived, we may learn from ^[658]Fulgentius. Navigium Isidis Ægyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. The like is shewn by ^[659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerable proofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafter introduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon the antiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectly known. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound with sacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say so much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long duration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing, which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high mounds of earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly all mineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retain their antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance in most parts of the world. For when names have been once determinately affixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexander settled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gave to others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their own country. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian, assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and that in his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, is acquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; who having been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led in triumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by those of her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant. Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood, that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would not know to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquainted with the history of Odænatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talk of Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built by Salmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactly conformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book of Chronicles, ^[660]He also (Solomon) built Tadmor in the wilderness. The Grecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel to a native Arab.

As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, and worship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, with which I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the same time to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to the intent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of my system; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judge beforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I found my analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, are good, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories will in consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be my misfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth, let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the history will speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated.

OF

WORSHIP PAID AT CAVERNS;

AND OF

THE ADORATION OF FIRE

IN THE

FIRST AGES.

As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast; and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, there succeeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continually augmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages either to the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, and hollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence of their Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performed their vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailed among the first nations upon the earth: ^[661]Σπηλαια τοινυν και αντρα των παλαιοτατων, πριν και ναους επινοησαι, θεοις αφοσιουντων και εν Κρητῃ μεν Κουρητων Διι, εν Αρκαδιᾳ δε Σεληνῃ, και Πανι εν Λυκειῳ και εν Ναξῳ Διονυσῳ. When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were still determined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which they comprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholy recesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatly did this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice had ceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the cavern. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words παρ' αντρα in the poet, ^[662]Τους εσωτατους τοπους του ναου. The cavern is the innermost place of the temple. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis, says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. ^[663]Αφροδιτη δ' εχει εν σπηλαιῳ τιμας. In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite. Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromising circumstances. Ἱεροπρεπης ὁ Παρνασσος, εχων αντρα τε και αλλα χωρια τιμωμενα τε, και, ἁγιστευομενα.^[664] The mountain of Parnassus is a place of great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highly honoured and sanctified. At Tænarus was a temple with a fearful aperture, through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell. The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, ^[665]Επι τῃ ακρᾳ Ναος εικασμενος σπηλαιῳ. Upon the top of the promontory stands a temple, in appearance like a cavern. The situation of Delphi seems to have been determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, ^[666]οντος χασματος εν τῳ τοπῳ: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracular shrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded.

Here also was the temple of the ^[668]Muses, which stood close upon a reeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and more reverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill and Parnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it his particular business to visit places of this nature, says, that it was the most extraordinary of any which he ever beheld. ^[669]Αντρον Κωρυκιον σπηλαιων, ὡν ειδον, θεας αξιον μαλιστα. There were many caves styled Corycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus from Parthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: Παρ' ᾑ το Κωρυκιον αντρον Νυμφων, αξιαγαστον θεαμα. Near which city was the Corycian cavern, sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing. There was a place of this sort at ^[670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above, consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from which people troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found great benefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in ^[671]Phrygia; and the chasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilential vapour. There was a city of the same name in ^[672]Syria, where stood a temple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, through which, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the deluge retired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose from Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers.

It has been observed, that the Greek term κοιλος, hollow, was often substituted for Coëlus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have been thus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of the Atlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supported heaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood a temple to Coëlus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of his dissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to κοιλος, hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to be understood in its original acceptation, as Coël, the house of God; to which the natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantian betrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vast hollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image, nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: ^[673]Εστι δε Ατλας ορος κοιλον, επιεικως ὑψηλον.—Τουτο Λιβυων και ἱερον, και θεος, και ὁρκος, και αγαλμα. This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is a mountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteem both as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which they swear; and to which they pay their devotions. The cave in the mountain was certainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Cœlus of the Romans. To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven which Atlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term among the Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coël, which the Romans rendered Coëlu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Cœlus; but the name was copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admitted into their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struck in this city to the honour of some of the Roman ^[674]emperors, but especially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius.

Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formed by nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or open temples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew, that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sons of Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwards Persis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments of antiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hyde supposes them to have been either ^[675]palaces, or tombs. The chief building, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; one of those open edifices called by the Greeks Ὑπαιθρα. It is very like the temple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At a glance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At a distance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which he imagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of the moderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos are representations of various characters: and among others is figured, more than once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where the sacred fire is ^[676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of a Deity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpent entwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposes the figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar: but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a second example in Le ^[677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hyde takes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, and particularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes: yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples of antient architecture are described by ^[678]Kæmpfer, ^[679]Mandesloe, ^[680]Chardin, and ^[681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by ^[682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, that they were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among the Persians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e ^[683]Petrâ was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deity had always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places, where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a ^[684]cavern. Justin Martyr speaks to the same ^[685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidus mentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, ^[686]Persæ in spelæis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reason to think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made use of such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of ^[687]Cyrus, ^[688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts of their cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon the entablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designed for temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial; which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted with the antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he ^[689]went into the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merely conjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape of coffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, which the Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in great measure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs were square, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills, where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were of old famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. The circumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus^[690], who quotes it from the writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there were some sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heard shouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and other uncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests at their midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated by the mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those who heard them. The country below was called Χωρα των Μαγων, the region of the Magi.

The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was a temple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it is called Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies e rupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derived from the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth ^[691]conjugation. I am sorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and to encounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. I am entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannot acquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, vel rupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which a proper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace, or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but what temple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a proper name to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for a characteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to be supposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of the country: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apart for the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, and Esta.^[692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta; who was the Hestia, Ἑστια, of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That the term originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius. ^[693]Hebraïcâ linguâ אש ignem significat, Aramæâ אשתא quâ voce ignem a Noëmo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Græci Ἑστιας originem deduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the building to have been the temple of ^[694]Anaia, or Anaïs; who was the same as Hanes, as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians, says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romans worshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. ^[695]Τουτο εστι το πυρ, ὁπερ Ἑστιαν εκαλουντο, και εσεβοντο εν τοις ὑστεροις χρονοις Ρωμαιοι. This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid.

Hyde renders the term after Kæmpfer, Ista: but it was more commonly expressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as a masculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer from a province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called ^[697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God of fire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learn from Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous fires bursting forth in many parts of it.

Upon this account it was called ^[699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia, and Hestia, similar to the name above. ^[700]Ιστιη, ω νησων ευεστιη. The antient Scythæ were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them as devoted to Histia^[701]. Ἱλασκοντας Ἱστιην μεν μαλιστα. From hence, I think, we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a name given to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. It stands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extended plain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentioned above by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake in Maximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says, that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity to take his repast^[702]. Πυρ, δεσποτα, εσθιε. What he renders εσθιε, was undoubtedly Ἑστιε, Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, Ω Πυρ, δεσποτα, Ἑστιε: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to O Fire, come, and feed.

The island Cyprus was of old called ^[703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had a city of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: and mention is made of cruel rites practised in its ^[704]temple. As long as the former name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastæ. They were more particularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at last extirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastæ related to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls.

There was a city of the same name in Eubœa, expressed Carystus, where the stone ^[706]Asbestus was found. Of this they made a kind of cloth, which was supposed to be proof against fire, and to be cleansed by that element. The purport of the name is plain; and the natural history of the place affords us a reason why it was imposed. For this we are obliged to Solinus, who calls the city with the Grecian termination, Carystos; and says, that it was noted for its hot streams: ^[707]Carystos aquas calentes habet, quas Ελλοπιας vocant. We may therefore be assured, that it was called Car-ystus from the Deity of fire, to whom all hot fountains were sacred. Ellopia is a compound of El Ope, Sol Python, another name of the same Deity. Carystus, Cerastis, Cerasta, are all of the same purport: they betoken a place, or temple of Astus, or Asta, the God of fire. Cerasta in the feminine is expressly the same, only reversed, as Astachar in Chusistan. Some places had the same term in the composition of their names, which was joined with Kur; and they were named in honour of the Sun, styled Κυρος, Curos. He was worshipped all over Syria; and one large province was hence named Curesta, and Curestica, from Κυρ Ἑστος, Sol Hestius.

In Cappadocia were many Puratheia; and the people followed the same manner of worship, as was practised in Persis. The rites which prevailed, may be inferred from the names of places, as well as from the history of the country. One city seems to have been denominated from its tutelary Deity, and called Castabala. This is a plain compound of Ca-Asta-Bala, the place or temple of Asta Bala; the same Deity, as by the Syrians was called Baaltis. Asta Bala was the Goddess of fire: and the same customs prevailed here as at Feronia in Latium. The female attendants in the temple used to walk with their feet bare over burning ^[708]coals.

Such is the nature of the temple named Istachar; and of the caverns in the mountains of Chusistan. They were sacred to Mithras, and were made use of for his rites. Some make a distinction between Mithras, Mithres, and Mithra: but they were all the same Deity, the ^[709]Sun, esteemed the chief God of the Persians. In these gloomy recesses people who were to be initiated, were confined for a long season in the dark, and totally secluded from all company. During this appointed term they underwent, as some say, eighty kinds of trials, or tortures, by way of expiation. ^[710]Mithra apud Persas Sol esse existimatur: nemo vero ejus sacris initiari potest, nisi per aliquot suppliciarum gradus transierit. Sunt tormentorum ij lxxx gradus, partim intensiores.—Ita demum, exhaustis omnibus tormentis, sacris imbuuntur. Many ^[711]died in the trial: and those who survived were often so crazed and shaken in their intellects, that they never returned to their former state of mind.

Some traces of this kind of penance may be still perceived in the east, where the followers of Mahomet have been found to adopt it. In the history given by Hanway of the Persian monarch, Mir Maghmud, we have an account of a process similar to that above, which this prince thought proper to undergo. He was of a sour and cruel disposition, and had been greatly dejected in his spirits; on which account he wanted to obtain some light and assistance from heaven. ^[712]With this intent Maghmud undertook to perform the spiritual exercises which the Indian Mahommedans, who are more addicted to them than those of other countries, have introduced into Kandahar. This superstitious practice is observed by shutting themselves up fourteen or fifteen days in a place where no light enters. The only nourishment they take is a little bread and water at sun-set. During this retreat they employ their time in repeating incessantly, with a strong guttural voice, the word Hou, by which they denote one of the attributes of the Deity. These continual cries, and the agitations of the body with which they were attended, naturally unhinge the whole frame. When by fasting and darkness the brain is distempered, they fancy they see spectres and hear voices. Thus they take pains to confirm the distemper which puts them upon such trials.

Such was the painful exercise which Maghmud undertook in January this year; and for this purpose he chose a subterraneous vault. In the beginning of the next month, when he came forth, he was so pale, disfigured, and emaciated, that they hardly knew him. But this was not the worst effect of his devotion. Solitude, often dangerous to a melancholy turn of thought, had, under the circumstances of his inquietude, and the strangeness of his penance, impaired his reason. He became restless and suspicious, often starting.—In one of these fits he determined to put to death the whole family of his predecessor, Sha Hussein; among whom were several brothers, three uncles, and seven nephews, besides that prince's children. All these, in number above an hundred, the tyrant cut to pieces with his own hand in the palace yard, where they were assembled for that bloody purpose. Two small children only escaped by the intervention of their father, who was wounded in endeavouring to screen them.